Социално-икономическата теория на Лудвиг фон Мизес като опит за реабилитация на либерализма

Author(s): Nikolay Alexandrov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2022

This article examines a number of key points in the teachings of the famous representative of the Austrian School of Economics Ludwig von Mises, whose work can be described as an attempt to rehabilitate liberalism, positioned on such basic concepts as “private property”, “individual freedom”, “market economy”, “free enterprise”, etc. The article aims not only to set out the basics of Mises’ socio-economic theory, but also to present its philosophical-anthropological basis in the face of praxeology, through the prism of which the Austrian scientist studies liberalism, socialism, and state interventionism (Keynesian capitalism).

СОЦИЈАЛНО-ТЕОРИЈСКА МИСАО У ДЕЛУ СЛОБОДАНА ЈОВАНОВИЋА

Author(s): Ljubinko Milosavljević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: Sp. Iss/2012

In the first sentence of the first chapter of his book on Machiavelli, S. Jovanović writes: “In order to completely understand his political ideas, one must know the facts on his life and character, as well as the facts on the age he lived in.” The same can be applied to the author of this paper. In that sense, the author attempts here to ascertain whether and how the political theories of Plato, Machiavelli, Burke and Marx, that Jovanović mostly dealt with within his engagement in socio-theoretical thought, influenced not only his political beliefs but also personal fate, i.e. to what extent and how Jovanović’s destiny influenced his work.

СОЦИЈАЛНО-УТОПИЈСКО МИШЉЕЊЕ И ИЗАЗОВИ У 21. ВЕКА

Author(s): Richard Saage / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2005

Essentially, this represents a snapshot of utopian thinking after the breakdown of systems of ,,real socialism‘‘ in Central and Eastern Europe. Is it true that the future of utopian thinking has already passed? Or might it be that there are some variants of utopian thinking that may not be disregarded when solving the coming problems of the 21st century? Zage develops a thesis that authoritative-etatist line of utopian thinking has run its course. However, he also stresses that, since Morus, utopian discourse has a capacity to learn. This capacity enables utopian thinking approach to regenerate and, on the background of massive erraneous developments, act as regulatory principle in the global context. On the example of the Rome Club 1991 report ,,Global Revolution‘‘ he develops what only makes political utopia possible: namely, to develop, within media of secularized mind and using its tools, solution strategies for a world that is still threatened by nuclear holocaust, destruction of environment on a global scale, exploatation of non-renewable raw materials, shortage of foodstuff, domination of irrational governmental structures appearing as new nationalism and religious fundamentalism, as well as unchecked expansion of population in the undeveloped states of the South.

Спољна и безбедносна политика ЕУ у светлу социјалног конструктивизма

Author(s): Dejana Vukčević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2010

Dans cet article, l’auteur envisage la portée du constructivisme social dans le processus du développement de la politique de sécurité et de défense de l’UE. Qu’estce qui rend le constructivisme social un cadre approprié pour l’explication du processus de l’intégration européenne, et plus précisément, de la politique de sécurité et de défense de l’UE? Le constructivisme estime que le processus d’intégration européenne a une influence “transformative” sur le système européen et ses unités constitutives. Ce processus a changé graduellement, changeant en même temps les identités des Etats membres qui ont, de leur part, changé les intérêts des Etats. Le constructivisme souligne l’importance de ce changement, qui restе “invisible” dans les approches qui négligent la formation des identités et qui considèrent que les intérêts des Etats sont définis par la structure du système international. Cependant, il semble que cette approche n’est pas suffisamment utilisée pour traiter la politique de sécurité et de défense de l’UE. L’article est divisé en trois parties. Dans la première, l’auteur envisage les caractéristiques essentielles de l’approche constructiviste dans la théorie des relations internationales. Dans la deuxième partie, l’accent sera mis sur l’explication constructiviste de l’évolution de la politique de sécurité et de défense de l’UE. Finalement, dans la troisième partie, l’auteur s’efforce de présenter certaines faiblesses du constructivisme dans l’explication de la PESD.

Срби пред изазовима неоосманизма

Author(s): Darko Tanasković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2011

This work treats ideological nature and the essence of neooosmanism, as a constant to the foreign policy of today's Turkey. It points to its basic strategic rationalization, which is a purpose to all particular activities in foreign policy. Having in mind that Balkans are one of the Turkey's priorities, and that Serbian national corpse is on the way of realizing neoosmanic goals, it stresses the necessity of making an adequate Serbian strategic start point in order to productively face this challenge.

Срещи на исляма с модерността

Author(s): Stefan Penov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 6/2015

Српско-хрватски ривалитет у геополитичкој концепцији Иве Пилара

Author(s): Nebojša Vuković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 5/2013

The paper describes and explains the perception of the antagonism between the Serbian and the Croatian nations in the work written by famous Croatian (geo)political scientist Ivo Pilar (1874-1933). Apart from this, the paper analyzes the historical circumstances in which Pilar’s work of a publicist and scientist was being developed, assesses the influence his publications had on the shaping of the ideology of the Ustasha movement and the topicality of his theses in the 21st century and the current (geo)political circumstances in the Balkans. While researching Pilar’s work, a special emphasis is put on the geopolitical dimension of the antagonism between the Serbs and the Croats.

СТАНОВЛЕННЯ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ ІДЕНТИЧНОСТІ НАСЕЛЕННЯ ЗАКАРПАТТЯ В КІНЦІ ХІХ. – ПОЧАТКУ ХХ. ст.

Author(s): Ivan Strjapko / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2014

The study analyzes the development of national identity of the Transcarpathian population. Author describes the discussion among Transcarpathian intellectuals about the national identity. The refusal from russophilism by the part of intellectuals led to the development of narodovetskyy movement. The author explains this process as stage before development of Ukrainophile movement. The attention is paid to the development of Russian national identity and Ukrainian national identity in the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century.

Структура на съдебната реч. Реторически дискурс на обвинителната и защитната реч

Author(s): Ivan Tsanev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2016

As a result of this study, this article presents the reader, in a summarized way, the structure, compositional elements, logical and rhetorical content of the judicial speech, in particular prosecution and defense speech, from the standpoint of philosophy of law. The question of equivalence and application of ethics, morality and truth in the law is up to date from Antiquity to the present day. These moral categories can be analyzed in depth mostly by philosophical science, with the help of its constituents – ethics, aesthetics, rhetoric, logic. It is sufficed to recall the Roman maxim – In jure veritas (At right is the truth). Accordingly, the search for truth, evidence, reasoning and ways of arguing are the leading ideas and major themes of the analytical text.

Студентските окупации през 2013 г. във фокуса на две рационалности

Author(s): Boyan Znepolski / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 45/2016

This article aims to analyze the Bulgarian student occupations in 2013 in terms of two different rationalities - instrumental rationality and value rationality - which were referred to respectively by the opponents and the supporters of the protests in order to justify their account of them. The analysis elaborates a typology of the anti-protest rhetoric, distinguishing three main types: the fi rst insisted on the opposition between ‘moral’ and ‘social’, and criticized the protests as being based on an ‘abstract’ and ‘hazy’ moralism; the second treated the protests as a direct or indirect expression of private interests; the third claimed the protests were just a means to a particular end, be it that of the oligarchy or of the protesters themselves. The fi nal part of the article argues against these instrumentalist approaches to the protests of Bulgarian students and introduces another perspective, suggested by Albert Hirschman in his analysis of the meaning of collective public action. According to Hirschman, public action should not be evaluated on the basis of its immediate results, because its value consists in the very act of protesting which educates and constitutes citizens as a critical civic community.

СУВЕРЕН, СУВЕРЕНО, СУВЕРЕНОСТ - О ПРАВНОЈ ФИКЦИЈИ, О РАСТЕЛОВЉАВАЊУ ПОГЛАВАРА И О КРВАРЕЊУ У ИМЕ СУПЕРЛАТИВА

Author(s): Petar Bojanić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2008

Ein Jahrhundert nach Jean Bodins berühmten Werk Les Six Livres de la République (1576), in dem zum ersten das alte Wort „Souveränität“ (souveraineté) verwendet wird, um eine scheinbar ganz neue Sache zu bezeichnen, versucht Leibniz, einer Bezeichnung neuen Sinn zu verleihen, von der man überhaupt nicht weiß, was sie bezeichnet, verbirgt oder übergeht. Seine Intervention und sein Versuch, diese große Verwirrung aufzulösen, sind heute ebenso aktuell wie vergessen.

СУЧАСНІ РЕАЛІЇ ҐЕНДЕРНОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ У ЗБРОЙНИХ СИЛАХ УКРАЇНИ

Author(s): Iryna Volodymyrivna Dyatlova / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 3/2018

Problem setting. The immediacy of the problem of gender politics in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is caused by the following: general tendency of uptick in problems of gender politics in modern day society; increasing number of female soldiers and female workers in the Armed Forces of Ukraine; increasing number of military occupational specialties and positions which female soldiers are appointed on; dominance of obsolete stereotypes on place and role of women in the army; need for determination of essence and content of gender politics in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, priority directions of its implementation.Recent research and publications analysis. Works by N. Vavilova, N. Dubchak, O. Dy- achenko, N. Klimenko, V. Krotikova, V. Malyugy, O. Oleinik, V. Topalskogo highlight main theoretical and methodological research approaches to a problem of gender politics of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.Paying tribute to the conducted researches, it is necessary to state insufficient develop- ment of certain topical problems of gender politics of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in modern day society.Paper objective. Based on the aforesaid, the purpose of the article is social and philo- sophic reflection of implementation of gender politics in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, determination of actual topical issues of gender politics of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.Paper main body. The author highlights few topical issues in implementation of gender politics in the Armed Forces of Ukraine in present-day conditions.The first problem is a problem of equality of men and women while on active service: limitations of positions which female soldiers can be appointed on; limitation of a woman’s right for military education majoring in certain specialties; differences in age restrictions when concluding a military service contract and age limits to be on military service; dif- ferences in military service between men and women depending on the number of children. The second problem is a problem of violating a principle of gender equity of male and female soldiers with respect to kinds of responsibility and a way of enduring the punish- ment for violating a certain military career structure: such kind of criminal penalty as custody in a penal battalion (it can be found in 13 sanctions and 36 regulations) is not enforced towards female solders; military confinement is not enforced towards female solders; female soldiers are not held liable for 9 kinds of military administrative violations. The third problem is a problem of violating a principle of gender equity of male and female soldiers with respect to performance of military duties: daily duty (female soldiers are not appointed for daily duties or they can be appointed to certain types of daily duty) and business trips (female soldiers who have children under 14 years old can be assignedto a business trip only upon their consent)Conclusions of the research. Therefore, the Armed Forces of Ukraine are in need of effective and coherent gender politics which could correspond to modern global trends and promote to maximum personal self-fulfillment of both men and women for strengthen- ing the defence capability of the country, military battle readiness and operational effec- tiveness of the Ukrainian army. Gender politics in the Armed Forces of Ukraine must ensure equal rights, equal obligations, equal responsibilities of male and female soldiers.

Сучасні трансформації тероризму

Author(s): Tetiana Bondar / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 4/2012

In the article there were determined the transformation, which terrorism had under the influence of globalization and ethno-political process in the contemporary society.

СУШТИНА НЕОЛИБЕРАЛИЗМА

Author(s): Pierre Bourdieu / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2018

Да ли је заиста свет економије толико јасан и савршен поредак, како нам говори доминантни дискурс? Да ли је то поредак који неуморно развија логику својих предвидивих последица и који је спреман да сузбије сваки прекршај санкцијама које спроводи, било аутоматски, било – у изузетним случајевима – преко свог посредничког тајног оружја – Међународног монетарног фонда или Организације за економску сарадњу и развој и политика које оне намећу: снижавањем цене рада, смањивањем јавних трошкова и флексибилизацијом рада? Није ли, у ствари, овакав економски поредак само имплементација једне утопије, неолиберализма, претворене у политички програм?

Схвaтање о извору и пореклу државне власти – прилог изучавању политичке философије Немањића

Author(s): Borislav D. Grozdić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2016

Author of the paper principally analyzes the question of understanding the source and origin of state power in the Nemanjic’s political philosophy of Serbia, and what follows from such a conception. It covers the period from the foundation of an independent Nemanjic’s state to its end. For the reconstruction of understanding of the origin and source of authority in Nemanjic’s Serbia the Serbian written heritage from Nemanjic dynasty period, primarily legal documents and then the original texts of literature (Serbian hagiography, liturgies, chronicles and genealogies, etc.) and others were used. It is known that Nemanjic’s Serbia inherited political philosophy of the Eastern Roman Empire, and so the idea of the divine origin of power in medieval Serbian political views, and beliefs, is accepted from the Eastern Roman Empire. Political phenomena are perceived within the Christian-Orthodox theological view of the world, so the Serbian medieval political philosophy, as well as the Eastern Roman Empire’s one, was based on the idea of God as absolute political factor. This is emphasized in every act of the state authorities and other medieval written sources. According to the Christian standpoint every authority comes from God, and so the state power has a divine origin. This view is found in the Bible, and the Old and New Testament. Every government is in foreknowledge of God, either with the will of God, which means in accordance with the law of God, or upon the permission of God. Conforming to both conceptions supreme source, the state government has a lofty goal and it is ultimately care about the salvation of souls subjects. From the divine source of authority does not follow the absolutist power of state rulers, on the contrary, Holy fathers without exception emphasize the limitation of state sovereignty. From Stefan Nemanja all the Nemanjic rulers were considered by the “grace of God”. The idea of the divine origin of authority arises a sort of understanding of the duties of rulers in the Middle Ages and the meaning of his reign, coming down to: the service God and care for servants. The Christian idea of the divine origin of power and ruler as God’s chosen individual subjects obliges Christians to comply, but only as long as it does not affect the faith, and in the event of collision, applies the principle of “Always must obey God rather than men” (Acts 5, 29). According to the Orthodox, Eastern Roman Empire’s understanding of political power, it was understood primarily and consistently as a service (serving), serving God and serving servants for the sake of God. From the founder of the sacrosanct the Nemanjic’s dynasty Stefan Nemanja in the areng of Hilandar’s founding Charter, the Serbian medieval political philosophy is based on the understanding of the place and the position of the Serbian rulers in relation to the Eastern Roman emperor and the neighboring rulers, such as the power received directly by the grace of God. There is almost universal agreement that the medieval Serbian state is a characteristic symphony of spiritual and secular powers, respectively, of the Church and the State. The idea of the divine origin of power, as well as other ideas, beliefs and values that safeguard Serbian medieval writings from the time of Nemanjic’s Serbia, based in the Orthodox Holy Father spiritual tradition, may be useful for contemporary Serbian political thought. Primarily because they indicate and resolve the spiritual dimension of political issues, which is impermissibly neglected in current culture of the Serbian people.

Схватање спољне слободе у делу Владимира Јовановића

Author(s): Predrag R. Terzić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2013

In his works, Jovanovic highlights the principles on which the fundamental rights should be protected and the freedom of individuals within the state which guarantees it to them. He also advocates for the expansion of the freedom space to those nations that are under the foreign regimes. Freedom for Vladimir is not only the right to unconstrained economic, political and social development, it is an effort to complete the liberation of the Serbs, and other Slavic people. Therefore, patriotism does not appear here as a counterweight to liberalism, but as its supplement or a complement, or as an instrument for spreading liberal ideas. On the other hand, the Serbian freedom can not be understood solely as a national exclusivity of Serbs at the expense of other nations. Jovanovic, completely in the spirit of patriotism, stands for the liberation of the Serbian people from the Austrian and Turkish authorities, however, he does not thereby negate the need for tolerance and cooperation. For Vladimir, freedom is a primary value, and the national freedom is only a part of the path, the phase of the process that results in the realization of the universal freedom. Exactly in the discrepancy of the time when the national liberation movement of the individual Balkan nations was founded, and in the lack of the collective action directed towards their liberation, Vladimir Jovanovic saw the main obstacle for the final collapse of the Turkish Empire. Jovanovic considers the mutual cooperation of the Balkan nations desirable and possible, only if these states harmonize their mutual interests. Thus understood Federation of Balkan states should after the liberation of the Balkans from the Turkish government become a neutralized territory, following the example of Switzerland and Belgium, and it would be in the interests of great forces to guarantee the neutrality of the Balkan states. Jovanovic met with Garibaldi, and in London he talked to Glad- stone, Russian emigrants Bakunin, Agarev and Hercen, and Hungarian revolutionary Kossuth, general Tir and Ferenc Deak. By defining a principle of national liberty as the supreme value, Vladimir understands the danger that when it comes to the areas with mixed nationalities, the dominant people achieves a new kind of supremacy over minorities. Faced with this possibility, he opts for the realization of the principle of equality of nations, based on the Swiss model. Vladimir Jovanovic emphasizes the “political maturity” of the Serbs when it comes to Democracy and thus reaffirms their desire for freedom, but thus, on the other hand, denies its need for the super powers’s tutorship. Vladimir believes, traditional Serbian establishments and traditional customs (fraternity, slava, councils, etc..) may contribute to the creation of a democratic system in Serbia.

Съвременната „био-политика“: прикритото настойничество чрез „изкуствен интелект“ и отнемане на пълнолетие в дигиталната епоха от държави с трайно „извънредно положение“

Author(s): Krassimir Delchev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 5/2022

The article analyzes the actual biopolitics and nonage.

ТЕОКРАТИЧНІ ІДЕЇ АВГУСТИНА БЛАЖЕННОГО ТА ЇХ СЕРЕДНЬОВІЧНА ІМПЛЕМЕНТАЦІЯ

Author(s): Svitlana Borysivna Zhdanenko / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2017

In the article it is illustrated by theocratic ideas of St. Augustine that the political thought in the Middle Ages was closely connected with theology. According to Augustine the course of human history is determined by Divine Providence and is a struggle between Good and Evil. Deity is just a source of goodness, the evil emerges of free will of a human. In accordance with the struggle between Good and Evil the World History is divided into two directions: God ’s believers build the City of God, Satan’s followers build secular terrestrial State. In his teachings of two Cities Augustine comes out of the theory of the unity of the human being. He explains that the main principle of the political thought of the Middle Ages which has been reflected in the XIII century is theocracy, superiority of supreme value – God – over the ideas of government and identity embraced as values. Augustine emphasized that all kingdoms on Earth are under the authority of God. Augustine tried to distinguish between the running of the country from the point of view of Christian governor and usual terrestrial lords. In terms of the City of God the happiness of the lords consists in that they rule for a long while, die a natural death transferring power to sons, to conquer the enemy countries, to placate or avoid rebellions. Another matter is mission and responsibilities of the Christian emperors which belong to the Kingdom of God. Augustine said we call them happy if they rule fair, fear and worship God, use the power to widespread respect for God and serving His Majesty. It is noted that Augustine attributed to the Christian rulers such qualities as modesty in the manner, a desire to rule over bad inclinations rather than the heathen, offering sacrifices of humility for the sins to God, repentance and prayer. Augustine sure that those people who are truly pious and lead a Christian life, should master the art of managing nations. If by the grace of God they get power, it would be the best for mankind.

Теоретична рефлексія семіотичної комунікації: соціокультурний аспект

Author(s): Anna Mykolayivna Nemesh / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2019

Purpose of the article. The article explores the possibilities of the concepts of communication and information society as a methodological basis for the study of political processes in socio-cultural aspects. Methodology. Historical-logical, systemic, and scenario analysis methods are used to clarify the hypothesis that the global information space, in the context of weakening the internal and external process, is formed under the influence and at the expense of objects of transboundary communications. Scientific Novelty. The hypothesis is that: (1) in the conditions of weakening of the domestic and foreign political process, due to the growth of objects of transboundary communications, the formation of a global information space takes place; (2) However, this does not lead to the leveling of national sovereignty; (3) it is obvious that this tendency is transformed according to its rules. To improve research, synthesis from the theories of D. Bella, E. Toffler, M. Castells and the paradigm of semiotic political communication is proposed. Conclusions. The influence of communication technologies (1) restricts the choice of struggle tools between elite groups; (2) reduces the chances of a political elite in manipulating; (3) problematizes the effectiveness of traditional democracies in achieving the desired reform scenarios; (4) transforms the political process into virtually continuous electoral campaign; (5) increases the role of representative bodies, which promotes the promotion of government initiatives aimed at raising the level of professional competence of the elite.

Теоретичната инверсия на Асен Игнатов – основания и следствия

Author(s): Georgi Belogashev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2022

The article’s task is to generally clarify the grounds for the theoretical reversal in Asen Ignatov’s concepts by diachronically pointing out the main theoretical changes in them. At the same time, synchronic analysis is related to indicating general attitudes, ideological and political frameworks, and actions during the fixed time period. This would allow us to go beyond the personal reasons for such a transition, and to build a more complete picture of this inversion respectively, both in theoretical and socio-political terms. The article seeks to reveal what the consequences are of perceiving the dogmatic limitation of Marxism in socialist countries, as well as Ignatov’s position on this. In this way, the synergistic action of the various factors studied would expand the possibility of a truer understanding of the events in Ignatov’s creative life after his emigration in 1972.