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Žan-Lik Nansi [Jean-Luc Nancy], Nacistički mit / Dekonstrukcija hrišćanstva
Review of: Žan-Lik Nansi [Jean-Luc Nancy] Nacistički mit / Dekonstrukcija hrišćanstva Fakultet za medije i komunikacije, Beograd 2017., preveo Ugo Vlaisavljević
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Review of: Žan-Lik Nansi [Jean-Luc Nancy] Nacistički mit / Dekonstrukcija hrišćanstva Fakultet za medije i komunikacije, Beograd 2017., preveo Ugo Vlaisavljević
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The article analyzes that democratic states not only declare that they recognize the priority of human rights and freedoms, but that they also treat the respect for human rights and freedoms as an ideological foundation of their states. A value-based nature of human rights and freedoms does not mean that there is no continual discourse in democratic states over the content of human rights and over the concrete form, scope, and limits of the expression of human rights and freedoms. In any social milieu, discourse over the content of human rights and freedoms is a permanent reality in the evolution of democratic states. The diverse historical, political, cultural, social, and economic experiences of particular countries explains how the content of human rights and freedoms actually differs between democratic states, even where they share common views on fundamental principles. Every state naturally goes through separate stages of the historical development of human rights and freedoms. The scope of the protection of human rights and freedoms in a particular country is subject to continuous change, which, although having been determined by certain objective circumstances, may be assessed as either an advantage or a disadvantage.
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The article concerns monistic understanding of the law conditioned by not only philosophical but civilizational factors. From a philosophical point of view this is idealism which generated incorrect usually voluntary concept of law whether in an rationalism or a irrationalism version. Regardless of whether the subordinating to with such a law was liberal and purely formal, whether it concerned an authoritarian or totalitarian state – a human being though this legalism was more and more neutralizing own critical sense and the ability to assess law in terms of morality. It seems that legal voluntarism in its version shades of meaning, being an expression of doubt in the cognitive abilities of reason and thus giving the primacy of will dominated the modern reflection on the law. This, to certain degree, was favored by the influence on the Western culture of Byzantine concept about the law dominated by the sphere of public life, appropriated by the state in which individual, if had any rights, were then only conferred rights. Indeed, in modern times were made attempt to return to the law of nature, but this did not bring the expected result due to faulty understanding of nature especially human nature. It seems that the attempt to organize the problem of the law will succeed when we see the analogous and teleological dimension of the law, in relation to human being in all its complexity.
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Nowadays, there is no doubt that philosophy is a great benefit both as a school of thinking and scientific base. This work is an attempt to reconstruct the culture that contributed to the philosophical way of thinking. My goal is to extract two important factors: religion carrying individual experience and the importance of certain ideas which are present in that culture. Sources of philosophical thinking can be found in the structure of polis. Only on its basis could the idea of the wise man and citizen as well as religion-oriented individual experience be raised. Greek polis paves the way for a new style of thinking by creating the conditions for its citizens to follow the ideal, regardless of the position they occupy in society. Sustainability, which should be a feature of a good citizen is also the essence of society. Highly positioned wisdom as moral reflection tinged with religiosity allows thinking according to the laws of logos. Finally, the experience offered by the mystery cults leads to the transformation of their own existence and the emergence of a different way than before recognition of reality. Undeniably all of my elements related to structure policies with its ideals contribute to the emergence of a new way of thinking in the form of philosophy. You could say that the philosophical objectivity is preceded subjectivity and rationality of its roots dating back to irrationality.
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The article is dedicated to the expositon of the political theology of Metropolitan Philaret (secular name Vasily Mikhaylovich Drozdov). He was an Orthodox metropolitan of Moscow, the first professor of theology in Russia. Under the influence of secular culture Filaret gives special attention to the theory of the state, creating the first in Russia historiosophical concept of the monarchy, based on a ‘symphony’ of the State and the Church.
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This essay, originally published in 1915, can be read as a summary of works composed during Walter Benjamin’s youth, from the period of living in Berlin and Freiburg. From both a metaphysical and historical perspective, Benjamin engages with the poverty of student life and the university under capitalism and bourgeois society. He offers a critique of the alienating functions of higher education in the forms of enforced professionalization, as well as the increasingly pronounced division of academic labor, in which the idea of the unity of knowledge disintegrates.
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The author considers multiculturalism from the American perspective. He does so as President of Solidarity Center for Law and Justice, which is a public interest law firm that promotes educational and religious freedom. Though many people of different ethnicities, races, and religions live in America, he maintains that multiculturalism in America does not arise from ethnicity, race, or religion. Rather, multiculturalism results from the different ways that individuals and groups attempt to build the ideal social order. At its core, multiculturalism in America relates to how its citizens pursue happiness. The article consists of four parts which are given following titles: 1) Democratic Evolution in America, 2) Lessons From the Pursuit of Happiness in America, 3) The Importance of Catholic Action: Lamennais and Mickiewicz, and 4) Kneeling Toward the World.
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A liberal democrat is a type of person with whom the masters of the modern world meant to accomplish long time desired freedom and welfare. If they are sincere, we have to ascertain that their expectations did not fulfill. Ideas of freedom, equality and justice, on whose bases democratic society and state had been built from long time ago, suffered many changes, so today we do not know what they actually mean. They have appeared topics of countless discussions, not once has the world been bathed in blood in the name of them, but have we approached the goal for a single step? In the name of democracy and human rights, the powerful West creates „unipolar world“ despite the fact that God created it wit at least two sides (with growing-stronger East, and poor South). Diogenes used to search for a „man“ in Athens with a lantern during day, isn't he an eternal paradigm of hopeless quest? Democracy, apart from its middle level (state) has a basic one – a man, and a higher one, general – cosmopolis, the world community. A community cannot be built on self-will, without political virtue, without a citizen, there is no city (polis – πολις), nor democracy.
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The purpose of the research is to analyze the ways how values in the contemporary Ukrainian society are constructed under the external infl uence as well as the informational and conceptual aggression. Methods: formalization, generalization, classifi cation, systematization extrapolation. Results. The axiological aspects of the information component of the “hybrid” war in Eastern Ukraine have been analysed in the terms the scientifi c paradigm of social philosophy. The construction of the value orientations in Ukrainian society during its lifetime as well as the factors of external informational infl uence during last decades were presented in the paper. The concept of the “European values” was explored, served along with thea historical comparative analysis of the statutory documents that the values were specifi ed. The main components of the European civilizational model were defi ned along with the problems of its academic and practical enactment in the context of the “hybrid” war in Eastern Ukraine. The need of the Eastern value factors to be considered as an element of the conceptual aggression against Ukraine is emphasized as a prerequisite of the effective information defence strategy.
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Purpose of Article. The article explores the mythological discourse of imperial identity. Methodology. We integrate analytical, typological, and comparative scientific methods. The restoration of myths is our special guiding method. It allows to trace mythological allusions, motifs, images, topics which enable multilayer phenomena to uncover their content. We apply the method of theoretical generalizations in summing up the results of our research. Scientific Novelty. In this article, we distinguish the myths of Russian identity: the fundamental - imperial myth ("Moscow - Third Rome") with temporal modifications ("Krymnas" and Putin's monomyth) and the technological - liberal myth (Yeltsin's "Myth of Truth." Conclusion. We conclude that the processes of identification of Russian Federation consist in the production of an irrational model of reality, which is historically provided by the interrelation between the mythology and the political process. The algorithm for the formation of a modem myth coincides with the myth of traditional society. Political mythology is consciously and instrumentally involved in information conflicts and advocacy projects.
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In the last decade of the 18th century, in the era of European radical change, Fichte again raised the question of the essence of man. He linked this issue with the development of culture, and approved its key importance for philosophy, science, national development. Following kant, Fichte speaks of human dignity, which is the ability to “use one’s own mind”. But, unlike kant, he emphasizes the role of freedom as a necessary condition for intellectual independence, humanitarian knowledge as a true form of its expression, and the value of activity as the true goal of a reasonable human being. Hence the important perfectionist thesis of Fichte: the ultimate destiny of man – to be a scientist, the ultimate purpose of the scientist – to know the man in his free activities. Modern discussion on freedom, relations of political-legal and moral norms, demonstrates the relevance of Fichte’s ideas.
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Cilj ovog rada je aktuelizacija moralno političkih stavova engleskog filozofa Tomasa Hobsa kao univerzalne vrednosti i svojevrsnog filozofskog razmeđa, koje podjednako baca svetlost kako na društvena previranja u starom grčko-rimskom periodu tako i na društvenopolitičke prilike u našem vremenu. U prvom delu rada istražuju se pojmovi sporazuma i moći u svetlu Hobsove filozofije, koji i danas predstavljaju dominantne fenomene na savremenoj društveno-političkoj sceni, posebno u našem regionu Zapadnog Balkana. Drugi deo istraživanja odnosi se na ključna etička pitanja o različitosti ponašanja, u čijoj osnovi stoje dobro i zlo, ljubav i mržnja, da bi nas, na kraju rada, Hobsova kritika filozofije navela na jedno novo preispitivanje uloge filozofije u našem vremenu. Dominantna metoda korišćena u ovom radu je deskripcija navedenih pojava i pojmova, kao fenomenološki postupak istraživanja.
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In this paper I shall try to present the role of analytical tradition in the development of Bulgarian philosophical thought – the critical attitude to it, the acceptance of its results of importance and the sizing of its typical problems. My main thesis is that at present the ideas and problems of analytical philosophers going through a veritable revival in my country.
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Regarding a posthumous publishing of Nikola Milosevic’s memoir of critical- essayistic texts The Torches, in this text author thoroughly analyzed the Method of this intellectual whose rich and extensive philosophical and literature- theoretical work has left significant impact on Serbian spiritual culture in first decade of 21st century. The author attempted to conclude whether Milosevic established a form of one specific negative gnoseology through apsolutization of his own method. Such method has a characteristic of a consistent search for antinomies within a certain philosophical system or a literature- artistic structure, which enables a discovery of an ideological or psychological background of a certain epistemological incoherency within some work. In this text the author also attempted to demystify a formula of Milosevic’s polemic discoursivity and, in line with it, to define a normative range of such established reception of cultural achievements.
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The anti-utopias written by Valery Bryusov are analyzed based on the author’s first stories written in childhood, through his best known catastrophic and political anti-utopias (compared with Zamyatin and Orwell), up to many stories and dramas from which only a few were published. The interesting tragedy Dictator (1921) similar to Karel Čapek’s drama The White Plague is analyzed in comparison with the main theses by the philosopher of Russian communism Nikolai Berdyaev.
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Since the time of Antic founders of political philosophy throughout history many philosophers have tried to present democratic form of social government as a praxiological, well-purposed and almost ideal one, by the force of their idealistic arguments. However, despite that, they have also tried, each and one among them in their own way, to critically observe and analyze aporia of democracy in its original evolutive antinomics. They understood that the government of the people inevitably become representation of the people, hiding an immanent danger for each democracy to develop into the government of majority over minority, and the latter one into an enforced government of the public opinion. This is similar to the theoretical supporters of liberal political philosophy who have been underlining that this modern concept of the state, in synergy with emancipationary character of democracy itself, leaves behind itself a great heritage of provision of freedom to individuals from unlimited voluntarism of the government and politics. However, the same theoreticians, along with the apologetic line of their own speculations, have been implicitly warning about two potential sources for the misuses of liberalism that followed. The constructivisionist weaknesses of liberalism were reflected, firstly, in negative understanding of human freedom, and then in reduction of affirmed (affirmative) model of human nature regarding satisfaction of material, that is, propertive interests, or, more precisely speaking in high instance, vulgar economic interests that inevitably lead to antrophological solipsism. Therefore, this paper is not dedicated only to the history of ideas of democracy and liberalism, but to neuralgic ontological points of these two political phenomenons, or, to latent possibilities of deformation of some potentially negative aspects of liberal-democratic doctrine that have experienced their own emanation in the contemporary period of globalism.
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The paper explores the key assertion of Aristotelian “Politics” that a state is formed primarily for the good life. Aristotle’s views on the essence, purpose and the best constitution of a state are analyzed in comparison with Socrates’ and Plato’s doctrine of an ideal state. The author investigates an Aristotelian interrelation between people’s understandings of happiness and their choice of a form of government and approval of a state policy. It is demonstrated that the Aristotelian idea of a state designed for the good life entered the Western political philosophy paradigm and has exerted a determining influence on the formation of a common good notion and the concept of a welfare state. The paper concludes that the choice between “the Aristotelian state” and “the Platonic state” is not only stipulated by historical and cultural reasons, but is at the same time existential for each nation.
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The article presents a sincere and personal view of Bachelard’s philosophy and his place in the philosophical community.
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This article presents the relationships and dependencies of Russian post-revolutionary poetry with biblical symbolism. In A. Galicz's anti-totalitarian poem on Stalin, the profanation of evangelical motives serves to reveal the cruelty of Soviet reality. In the poetry of A. Achmatova, B. Pastemak and M. Cserveva, the sacredness of biblical symbolism emphasizes the tragedy of human life in a society enslaved by the totalitarian regime.
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