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Problem finding opisywane jest jako zachowania, postawy i procesy poznawcze kierujące tworzeniem wizji, stawianiem i formułowanie problemów. Pozostaje opozycyjne wobec zachowań, postaw i procesów uczestniczących w rozwiązywaniu problemów. Technik heurystycznych wspomagających dostrzeganie problemów nie ma wiele. Chcąc wzbogacić gamę technik służących poszukiwaniu problemów, skonstruowano technikę T3/ZOOM. Została ona wprowadzona do metody projektów: do fazy pierwszej metody (przygotowanie projektu), czyli do „czynności realizatorów projektu” w tej fazie – uczniów/studentów (wybór tematu projektu).
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W niniejszym tekście autorka wyodrębniła i przeanalizowała zasadnicze postawywobec tradycji: tradycjonalistyczną, antytradycjonalistyczną i postawę afirmacjitrzech składników temporalnych – przeszłości, teraźniejszości, przyszłości. Przyjęłazałożenie, że tradycja stanowi fundament procesu wychowania kolejnych pokoleń.Przestrzegła przed ekstremistycznym odcinaniem się od przeszłości bądź pomijaniemprzyszłości, sądząc, że sprawiedliwe wartościowanie dokonań minionych i współczesnychpokoleń pozwala na obiektywne postrzeganie możliwego wkładu w rozwój przyszłychgeneracji. Zaproponowała również zróżnicowane sposoby ujmowania tradycjiw celu wyłonienia optymalnego pod względem pedagogicznym, społecznym i etycznym.Autorka uzasadniła tezę, że rodzina macierzysta stanowi najlepsze środowiskowdrażające swych członków do komunikacji międzypokoleniowej, a równocześniewskazała propozycje praktyczne, w jaki sposób korzystając z dorobku poprzedników,nie rezygnować z kreowania nowoczesnych rozwiązań kulturowych i cywilizacyjnych. Taki rodzaj antycypacji wydaje się konieczny zwłaszcza w sytuacji gwałtownychzmian technicznych, które niejednokrotnie dezorientują współczesnych ludzi i skłaniajądo respektowania jedynie czasu teraźniejszego. Postęp technologiczny, by nieokazał się społecznie destruktywny, wymaga bowiem równie dynamicznego rozwoju humanistyki związanej nieodłącznie z wrażliwością na dobro jednostek i troską o dziejeludzkości.
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HĽADANIE SPOLOČNÉHO JAZYKA O SPOLOČNEJ MINULOSTI – DIALÓG MLADEJ GENERÁCIE SLOVENSKÝCH A MAĎARSKÝCH HISTORIKOV / KERESSÜNK KÖZÖS NYELVET A KÖZÖS MÚLTHOZ – SZLOVÁK ÉS MAGYAR TÖRTÉNÉSZEK FIATAL NEMZEDÉKÉNEK PÁRBESZÉDE. EDS. OTČENÁŠOVÁ, SLÁVKA – ZAHORÁN, CSABA. BITKA PRI ROZHANOVCIACH V KONTEXTE SLOVENSKÝCH A UHORSKÝCH DEJÍN. EDS. ULIČNÝ, FERDINAND – MAGDOŠKO, DRAHOSLAV. KOŠICE A DEJINY – DEJINY KOŠÍC. ED. ŠTEFAN ŠUTAJ. KOŠICE – INŠTITUCIONÁLNA ZÁKLADŇA KULTÚRY, ŠKOLSTVA A VEDY. EDS. AMBRUŠOVÁ, URŠULA – FEDORČÁK, PETER. Z DEJÍN MESTA PREŠOVA A JEHO OBYVATEĽOV (OSOBNOSTI – UDALOSTI – PAMIATKY). ZOST. M. DOMENOVÁ.
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Reviews of: Twana Faris Bawa, The Privatisation of Security in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. University of Buckingham Press, 2014, 305 pp., (ISBN 978-1-908684-51-6). Marianna Charountaki, The Kurds and US Foreign Policy: International Relations in the Middle East since 1945, Routledge, London and New York, 2011, 320 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-415-58753-2). Ramazan Aras, The Formation of Kurdishness in Turkey. Political Violence, Fear and Pain, Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2014. xii + 227 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-415-82418-7). Senem Aslan, Nation-Building in Turkey and Morocco: Governing Kurdish and Berber Dissent, Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015, 250 pp., (ISBN: 1107054605). Michael M. Gunter, The Kurds: A Modern History. Princeton, New Jersey: Markus Weiner Publishers, 2015, 236 pp., (ISBN: 1558766154). Djene Rhys Bajalan and Sara Zandi Karimi (eds.), Studies in Kurdish History: Empire, Ethnicity and Identity, London: Routledge, 2015, 179 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-138-88468-7).
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The development of a field of studies such as our own, Kurdish studies, depends to a large extent on the existence of an institutional infrastructure of specialised academic departments, libraries, journals, etc. Only very few academic institutions in the world have a well-established tradition of Kurdish studies, and not surprisingly they are found in those countries that have had an imperial interest in Kurdistan: Russia, Great Britain and France. The general marginalisation of area studies in academia in favour of the more strictly discipline-oriented organisation of academic research has affected these established institutions too. The best specialised libraries in Europe are not in universities but in private Kurdish institutes in Paris, Stockholm, Berlin and Vienna, and they were established and funded by members of the Kurdish diaspora with incidental governmental support.
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In recent years, social researchers (as well as public authorities and private companies) have had a renewed interest in the factors fostering the legitimacy of the socio-political system, as well as the legitimacy of diverse institutions and particular decisions. This increased interest results, among other things, from processes of democratization that have made the previous sources of authority—for instance, legal ones—increasingly insufficient to justify the wielding of power. Decision-makers have been noticing with increasing clarity that the greater the perceived legitimacy of their power, the greater is the tendency of others to accept their decisions (and the lower the costs arising from insubordination). The article describes the latest empirical findings, with particular consideration of the significance of so-called procedural justice for the legitimation of power. This includes the feeling of persons subject to decisions that the decision-making process is comprehensible and that the decision-maker (authority) is impartial, treats them with respect, and assures them of the opportunity to present their own position.
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The article is an analysis of various unintended consequences of the contemporary fight against corruption. The author employs a social constructionist approach to argue that recent anti-corruption developments show that the ‘fight against corruption’ will never stop regardless of how effective it may be. Moreover, the anti-corruption crusade can be characterized as a self-legitimizing process because it creates new areas for anti-corruption actions by constructing new forms of corruption, thereby justifying the continuation of anti-corruption efforts. As a point of departure, the author analyses corruption as a socially constructed phenomenon in order to remind us that because of its inherent features, corruption is an irremovable part of the public sphere, thus making anti-corruption actions never-ending. Then certain paradoxes and developments in contemporary anti-corruption efforts are presented to further explain the never-ending and self-legitimizing nature of fighting corruption. The penultimate part highlights various new definitions of corruption proposed by social scientists and the questions raised by these conceptual undertakings. In the concluding section, the problems resulting from anti-corruption dynamics are presented.
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This article presents an analysis of the influence of Christian pastoral power on the formation of individualism in Western societies. The point of reference is the concept of pastoral power put forward by Michel Foucault, who treated the power of the Catholic Church over believers as a specific rationale of ruling focused on the formation of individuals and communities. The study refers to Foucault’s genealogical method, which investigates the impact of power and knowledge on the historical development of contemporary philosophical and social ideas. This analysis shows Christianity to be predominantly an individualising religion influencing the process of shaping the human subject as an individual. Pastoral power, using subjectivation techniques such as introspection, examination of one’s conscience, confession, asceticism, self-control of one’s body and sexuality, and interpreting and reading the Bible, has contributed considerably to the formation of responsible, ethical, and self-disciplined individuals. Christian belief in free will and individually attributed sin or virtue has played a key role in the development of the contemporary concept of an individual who is de jure free and bears responsibility for his or her deeds. The article points to the important role of the Protestant Reformation, which contributed to the privatisation of religion and facilitated the process of individualisation in Western societies.
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The aim of this article is to reconstruct how violence in connection with sex services is perceived by female workers of escort agencies. The article contains an analysis of empirical material on the category of violence as an occupational risk, a personal danger, or a ‘natural’ element of interaction. The category of violence as an occupational risk, with the related redefining, trivializing, and justifi cation of violence, is more broadly presented. The article is based on the author’s own research conducted in escort agencies. The main techniques of collecting data were observation and casual interviews with women offering sex services. The data was analysed in accord with the methodology of accepted theory.
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The paper aims to explore the social phenomena of Polish handball fandom. The main hypothesis was that handball fandom provides middle-class supporters an opportunity to release the tensions of daily life, which can take the form of nostalgia. In order to verify this hypothesis an on-line survey was devised and conducted among a sample of 608 active handball fans in Poland. The survey was supplemented by observations at several matches. The fi ndings confirm that (a) handball fans are dominated by members of the middle class; (b) participating in active support during handball games helps them to cope with a variety of tensions and the challenges of working life and c) handball fans are experiencing nostalgia, especially nostalgia for ‘being part of a community’. However there is no direct link between nostalgia and motivations for attending handball matches.
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The main aim of this article is to consider the question of whether, in the years preceding the 2015 elections, significant changes had occurred in the consciousness of Poles in regard to democracy as a political order or in their appraisal of democracy’s functioning. The article also presents a new manner of defi ning democratic legitimation. The question of whether or not the legitimacy of democracy has been eroded in recent years is analysed in regard to the empirical data. The fi ndings show that there has been no fundamental change in Poles’ attitudes to democracy, either as an ideal model of political system or in regards to its everyday functioning. The findings also show that, as in the majority of contemporary European democracies, it is possible to speak of a kind of ‘cascade’ structure to democracy in Poland. Its most important element is the liberal package. Somewhat fewer Poles expect democracy to have distributive-social elements, and even fewer expect to be able to influence policy directly. Nevertheless, all three elements of democracy are present in the consciousness of contemporary Poles, though in varying degrees. The analyses were based on data from the sixth edition of the European Social Survey of 2012 and the Polish General Election Study of 2015.
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During the first quarter-century of post-communism, the left-right dimension has had an important, albeit rather idiosyncratic, influence on Polish politics. It has structured political discourse, defined the parameters of electoral behaviour, and been referenced by parties in the creation of their political programmes and electoral campaigns. However, this dimension has not remained stable; on the contrary, since 1989 it has undergone interesting transformations and its meaning has changed. The purpose of this article is to analyse the ideological, economic, social, and political ‘content’ of the left-right divide in Poland in diachronic perspective. We also focus on the main correlates of left and right, and analyse the relationship between the left, the right, and other important social and political variables, such as voting behaviour, attitudes to key political issues, and social structure. To conduct these analyses, we drew on data from the Polish National Election Study, which spans the years 1997 to 2015. We find that the left-right divide is still a key element of electoral politics in Poland but that its meaning is slowly evolving.
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This article contains an analysis of the factors determining electoral decisions in post-communist Poland. The primary objective is to answer the question of whether the set of determinants motivating citizens to vote for a certain political party has remained constant or has changed over time. The analysis was based on data collected by the Polish General Electoral Study in 1997, 2005, and 2015 (these dates were chosen as important moments in terms of the functioning of Polish democracy). The analysis leads to the conclusion that—contrary to expectations based on current knowledge about the determinants of electoral preferences—variables describing the social status of citizens continue to be the best predictors of their propensity to vote for particular political parties. Although ideological-cultural and economic factors may be helpful in clarifying the electorate’s behavior, their explanatory power is comparatively much less.
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This article presents a comparison of three groups of citizens, which we have defined as ‘winners’ (those who voted for the parties forming the government), ‘losers’ (those who voted for the parties becoming the opposition) and ‘the absent’ (citizens who abstained from voting). Our goal is to answer the question of how these groups are similar in regard to ideological beliefs, preferences for specifi c sectoral policies, and socio-demographic characteristics. The results of our study are presented dynamically. The analyses are based on Polish General Election Study data (study editions of the years 1997, 2001, 2005, 2007, 2011, 2015). According to our findings, the views, values, beliefs, and preferences of non-voters are sometimes surprisingly consistent with the views of the citizens who did vote. This means that non-voters have been represented in Parliament by either the governing parties or the opposition parties. Hence, we argue that non-voters do not hold a position on the periphery of Polish politics. We also do not observe any trends demonstrating the increasing marginalisation of non-voting citizens in the Polish parliament.
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This article addresses the important yet neglected issue of whether the Polish party system has become more structured and consolidated. After twenty-five years of democracy, it would be reasonable to expect such an outcome. To answer the question, we based our analysis on the classic socio-political-cleavage theory of Lipset and Rokkan and the work of those who were influenced by them. Our analysis, which makes use of data collected over the last two decades by the Polish National Election Study, shows that it has been possible to discern symptoms of consolidation and the emergence of socio-political cleavages only since 2005. Our conclusions are therefore tentative – we can observe a degree of structuring, but we cannot claim that we have found full cleavages akin to those observed in Western Europe in the second half of the twentieth century.
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