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УСТАВНИ СУД У СВЕТЛУ ИНТЕРПРЕТАТИВНИХ ОДЛУКА У НОРМАТИВНОЈ КОНТРОЛИ

Author(s): Dragan Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 72/2016

In a legal system based on the principle of the separation of powers, constitutional judicature is necessarily (given the nature of its social function) at the intersection of law and politics. Thus, constitutional judiciary is required to preserve political neutrality, particularly in relation to political (legislative and executive) authorities. The paper analyzes the principal issues pertaining to constitutional court interpretation, particularly in light of observing the principle of the separation of powers that the constitutional judiciary is bound to abide by and considering the role of the constitutional court as an institution standing at the intersection of law and politics. Every constitutional court is required to be politically neutral and independent from daily politics, which is the major factor in delineating not only the overall boundaries of the constitutional control of the normative framework but also in ensuring the independent and unbiased activity of the constitutional court in the process of interpreting the Constitution and the laws. The constitutional control function shall not be politicized, and it must be exercised only through legal reasoning. Consequently, in the process of constitutional interpretation, the Constitutional Court of Serbia has to develop and consistently pursue a doctrine of self-restraint, thus refraining from politically-driven assessment which is the exclusive duty of political authorities. A closer examination of the doctrine of self-restraint in recent constitutional practice shows that the most prominent elements of this doctrine are relatively new interpretative constructions and legal formulations of constitutional court, which reinforce not only the political neutrality of the constitutional judiciary but also its role as ‘’the negative legislator’’. Yet, some of these constructions may be challenged because their excessive and often inadequate application has resulted in a kind of ‘’self-deprivation’’ in cases where the Constitutional Court may have had to abandon its primary constitutional mission and even ‘tolerate’ unconstitutional activity. In particular, this refers to the constructs such as “a matter of legislative policy” and a highly dubious term “political acts” which are eo ipso excluded from constitutional control. On the other hand, when it comes to interpretative decisions, which rest on the dogmatic principle of statutory interpretation aimed at establishing the compliance of laws with the Constitution, the interpretation results may ‘’save’’ the legal act from being declared unconstitutional and invalid. In that case, the main problem is that the Constitutional Court has a slightly different role of shaping the positive law; thus, the practice of resorting (too frequently) to interpretative decisions does not lead to the optimal exercise of the Constitutional Court mission. Therefore, we can conclude that the constitutional jurisprudence (which includes only a few interpretative decisions) does not seem to entail a “dangerous” divergence of the Constitutional Court from its constitutional mission, nor does it significantly affect the principal Constitutional Court activities.

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УСТАВНИ СУД У УСТАВУ РЕПУБЛИКЕ СРБИЈЕ ОД 2006. ГОДИНЕ

Author(s): Ratko Marković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2007

The institution of Constitutional Court is one of the most powerful levers of constitutionalization of the state power. This institution exists in Serbia for more than 45 years. Nevertheless, both the social system and the system of the state power organization prevented it from playing its full role. The lack of necessary legal instruments was an obstacle to this as well, but this obstacle was surmounted by the 2006 Constitution. However, the 2006 Constitution did not resolve all the predicaments concerning the institution of constitutional court. Among those predicaments are the number of judges, method and terms and conditions of their election, as well as their new competences. Some perplexities emerged as far as the character and scope of the judge’s competences goes, mainly in the sphere of elections and constitutional complaints, but also in the cases of special complaints.

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УСТАВНИ СУДОВИ И СУДОВИ УДРУЖЕНОГ РАДА У КОНТРОЛИ САМОУПРАВНИХ ОПШТИХ АКАТА

Author(s): Dragan Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 22/1982

Dans le travail sont élaborées certaines questions litigieuses du contrôle judiciaire des actes généraux autogestionnaires qui s'expriment principalemement par le rapport des cours constitutionnelles et les tribunaux de travail associé dans l'estimation de la validité des rapports entre les actes généraux autogestion¬naires. Le plus d'espace est consacrée à l'analyse des rapports entre le contrôle abstrait de la constitutionnalité et de la légalité des actes normatifs qui sont exercés par les cours constitutionnelles et le litige abstrait relatif à la coordina¬tion réciproque des actes généraux autogestionnaires en tant que fonction des tribunaux de travail associé. L'auteur considère qu'entre le contrôle judiciaire constitutionnel des actes normatifs et l'estimation abstraite de la coordination réciproque des actes généraux autogestionnaires dans le fond il n'y a pas de duf- férences essentielles. Dans l'un et dans l'autre cas sont est estimée la coordina¬tion des normes juridiques générales avec la conséquence de l'élimination des normes qui ne sont pas en conformité avec les autres normes »superieures«. Les différences sont uniquement dans les critères c'est-à-dire dans les mesures du contrôle. Dans la fonction constitutionnelle judiciaire ce sont la constitution et la loi, et dans la fonction des tribunaux de travail associé ce sont les normes autogestionnaires »supérieures«. On peut arriver à la concordance de ces fonctions aussi par la ligne de principe de la délimitatition de la compétence des cours constitutionnelles et des tribunaux de travail associé, car en définitive elle dépend du degré d'autonomie et d'originalité des normes autogestionnaires. Les tribunaux de travail associé par leur fonction de l'estimation de la coordination réciproque des actes généraux ne manquera pas de pénétrer aussi dans le domaine de l'esti¬mation constitutionnelle judiciaire de la constitutionnalité et de la légalité des actes généraux autogestionnaires dans la mesure que les actes généraux auto¬gestionnaires o>supérieurs« entrprennent inutilement et paraphrasent les normes constitutionnelles et légales.Le deuxième moment litigieux dans le rapport des cours constitutionnelles et des tribunaux de travail associé est l'autorisation des cours constitutionnelles d'estimer la constitutionnalité et la légalité de certaines décisions des tribunaux de travail associé. En réalité ici est plus contestable, selon l'opinion de l'auteur même anticonstitutionnel, l'autorisation du tribunal de travail associé de régler par sa décision les rapports autogestionnaires litigieux par la formation des nor¬mes juridiques générales, que de soumettre ces décisions au contrôle constitution¬nel judiciaire.Par la troisième question du rapport des cours constitutionnelles et des traibunaux de travail associé est élaborée l'institution de l'exception de l'illégalité, c'est-à-dire l'autorisation du tribunal de travail associé de refuser l'application de l'acte normatif anticonstitutionnel ou contraire à la loi avec l'obligation d'initier la procédure devant la cour constitutionnelle pour l'estimation de la constitution¬nalité et de la légalité de l'acte normatif dont l'application dans le cas concret est refusée. L'auteur est d'avis que l'application plus large de cette institution contribuerait à ce que le contrôle des actes généraux autogestionnaires soit beaucoup plus efficace, et que la protection des droits autogestionnaires soit plus rapide et de meilleure qualité.

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УСТАВНО И ГРАЂАНСКОПРАВНЕ ПОСЛЕДИЦЕ ОДЛУКЕ УСТАВНОГ СУДА СРБИЈЕ О НЕСАГЛАСНОСТИ СА УСТАВОМ ОБРАЧУНА ЗАТЕЗНЕ КАМАТЕ КОНФОРМНИМ МЕТОДОМ

Author(s): Ivana Simonović,Maja Nastić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 62/2012

In this article, the authors analyze the constitutional and civil law implications stemming from the decision of the Serbian Constitutional Court which ruled that the calculation of the default interest rate by applying the compound interest method was unconstitutional. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part, the authors consider the time effect of this decision from the perspective of the rules of constitutional law and explore whether the Court may set aside the unconstitutional provision or make it null and void under specific circumstance. In the latter case, the Court decision would have a retroactive effect and it would include prior final/effective decisions based on this unconstitutional provision. In the second part, starting from the standpoint that the effect of this decision may be retroactive, the authors examine the legal position of debtors who defaulted before the publication of the decision in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Serbia, for which reason the interest rate for their debt due was calculated by applying the compound interest method. After providing examples of claims for the supplied electric and thermal energy, gas, water and similar services of public utilities companies, the authors point out that the material consequences of using the compound interest method may be eliminated by applying the unjustified enrichment rules.

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Уставно питање у Југославији
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Уставно питање у Југославији

Author(s): Jovo Jakšić / Language(s): Bosnian

A lot is being said and written about the Croatian issue. Many ask themselves and others: what is the Croatian question? No matter how well a person was informed about this issue, and no matter how well-intentioned he was, this question cannot be answered in a few words. Because, the Croatian question, in fact, means the Constitutional question of the whole country, the most important part of the question. In the history of nations and states, numerous constitutional struggles have been waged between individual classes, classes, dynasties, peoples and regions. But guided in on special occasions and other times, each of these struggles had something special, and could not be fully compared with the constitutional struggle of another time, or another people.

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Уставно питање у Карађорђевој Србији

Уставно питање у Карађорђевој Србији

Author(s): Đuro Bodrožić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2009

Question of the Constitution had become important issue already in time of First Serbian Uprising. In this text author encompassed most important constitutional articles and factors within the constitutional struggle, as well as internal and external political circumstances that has influenced making the constitutional articles and creating the constitutional battles.

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УСТАВНО РЕГУЛИСАЊЕ ПРАВА НА ЈАВНО ИНФОРМИСАЊЕ

Author(s): Jelena Jovičić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 61/2012

In this article, the author reviews the ways in which the right to public information regulates in the constitutional acts. Constitutionalisation of rights preceded the creation of international legal framework through the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental freedoms. Provisions of the Convention guarantees the right to freedom of expression as a fundamental human right. This right guarantee freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers. The right to public information has become one of basic human rights. Serbian Constitution in a special section guarantees freedom of expression and the freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas in different ways. Constitutional guarantees of freedom of media coverage more special rights such as right to free establishment of newspapers and other media of public information and right to correction.

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УСТАВНО СУДСТВО НА ПРАГУ ДВАДЕСЕТ ПРВОГ ВЕКА

Author(s): Oliver P. Nikolić,Ana V. Čović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 76/2017

The establishment of constitutional judiciary and its incorporation into the system of government of the modern state was a radical shift in the mechanism of providing for the protection of the constitution and constitutionality. The interconnection of the constitutional judiciary and the legal state (the rule of law) and democratic order, as well as the democratic nature and legitimacy of the constitutional judiciary, have been and remained the cornerstone of its development and expansion worldwide. Within several decades of its existence, the constitutional judiciary has become a necessary element of governing power in a growing number of countries on different continents. As a rule, the constitutional judiciary was first established in democratic countries, but there were also (rare) cases where it was established in less democratic countries, and even in covert or openly autocratic regimes in order to disguise the undemocratic essence of such countries. At the end of the 20th century, a number of socialist countries changed their socialist system of government and established constitutional courts as one of the main guarantors of democracy. At the same time, the development of the constitutional judiciary experienced not only “technical” improvement of its mechanism and operation but also a kind of an evolution, especially in terms of its jurisdiction. By establishing the constitutional complaint and enabling the constitutional courts to act upon the constitutional complaint, the constitutional judiciary have been enabled to significantly expand their activities in the field of protection of the constitution and the constitutionality; it especially refers to the protection of basic human rights and freedoms of citizens, which has become (particularly in recent decades) a crucial element of the rule of law (legal state) and its democratic order. It has considerably contributed to the completion of the protection of the constitution as lex superior and constitutionality (and legality), all of which significantly enhanced the legitimacy and the democratic value of the constitutional judiciary.

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УСТАВНО СУДСТВО НА ПРЕСЕКУ ПРАВА И ПОЛИТИКЕ

Author(s): Olivera Vučić,Dragan Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2009

The matter of relationship between the traditional branches of government – executive, judicial and legislative – on one side, and the constitutional court on the other, never loses its relevance. Interaction between the legislator and the constitutional court remains the focal point of this relationship. In the vast majority of modern states, constitutional courts represent the most powerful instrument of institutionalization of the constitutional protection function. However, the question of scope of the constitutional judiciary power is unresolved, both in theory and in practice. Namely, there is an ongoing discussion on the rapport between the constitutional court and the idea of the separation of powers, and between the constitutional court and politics. The question of the connection between constitutional courts and politics becomes more relevant as the jurisdiction of constitutional courts extends, and as the range of the acts falling under constitutional judicial review broadens. One of the functions of constitutional judiciary is to exercise legal control over politics. Decisive factor of the activities of constitutional court is constitution, as a legal act of the highest level, with strong political attributes and undisputable political importance. Furthermore, in the hart of these activities are constitutional legal questions, which include certain political elements.

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Уставноправна рјешења законодавне власти у Србији XIX и с почетка XX вијека

Author(s): Zdrava Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2012

The idea of constitutionality, which includes the acceptance of division of power, is one of those which helped the process of establishing the constituting of new century Serbian state. In the attempt to implement the principle of division of power, which characterizes the modern state, there was a need to establish the legislative power, together with executive and judicial power. Establishment of modern monarchy, i.e. limited and strictly institutionalized, demanded the presence of other bodies at the highest level in the state, bodies that would compete with monarch in constitutional division of legislative competences. That was effected primarily by affirming the idea of peoples representation, constitutional verification of the State Council (according to the provisions of the first two constitutions) and then also the National Assembly (from the Regents Constitution - Namjesnički ustav), as serious pretendents to win the most important prerogatives of legislative power. To what extent the idea has been realized depended, as the author showed in the paper, on concrete and real social and political reality, relations between the political forces and readiness of the rulers to accept constitutionally regulated competences of legislative power. Those, certainly led to successive limitation of the monarch constitutional powers in favor of representative body, such as National Assembly according to the constitution of 1888 and Constitution of 1903, when it was already clear that monarch changed from “slightly” limited ruler (knez) to, by the rules of parliamentary game, depowered king. In that process of endless constitutional struggle monarch endeavored to defend his share in legislative power by the right of legislative initiative, and especially by legislative sanction (veto). Successfulness of those efforts depended, as it was discussed in the paper, on the real power that veto institution had during the constitutional and political development of Serbia in the mentioned period.

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Уставно-правни аспекти заштите права на имовину у Босни и Херцеговини

Author(s): Tiho B. Džakić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 2/2015

The right to property was the most contested, but now the right to property in Bosnia and Herzegovina has become entitled to the highest respect. One reason for that is his constitutional protection. This right is protected in BiH in Annex 4 (Constitution of BiH) and Annex 7 of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the status of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in the legal system of BiH, the right to property is protected by the present Convention and its Protocol No. 1. In particular, the importance of the European Convention and the European Court of Human Rights, we can see in the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina when deciding on the protection of right to property. In addition to the Constitutional Court, a major role in protecting of this right was played by the Commission for Displaced Persons and Refugees.

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Уставноправни осврт на теорију и појавне облике елитизма и популизма у Србији

Уставноправни осврт на теорију и појавне облике елитизма и популизма у Србији

Author(s): Slobodan Orlović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2011

Republic of Serbia has the Constitution containing numerous principles of liberalism, which in practice is not applied to the full extent. Constitutional projection of the liberal society is not sufficient so that liberal democracy is realistically brought to life, nor the main principles regarding each individual – freedom and equality, for example. Time is required for liberal democracy, and that is not questionable. But such level of democracy requires virtue, quality of those who govern, lead the country, as well as an achievable plan and method, ideology, to which govern elite adhere. Transferred to this paper’s terminology, political elite is the one who makes decisions regarding all citizens of Serbia, and it must be the elite, the best, so that those decisions are fruitful for all. Governing the state is by itself, a complicated task. Leading a country which, from a lower level of liberalism and capitalism has to overgrow to a higher one, into liberal democracy, is even more complex, and in the case of Serbia, due to particular external and internal issues, exercising power is demanding in particular. Hence, the political elite has a liberal constitutional base according to which it makes decisions and undertakes power measures, but on the other hand, it has liberally undeveloped society, without authority of institutions, and based on various criteria degraded citizen. That gap between proscribed and realized liberalism and democracy, political elite attempts to overcome by populism. But in the long run, populism politics is not the road to the liberal democracy and the achievement of freedom and equality of all.

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Уставноправни положај „осталих“ у Босни и Херцеговини

Author(s): Goran Marković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2011

The author analyzes constitutional position of national minorities and ethnically non-declared citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina who are defined in its Constitution as the „Others“. They are discriminated being deprived of one of their fundamental human rights – passive voting right. Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina is contradictory to international human rights conventions which Bosnia and Herzegovina ratified as an international law subject and which are integral part of its Constitution. In that sense, the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina is an inconsistent legal act. The decision of the European Court for Human Rights from December 2009 imposes an obligation to Bosnia and Herzegovina to revise its Constitution in order to preclude discrimination which would also change constitutional position of the „Others“. The author analyzes pos-sible constitutional revisions which would lead to removal of discri-mination of the „Others“.

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УСТАВНОПРАВНИ ПОЛОЖАЈ ИНСТИТУЦИЈЕ ОМБУДСМАНА У ЗЕМЉАМА БИВШЕ ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ

Author(s): Jelena Jovičić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 63/2012

Introduction of the ombudsman in the former Yugoslavia as a specific institution with a mission to protect human rights and freedom from injures that occur in the work of administrative bodies, organizations and public services, it is shown as a necessity in the current transition process. Creation of a democratic state under the rule of law is inconceivable without the existence of this institution. Ombudsman that exists outside of the seeds of separation of powers works towards the establishment of the constitutional and legal authority of state operation. Therefore, the ombudsman can be seen as the guardian of constitutionality and legality. Ombudsman in the former Yugoslavia has become a significant factor in extra-judicial control of administrative authorities and public officials. Ombudsman is urgent need of our society all the more so as there is no political system in the modern world that does not violate human rights and freedoms of citizens. However, it would be wrong to idealize the institution. Ombudsman is not repressive or order-giving body, but institution that detects and alerts. It’s purpose is to exert this authority to pressure the state organs and institutions in the direction of respecting and protecting the principles of constitutionality and legality.

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УСТАВНОСТ ВЕРСКЕ НАСТАВЕ У ДРЖАВНИМ ШКОЛАМА – RES IUDICATA

Author(s): Sima Avramović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2006

У реплици поводом дискусије која се водила на страницама овог часописа око уставности верске наставе у државним школама, проф. Марија Драшкић поново је покушала да акценат расправе скрене са правног на вредносни (чак би се могло рећи идеолошки) терен. С обзиром на то да сматрам да у оваквој врсти часописа правна аргументација мора да има превагу, тако сам и конципирао своје прво реаговање на њен текст. То ћу поштовати и сада, уз неколико наметнутих опаски на неправном терену, у мери у којој је неопходно учинити их, како се не би стекао утисак да су неки њени ставови остали неоспорени.

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УСТАВНОСТ И УСТАВНО СУДСТВО

Author(s): Dimitrije Kulić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 22/1982

Dans le monde contemporain la constitutionnalité en tant que principé juridique devient de plus en plus un principe politique.La constitution de même que la constitutionnalité n'ont pas pris naissance et ne se sont pas réaliseées en dehors des rapports et des événements politiques contemporains, ni en dehors des intérêts politiques de la classe et de la structure qui les adoptent et qui les instituent. Les mouvement sociaux et politiques con¬temporains font ressortir que la constitutionnalité se manifeste comme axiome et comme principe des rapports politiques. C'est pourquoi de ce point de vue cette notion dans chaque cas particulier acquiert sa dimension politique parti¬culière.Le sens politique et ls notion de la constitutionnalité devient ainsi la pro¬priété" de chaque système particulier, em conséquence cette notion acquiert un sens extrêmement hétérogène.Cependant, sans égards à toutes ces différences qui existent en ce qui concerne cette notion, la constitutionnalité est presque partout conçue comme principe qui intercède en faveur de la réalisation de la constitution, de l'applica¬tion et de la réalisation de la constitution en tant que loi suprême du pays.. C'est pourquoi la constitutionnalité est la. règle du jeu politique qui vit sans interruption et qui est présente et indispensable dans tous les systèmes consti¬tutionnels aux fins de la réalisation de la constitution.La constitutionnalité est la force cohésive qui rattache les dispositions con-stitutionnelles proclamées avec la pratique et introduit dans la vie la lettre écrite de la constitution.La lutte pour la constitutionnalité devient de plus en plus indispensable à la société démocratique contemporaine et sans laquelle on ne peut presque pas concevoir l'ordre tant soit peu démocratique.De ce point de vue devient surtout importante la protection de la constitu¬tionnalité. Sans la protection de la constitutionnalité il n'y a pas de constitu¬tionnalité. Sans l'institution de la protection de la constitutionnalité il n'y a pas de protection de la constitutionnalité. C'est pourquoi la constitutionnalité et la justice constitutionnelle sont rattachées et conditionnées mutuellement. Cela est tout particulièrement important au point de vue de la protection des droits fon¬damentaux et de la liberté de l'homme et du citoyen.Le système constitutionnel et politique d'un pays doit se défendre non seule¬ment contre ses ennemis intérieurs et extérieurs déclassés. Le système doit se défendre aussi »de son propre mouvement«. L'ordre gouvernant qui ne pouvait pas comprendre ce fait s'est exposé au danger de perdre le terrain sous ses pas, en perdant la confiance et l'appui du peuple.Les cours constitutionnelles sont en tant qu'institutions de la protection et de la garantie de la constitutionnalité en réalité »les freins politiques« qui éliminent les états contraires à la constitution et contraires à la loi en tant que formes de l'injustice et de cette manière consolident la confiance dans l'ordre, c'est-à-dire consolident l'ordre constitutionnel du pays.La justice constitutionnelle a une importance d'autant plus grande surtout et en particulier parce qu'elle protège de l'arbitraire et de l'abus du droit en tant que formes particulières de l'arbitraire wui proviennent des organes publics. Cela se répercute dans le processus de l'adoption tant des actes juridiques géneéraux que des actes juridiques individuels.L'élimination efficace de tous ces états contraires à la constitution et leur placement au niveau de la constitutionnalité — à la constitution et sous la cons¬titution. signifie en réalité l'établissement non seulement de l'équilibre juridique mais en premier lieu de l'équilibre politique dans une société.Le développement de la justice constitutionnelle ayant pour but la pro¬tection de la constitutionnalité dans l'avenir dépendra des efforts généraux pour la victoire de la démocratie, des droits et des libertés de l'homme.

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Уставносудска заштита људских права и темељних слобода у Босни и Херцеговини: предмет АП 369/10

Уставносудска заштита људских права и темељних слобода у Босни и Херцеговини: предмет АП 369/10

Author(s): Dženeta Omerdić,Boris Krešić,Meliha Džaferović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2017

During the decision-making procedure the Constitutional Court shall examine the existence of only those violations that are alleged in the re- quest/appeal. The court or the body whose decision has been quashed is obligated to make another decision and, in doing so, it shall be bound by the legal opinion of the Constitutional Court concerning the violation of the appellant’s rights and freedoms guaranteed under the Constitution. The decisions of the Constitutional Court shall be final and binding. Every physical and legal person shall be obligated to comply with them. In the analyzed case AP 369/10, the Cantonal Court in Bihać, whose Decision was terminated, adopted a new act in accordance with the legal opinion of the Constitutional Court. Also, the Parliament of the Federation of B&H adopted the Amendments to the Family Law of the FB&H, and disputed Article 43 was out of the legal force. As for the legal effect of the Constitutional Court's decision against other state bodies whose decisions were not subject to challenge before Constitutional Court, we consider that it is not formally binding on the National Assembly of Republic of Srpska. In other words, it does not imply any commitment neither for this entity's legislative authority, nor for the legislative body of the Brčko District. However, the lack of identical normative solutions in family-law relations across the entire territory of B&H leads to legal uncertainty of the subjects and their discrimination depending on the part of the state in which they live. In addition to that, in the territory of Republic of Srpska, the applicable provisions of the RS Family Law are still gender-based discriminatory. In this regard, given that Bosnia and Herzegovina is a democratic state and that both entities are obliged to ensure the highest level of internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms, on the one hand, and bearing in mind the fact that the rights and freedoms envisaged in the European Convention and its protocols directly apply in Bosnia and Herzegovina and have priority over all other laws, we believe that regular courts in the RS, when deciding on the claims, have a constitutional obligation to apply international standards for the protection of human rights and freedoms. In other words, courts in Republic of Srpska should take into account the views of the Constitutional Court of B&H in case AP 369/10. The reason for this lies in the fact that the analyzed Decision has a prejudicial effect as it represents a source of law. The Decision of the Constitutional Court of B&H in the case AP 369/10 represents the relevant legal basis for the possible initiation of new proceedings before ordinary courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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УСТАВНОСУДСКА ЗАШТИТА САМОУПРАВНИХ ПРАВА

Author(s): Dragan Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 24/1984

Danis le domaine de la protection globale du principe de la constitutionnalité et de la légalité, un des buts fondamentaux de la fonction constitutionnelle judiciaire en tant qu'appréciation abstraite est la protection des droits 'autogestionnaires et autres droits constitutionnels et libertés. Les autres formes de contrôle répressif ou préventif de la constitutionnalité et de la légalité des actes normatifs sont complémentaires à la fonction constitutionnelle judiciaire ou peuvent être appliquées parallèlement à celle-ci. Cependant, dans la pratique, leur coratru- bition à la protection des droits autogestionnaires est de peu d'importance.La protection constitutionnelle judiciaire des droits autogestionnaires est réalisée par excellence par la fonction de la délibération des litiges abstraits re- latifis à la constitutionnalité et là légalité des actes normatifs. C'est une fonction protectrice spécifique du système politique qui s'exerce dans la forme judiciaire, mais dans laquelle sont accentués aussi des éléments politiques, de manière que la juridiction constitutionnelle présente un caractère d'institutions judiciaires et politiquesDans le travil un compte rendu est fait sur certaines solutions institutionnelles et sur la pratique des cours constitutionnelles en rapport avec la protection des droits autogestionnaires. D'une part on peut constater que certaines solu« tions institutionnelles liées à la fonction constitutionnelle judiciaire sont trop souvent appliquées et, d'autre part, ces instituts dont l'existence est motivée par la protection des droits autogesitionnaires et autres droits constutionnels et libertés. dans le travail des cours constitutionnelles ne sont pas suffisamment appliquées ou pas du tout. Quand il s'agit de la pratique des cours constitutionnelles, un problème particulier persiste encore, c'est la noncinité des attitudes, c'est- -à-dire des attitudes opposées des cours constitutionnelles ides républiques "et des provinces autonomes lors de l'interprétation des normes constitutionnelles identiquesEn ce qui concerne la protection des droits autogestionnaires et autres droits constitotionnels et libertés, li reste même une question ouverte de la rationalité de la solution constitutionnelle par laquelle la juridiction sonstitutionne- 11e se voit exclue de l'appréciation de la constitutionnalité et de la légalité des actes individuels par lesquels on viole le droit d'autogestion et auters droits constitutionnels et libertés.

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УСТАВНОСУДСКА КОНТРОЛА И НАДЛЕЖНОСТ УСТАВНОГ СУДА: УСТАВ СРБИЈЕ 2006.

Author(s): Irena Pejić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 49/2007

The constitutional court has a very important role in the protection of constitutional democracy. Whereas the constitution provides a normative framework for the operation of the constitutional system, the constitutional court |has an active role in achieving and implementing the principles of constitutional democracy. The constitutional court performs this function in collaboration with all participants in the legal and political system. Although the constitutional review in Serbia did exist in the period of the socialist constitutionality, as well as in the first Serbian Constitution (1990), the new Serbian Constitution of. 2006 provides a. wider legal framework for the operation of the constitutional court. This paper is structured in two parts. In the first part, the author observes the position of the constitutional court as a safeguard of the constitution, including its modus operandi in a contemporary constitutional democracy. In the second part, the author analyses the powers of the Constitutional Court of Serbia within the legal framework provided by the new Serbian Constitution, primarily including the authority to rule on constitutionality and legality in abstracto but also regarding the new authorities of the Constitutional Court to decide on constitutional complaints submitted by citi¬zens and review the legal grounds for establishing the accountability of the head of state. Expanding the scope of authorities of the Constitutional Court should enable that this body of authority attain the position of a genuine safeguard of the Constitution in the young Serbian democracy. The basic authority of the Constitutional Court in respect of providing an abstract control of constitutionality and legality has been expanded in compliance with the hierarchy of legal acts in the legal system of the Republic of Serbia, as envisaged in the Constitution. The universally accepted international law rules and the ratified international agreements are part of the unified legal order; in the hierarchy of legal acts, they come immediately after the Constitution. The presumed function of the Constitutional Court and a full exercise of its constitutional authorities may be developed only if the Constitutional Court decisions are observed and implemented. However, the problem of implementing the constitutional court decisions remains open because it does not depend merely on the statutory regulation on the execution of these decisions. As the Serbian constitutional system operates on a generalized legal formulation without specifying a competent body of authority, the observance and the implementation the constitutional court decisions will greatly depend on the political awareness of the relevance and significance of constitutional judicial control in preserving the constitutional democracy. The parliamentary and governmental decisions are subject to a special regime of legal protection, and the citizens are obliged to observe them. However, the situation is quite different with the Constitutional Court decisions. Despite the fact that a constitutional court decision has an erga omnes effect, it is primarily aimed at the authorities in power. In turn, the authorities may pass a new act of parliament or some other normative act contrary to the constitutional court decision and, thus, diminish the significance of the constitutional court control, which has already happened in the domestic legal system.

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Уставносудска контрола уставних промена

Author(s): Vladimir Đurić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2015

This paper deals with the constitutional review of constitutional amendments. The examination of comparative law regarding the constitutional review of amendments to the constitutions shows that such a review is no longer merely a theoretical hypothesis, but rather an existing practice in many constitutional systems. Some constitutions provide a posteriori formal constitutional review, while the others establish a priori substantive review. Moreover, comparative experiences show that the constitutional courts, in absence of constitutional provisions, interpreted their jurisdiction widely in order to allow such control. The horizontal spreading of constitutional review of constitutional amendments was followed in some states by its vertical substantive weakening, both in terms of ground, and in terms of the standard of such review.

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