Téchnê i sofistika

Author(s): Željko Škuljević / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 01/2003

Not only does it seem necessary to present the meaning which the word techne had in the classical Greek culture, but also to distinguish the techne - technics dichotomy. As a result of historical development, this distinction has led to dissolution of what the antique word techne meant as well as to independence of technics as something different from techne by its meaning and its definition, or, more precisely, it has proved to be a reduction, a confinement of its content. Having designated his vocation as 'political techne', because it teaches political arete, Protagora speaks of prudent deciding studies (eubolia) in the sphere of state affairs to make a young man capable of working and speaking for the state. As opposed to some other sophists who tend to more practical education, Protagora considers only politica[ education as genuinely a 'general' one.

Töprengések

Author(s): Zádor Tordai / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

A megváltás csillaga az asszimilációban A misztika fogalmáról Történelem és emlékezés határán Vallomás a Nyugatról Apocalypse Now

Trst v slovenski politični misli do prve svetovne vojne

Author(s): Janko Pleterski / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1-2/1977

The general historical problem of the relations between the city and the surrounding provinces has, in the case of Trieste, additionally been a national problem of the relations of an Italian town towards its Slovene surroundings and hinterland In Italy, where no ethnic differences existed between towns and their surroundings prevailed the tradition that the provinces should follow the centre of civilization i. e' the city. It was just the other way round with Slovenes. Cities — enclaves should follow the ethnic character of the surrounding provinces. The problem was aggravated by the fact that, towards the end of the period discussed. Trieste came to be regarded, not only by Tuma and the social democrats, as the gravitational centre of the Slovene national development. The author argues the opinion that, in their political activity, Slovenes in this big port had enjoyed the support or the symphathies of the Vienna court, for it hat been planned that, in the event of war between Austria-Hungary and Italy, not only some Italians but also Slovenes be arrested.

Truth in Legal Norms

Author(s): Boyan Bahanov / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2020

The text examines the status of the truth in the legal norms, trying to answer the questions of whether they can be a subject to a truth assessment and, if such assessment is possible, how a truth value can be attributed to legal norms. To achieve this goal, first of all, the text discusses some basic linguistic conceptions concerning the nature and truth of legal norms and subsequently, a complex approach is being proposed for attributing truth-value to legal norms. On the one hand, the latter’s being studied by the methods of deontic logic and theory of possible worlds, and on the other hand, their relation to truth is being explained by semantic anti-realism.

Truth in the Time of Infowars. Moral Politics and Conscience

Author(s): Kacper Szulecki / Language(s): English / Issue: 02/2018

Speaking truth to powers-that-be and overthrowing a “regime of lies” were both dissident trademarks during the Cold War era. But what if overreliance on such an idealized and static notion of Truth can be a problem in an age of post-factual politics and information warfare? In this essay, I first problematize the idea that “truth will set us free” and re-read Václav Havel’s The Power of the Powerless together with a contemporary work—the film Camouflage by Krzysztof Zanussi—to find other foundations for political strategies, beyond the “struggle for truth,” that might transcend the posttotalitarian situation and inform our normative choices and political agency today. In a reality over-flooded with information, where spreading doubt and forging counternarratives has become a weapon, and where conspiracy theories seem to gain ground, relying on a self-evident distinction between Truth and Lies no longer has the power for political mobilization. It is individual conscience—nesting moral and political responsibility within the individual—rather than an externally existing Truth that might prove a more productive compass in a world of multiple vantage points and continuous re-interpretations.

Tsars and boyars on the Muscovite court

Author(s): Tomasz Grzywaczewski / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2019

Two prominent historians of the second half of the 20th century – Richard Pipes and Edward Keenan – delivered two radically different explanations for the Russian phenomenon. Clearly, these two competing theories are the offspring of their time. The Pipes perspective stems from the harsh 1960s while the Keenan concept of “Muscovite folkways” was the product of the 1970s era of détente.

Turbo-Capitalism and Power in Jean Baudrillard’s social and political ontotheology

Author(s): Spiros MAKRIS / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2018

If postmodern Jean Baudrillard (1929-2007) could be defined as a theorist of power- to the extent that for some this is a contradiction by definition, although somethingvery similar takes place in the case of Michel Foucault, he could be defined as atheorist of meta-power in the globalized era of turbo-capitalism. In his late texts(2005), which were published in 2010, the eminent French philosopher builds aprovocative theory about power by using the classic concepts of domination andhegemony within the contemporary social, economic, political and ideologicalcontext of neoliberal globalization. In these papers, he analyzes in-depth the metapower of hegemony in comparison with the power of domination. Actually, bysignifying the critical passage of postwar capitalism from the phase of production tothe phase of consumption, as Zygmunt Bauman does in his relevant work,Baudrillard formulates a meta-power theory as the equivalent of what he defines asturbo-capitalism. What is at stake is no longer the conventional issues of statesovereignty, Marx-inspired concept of alienation and Critical Theory-like negativedialectics but the crucial questions of hegemony, hostage and evilness. In short, JeanBaudrillard builds a new ontological and by extension disciplinary and theoreticalfield concerning global power, where the ‘Empire of Good’, or turbo-capitalism inhis own terminology, is reborn in a totally catastrophic way (see simulation in thesense of a capitalist hypocrisy) either as an ‘Axis of Evil’ or as the ‘problem ofterror’ (see simulacrum in the sense of a Lacanian stage of image within whichturbo-capitalism represses, through a Freudian process of repelling, its unfamiliarself/i.e. uncanny, unheimlich). Despite the fact that Baudrillard has been sharplycritisized for a kind of (apolitical) political pessimism, we strongly argue that, in apure postmodern sense, Baudrillard illustrates power as a relational and absolutelydynamic, liquid and ambivalent space of antagonism, full of forces and counterforces. In the final analysis, he approaches power as an empty space, as in thesimilar case of Claude Lefort, open-ended, contingent, without certainties, within anontological, anthropological and historical context which is characterized of highrisk and an abyssal post-foundationalism. In this article, we thoroughly explore thisnovel and innovative Baudrillardian theoretical frame of power analysis and itspotentialities for a New Critical Theory in the 21st century.

Turcja, obywatelstwo a teologia polityczna Carla Schmitta

Author(s): Funda Günsoy / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2015

Turecki nacjonalizm – historia i współczesność

Author(s): Adam Szymański / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2010

TURGUT ÖZAL'IN ÖZELLEŞTİRME POLİTİKALARININ WALLERSTEİN'IN DÜNYA SİSTEMİ KURAMI ÜZERİNDEN ANALİZİ

Author(s): Zeynep Elif Tunç / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 41/2019

Turgut Ozal was the leader who came to power after the September 12, 1980 military coup, and made innovations in political economical and social fields between 1980-1993. After 1945, there have been major changes in the economy and political field in the world. After this date, two great concepts such as liberalism and New Right State have been introduced. With the 1980s,the adoption of the New Right State approach which came with Thatcher in UK and Raegen in the Usa and the neo-liberal policies that are implemented with economic liberalism began to be implemented. The implementer of these concepts is Turgut Ozal in Turkey and it is considered that it is not coincidental and this situation is performed as an obligation in the framework of dependency theory. In Wallerstein's World System Theory, he divides the Earth into three main regions; central country (developed country), semi-periphery country (developing country) and surrounding country (undeveloped country). A dependency mechanisms works between the center and the environment and the center and semi-periphery countries. In this study, the dependency mechanism with functioning World System Theory, Turgut Ozal period adopted economic and political liberalism, primarily analyzes the later implementation of the central countries of Turkey at random is not as described in full in theory circles and semi-peripheral countries of the implementation of the center is being sourced from dependent countries was asked to be.

TÜRK-İSLAM DÜŞÜNCESİNİN SİYASAL TEMSİLİ: GELENEK, SAĞ SİYASET VE GÜNCEL YÖNELİMLER

Author(s): Muhammet Ertoy / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 03/2019

Turkish-Islamic thought is the founding element of the Turkish-Islamic thought is the founding element of the tradition based on the identity of religion and state and has maintained this character despite various political, economic and social crises. Changes in traditional sovereignty and property regime during the modernization period did not keep Turkish-Islamic thought from this function of providing legitimacy. In the modernization era, it continued to provide intellectual resources and legitimacy to reforms for the preservation and restructuring of governance and order. In this article, the historical continuity of the Turkish-Islamic thought, which we can be defined as an integration of a certain understanding of religion and some political assumptions, and its means that developed for ensuring this continuity and social integrity are being examined. The capacity of these intellectual and practical tools to influence and transform political discourses and actions can be analyzed in the context of right politics. Because these constituent elements of the Turkish-Islamic thought are represented by right-wing discourses and political programs as a means of intellectual resource and legitimacy. This perspective will both serve as a basis for an accurate understanding of current political processes and an intellectual effort that exceeds the current boundaries.

TÜRKİYE’DE DEMOKRASİ KÜLTÜRÜ

Author(s): Nazike Toktok / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 7/2010

Dilimize Fransızca’dan giren demokrasi terimi, Yunanca “demo” (halk) ve “kratos” (iktidar, güç) sözcüklerinin birleşmesinden türemiştir. Sözcük anlamı “gücün halkın elinde olması” demektir. Sözlük tanımında demokrasi “üstün iktidarın halkta bulunduğu veya halk tarafından doğrudan ya da özgür bir seçim sistemi içinde seçilmiş temsilcileri aracılığıyla kullandığı, halk tarafından yönetimdir.” Genellikle devletlerin yönetim biçimi olarak alınmasına ve devletin faaliyet alanına ait bir kavram gibi görünmesine rağmen aslında kolektif her türlü organizasyonun yönetim şeklidir.

Türkiye’de Muhafazakâr Anti-Kapitalizm: Nurettin Topçu

Author(s): Fatih Yaşli / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 3/2015

This study aims to analyse the anti-modernist and anticapitalist ideas of one of the most prominent ideologues of Turkish conservatism, Nurettin Topçu and to show that the basic motive behind these ideas was his anticommunism mindset. He thinks that capitalism reinforces communism due to its materialist and anti-egalitarian character and functions as communism's 'life source'. This means that destroying communism is to destroy its 'life source', that is capitalism. Consequently Topçu tries to develop a non-capitalist model of economy, state and society and uses his intellectual capacity to create an ideological base for a normative theory patterning on noncapitalist and non-communist 'third-way'. In this context, this paper investigates Topçu's anti-capitalism, anticommunism and his alternative model for state/economy/society.

Türkiye’de Tek Parti dönemi resmi milliyetçilik- sivil milliyetçilik çatişmasi: 1944 Irkçilik- Turancilik Davasi

Author(s): Ali Çiçek,Erkan Arslan,Ömer Nabi Baykal / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 34/2017

In this study, the historical roots of the Turkism movement will be handled to in the period from the Ottoman period to the one-party period until the Republic of Turkey. In addition to this, the change in the historical process of nationalism, the founding philosophy of the Republic of Turkey, will be determined. As a result, the 1944 Racism-Turanism Case will be drawn to the reactionary standpoint of civil nationalism in the face of official nationalism. The 1944 Racist-Turanian case, which criticized the CHP's foreign policy during the Second World War and conflict between official nationalism and civilian nationalism until the Second World War, will be the main focus of this work.

Türkiye’de Yeni Hayat’ı. Biyopolitika ile Okumak: II. Meşrutiyet’ten Erken Cumhuriyet Yıllarına Hayat ve İktidar İlişkisi

Author(s): Sercan Eklemezler / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 101/2020

The review of: - Zafer Toprak, Türkiye’de Yeni Hayat-İnkılap ve Travma 1908-1928, Doğan Kitap, İstanbul 2017, 472 s; - Thomas Lemke, Biyopolitika, İletişim Yayınları, İstanbul 2017, 176 s.

Türkiye’deki Siyasi Partilerin Sivil Toplum Üzerine Söylemleri

Author(s): Funda Gençoglu Onbasi / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2010

Despite ideological differences among them there is an underlying commonality among the four political parties at the Turkish parliament in terms of their discourse on the concept of civil society. They share the same ground due to a constant reference to the „ideal‟ of civil society as a factor contributing democratization. This role of civil society for the „project of democracy‟ is explained with reference to a particular understanding of „pluralism without antagonism‟ and with an emphasis on consensus. Civil society is commonly conceptualized by these political parties as the sphere of active citizenship, voluntariness, solidarity, autonomy, rights and liberties, dialogue, cooperation, harmonious coexistence of differences etc. However, crucial aspects of civil society are ignored by this hegemonic view. Most importantly, this view fails to recognize that civil society is a sphere of life where individuals experience the complex web of interwoven power relations and inequalities. The concept of civil society should serve as the analytical tool to bring these relations to the forefront, to highlight them and hence to make them contestable rather than serving to consolidate the illusion that differences leading to inequalities are not important. Through a reading of official party documents (party programs and election manifestos) this study reflects upon the hitches of this widely employed romantic vision of civil society and its relation with democracy with resort to the post-Marxist literature on power and antagonism. As a result, it argues that, due to its deficiency in problematizing power relations from the point of view of the disadvantaged, the hegemonic conception of civil society, employed by parliamentary parties in Turkey is far from having a potential to provide a new horizon in search of solutions to our problems related with the coexistence of difference and equality.

Two Historians in Front of the Economic Crisis of 2007–2008: Hobsbawm and Judt between Marxism and the Legacies of 20th Century

Author(s): Marco Bresciani / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

How did intellectuals react to the economic crisis of 2007–2008 and its long-term backlash? What did they learn from the main twentieth-century political and social experiences, in order to make a new sense of the traditional cultures of the Left? In order to answer these crucial issues, this proposal will analyze the paths of the well-known historians E. Hobsbawm and T. Judt and their apparently similar, but actually different reactions to the crisis. First, I will focus on their respective books: How to Change the World (2011) and Ill Fares the Land (2010). On the one hand, Hobsbawm’s critical approach to the post-1991 world, shaped by his lifelong fidelity to Marxism and his persistent sympathy for the Russian Revolution, was connected to his catastrophic vision of the end of the both conflicting and collaborative dynamics between capitalism and socialism. On the other hand, Judt’s re-thinking of the social-democratic tradition, compelled by the global transformations of the social question, was inspired by his connections with the East Central European dissidents’ anti-totalitarian liberalism and by his critical approach to the engagement of the French intellectuals. Second, I will investigate their different interpretations of the „Golden Age“ of post-1945 Europe (with special regard to the long-term impact of the crisis of 1929 and to the influence of Soviet communism) and of the causes of its crisis. Third, I will show how, in spite of their common reference to Marx, late Hobsbawm’s and Judt’s historical visions – respectively combined with determinism and moralism – provide opposite ways of coping with the legacies of the 20th century and of criticizing the language of neoliberal economy within the Left.

U doba katastrofa - Kako se oduprijeti nadolazećem barbarstvu

Author(s): Isabelle Stengers / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 25/2020

Živimo u čudnim vremenima, pomalo kao da živimo u neizvjesnosti između dvije priče koje obje govore o svijetu koji je postao »globalan«. Jedna od njih nam je poznata. Ritam joj udaraju vijesti s fronta velikog svjetskog natjecanja, a strelica vremena joj je rast. Jasna je kao dan što se tiče onoga što zahtijeva i promiče, ali je obilježava iznimna zbrka što se tiče njezinih posljedica. Druga bi se, naprotiv, mogla nazvati jasnom što se tiče onoga što se upravo događa, ali je mutna s obzirom na ono što zahtijeva, s obzirom na odgovor koji treba dati na ono što se upravo događa.

U istom čamcu

Eseji o hiperpolitici

Author(s): Peter Sloterdijk / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2001

Here Sloterdijk analyzes some of the basic concepts of political philosophy. These are: origin of culture, and cultural conflicts in contemporary societies; the status of community, emergence of the people, of nation and nationalism, problem of the masses; question of humanism, etc. Entire analysis is carried out, as the author puts it, from the standpoint of “hyperpolitics”.

U podstaw sekularyzacji: przyczyny teologiczno-filozoficzno-kulturowe z aspektem edukacyjnym

Author(s): Wit Pasierbek / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 27/2018

The main objective of the article is to present theological, philosophical and cultural causes in the perspective of the postmodernist analysis.