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The article deals with correspondence between the Polish independence party headed by Adam Czartoryski and imam Shamil and his naibs. The main source base I relied on was archival documents now held at the Czartoryski Princes Library in Kraków, as well as the memoirs of Michał Czajkowski, who was Czartoryski’s agent in Istanbul in the 1840s.
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Because of its geographic location at the meeting point of the Western world and the Orient, the Balkan Peninsula for many centuries had figured largely both in the European politics and in its economy, and its importance increased in the mid-nineteenth century, when the European powers entered the so-called “imperial phase.” It is hardly surprising then that at this particular period this small region, situated at “the edge of civilized Europe,” had become the arena of fierce fighting for spheres of influence. Germany and Austro-Hungary joined this struggle, too. Even though these two states variously defined their ultimate objectives in the Balkans, it was widely acknowledged both in Berlin and in Vienna that gaining an advantage over the rivals could not only significantly influence the development of domestic industry, which would acquire new markets for its output, but it could also affect the state of European politics. Nevertheless, the new developments and deep transformations occurring in the Balkans at the outset of the twentieth century, misjudged and belittled by the diplomatic services of the Central Powers, resulted in a heavy defeat that they suffered in the endeavors to consolidate their position in Southeast Europe.
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The aggression of the Soviet Union on Poland on 17 September 1939 faced the Kingdom of Romania with the matter of granting aid to Poland, to which it was obliged by an alliance from 1921 onwards. The heads of the Romanian state feared sharing the fate of the Polish Republic, which fell victim not only to the USSR, but had also been defending itself for more than two weeks against an assault by the Third Reich. Wishing to save their country from a catastrophe, they were looking for a way to evade their alliance duties towards Poland. Meanwhile, in the face of an imminent disaster, Polish leaders made steps to transfer the political leadership of the country to France, in order to continue fighting for victory alongside the Western allies. To move there, they needed to obtain an agreement from Romania to transfer to one of their ports, in order to be able to continue the journey. A threat of a Soviet and German invasion meant that the authorities in Bucharest, using rather far-fetched reasons, decided to intern the Polish government.
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The article deals with the activities of the entire Jewish social welfare sector in the General Government, which was supervised by two central organisations: the American Joint Distribution Committee and the Jewish Social Self-Help Organisation (Jüdische Soziale Selbsthilfe, later renamed Jüdische Unterstützungstelle), as well as a network of local relief committees and social welfare departments in Jewish councils. First, the organisation of the Jewish social welfare system and its changes over time, both on the central and local level, have been discussed. Second, the sources from which welfare institutions derived their resources, including gifts of foreign humanitarian organisations, grants of the GG administration and local authorities, as well as internal taxes and charges levied on local communities, have been listed. The third section of the article describes the areas of welfare activities, such as distribution of food, clothing, medicines and fuel, establishment of soup kitchens (meal centres), first aid stations, hospitals, children dayrooms, orphanages etc. and special aid for the displaced. The article attempts to fill a gap in the historiography of Poland under the German occupation, as no monographs concerning the social life of the Jews prior to the Holocaust exist.
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Films, including Ukrainian feature films, remain an undervalued source in historical research. However, Ukrainian movies produced in the period of independence are an interesting and important source and mirror social changes and various perspectives regarding history in the times of transformation. After 1991 it was a significant challenge for the state and historians to define the role of the Crimean Tatars in Ukrainian history and society. Ukrainian feature films from the years 1991–2017 are evidence of attempts to address and present various concepts related to this issue.
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Article analyses specific moment of historical interconnection between literature and photography . the years of Great Depression in the United States. The activity of national agency FSA, which was supposed to document and present to the entire society issues concerning the most economically and culturally handicapped classes, was often used as a raw material for much more advanced and complex artistic projects. Thus lots of intriguing collaborations between photographers and writers were born and their achievements are today an important and autonomous testimony not only of a moment in social history but also an episode in the history of media and their mutual relations. The author of the article tries to explain theoretical, political and ethical contexts of these collaborations.
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This article summarises recent disputes on politics in the face of history. The first of its three sections discusses the historical background of the Polish debate on memory. The second section presents politics confronting the history of the period 2004/5 – 2007 and what its alternative options were. In his conclusion the author considers, in the context of the phenomena presented above, how to define politics facing history, but so as to avoid the trap of ideologisation. The article’s core part describes and criticises the so-called new historical politics (2004/52007), which was and is still an instance of a unilateral affirmation of national history. An alternative option to such a type of politics is to approach history in terms of social dialogue. In internal discussions, what this stands for is a tolerance for the polyphony of memory, whilst externally it is about the primacy of cross-border policies with regards to memory.
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Building on Italo Calvino’s concept of the ideal city, Chutnik argues that no such ideal can be attained unless we fill the gap in general history that is the absence of women’s history. Chutnik presents examples of such initiatives in Poland, describing publications and social projects that aim to remind us of the lives of women in urban spaces. Interpreting the city from the perspective of gender studies, Chutnik also projects where such a perspective might lead.
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The article is composed of two integrally associated parts. The first, introductory, section attempts at describing how sites of memory tend to be comprehended and investigated. The second part formulates and gives grounds for a hypothesis claiming that the sources of the career of the notion of sites of memory should be traced in that it harmonises with sensitivity to spatial/visual aspects of our contemporary culture, including present-day historical culture.
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The paper discusses the macroeconomic implications on the local corporate sector following the global financial and economic crisis of 2008. In order to outline the sectors that have lost and gained from the crisis, we use a statistical analysis and the method of comparison. This makes it possible to assess the cyclical changes in corporate activity after 2008 that occurred as a result of the crisis and are quickly overcome and the structural effects that change the trend of real sector development. The principal “winner” of the crisis is its source at the global level – the financial sector, followed by industry, companies engaged in public activities and exportoriented companies, while high value added sectors (such as software technologies, research and development), are on the losing side at an almost zero credit activity for the enterprises in the country. In conclusion, the missed lessons from the crisis in Bulgaria are commented.
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This research aims at drawing out the portrait of the Byzantine emperor, as a character in the mirror of princes. The analysis shows that the humanness and the morality of the basileus are more and more important throughout the history of the Empire, to the detriment of his political dimension. The image of the emperor is highlighted by two effigies which overlap: one of them is diverse and brings together various qualities, the other is a sketch of the man simply beautiful and good, stripped of any particular trait, like the ideal of the classical Athens. We have explored the semantic areas which designate the qualities recommended to the prince (concerning the physical lineaments, the mind, the soul and the religiousness). We have also examined the monochrome portrait, which unfolds a human archetype with a “quantitative” side (defined by the notion of μέγεθος) and a “qualitative” one expressed by adjectival structures such as πλαττόμενος, τελειός). An extremely simple lexical formula, καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθός, crowns the image being analysed. The emperor must be, after all, the wise or rather honest man, with no degree of comparison, with no useless determiner, morally beautiful and good in the aesthetic vision of the Antiquity, for which morals and aesthetics were never dissociated.
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In the early modern period, the Turkish-Venetian wars (the Cypriot, the Kandian, and the Morean War) were one of the important elements in the history of northern Dalmatia. In this research, the central focus is on the developmental components (military, demographic, and social) of Biograd na Moru and its closer surroundings in the given period of wartime (especially during the Kandian War), when this area was exposed to continuous destruction and underwent significant demographic changes. The paper follows the activities of Biograd’s family of Matković, which played a crucial role in the military achievements of the local forces and the Venetian army in defending the wider region of northern Dalmatia. The research is based on an analysis of the existing historiographical results, as well as on hitherto unpublished material from the State Archive in Zadar (records from the Zadar’s Notaries collection). The appendix brings a transcript of the last will Juraj Matković (written in 1603), one of the family’s most distinguished sons, which sheds additional light on the role of the Matković family in the military and social life of Biograd, Zadar, and northern Dalmatia during the 16th and 17th centuries.
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The purpose of this paper is to explore, on the basis of the chronicle of the Franciscan monastery in Našice (Croatia), the role of Latin in creating and preserving national identity. The chronicle is an internal document, written in Latin, which gives us insight into multiplicity of nations and languages that formed the Franciscan community in the small Slavonian town in the eighteenth and the nineteenth century. Croats, Hungarians, Germans, Slovaks, etc., were coming from and serving in parishes throughout the Habsburg Monarchy, exposed to different cultural, scientific and social influences while bringing their own values with them. Latin enabled their communication, governed their daily liturgical schedule, brought them orders from higher instances, and described their history and daily life in their own words. Latin also made them a part of a much larger international group, the Catholic Church, giving them another, non-national kind of identity.
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