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Every Saturday for a period of two months, from the beginning of April till the end of June 1992, sessions organized by the Belgrade Circle were held at the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade. At these sessions, ten in all, intellectuals, members of the Belgrade Circle and their quest – distinguished writers, scientists, artists, journalists, film and theatre directors, architects, actors, interpreters – expressed their own views of another, radically different Serbia. In times of anguish and affliction, the meetings, attended by a large assembly of listeners experiencing a kind of moral purification, were nonetheless imbued with a frail hope that there still might be a chance for a turn in events. With a desire to present ideas, opinions and sensations shared by the participants of the Belgrade Circle sessions to a much larger audience, the reading public, and to preserve them, because of their merit, in a more lasting form, discussions of over eighty intellectuals were compiled to form this book. In the meantime, the overwhelming disaster has reached its climax: »The Bosnian War«, still raging with no feasible way out as yet, exploded and blazed up like fire. The Belgrade Circle participants, distressed and abashed at the display of all those real or imagined evil deeds, so eagerly reported by the portentous heralds of death voiced hitherto often deeply hidden and silent feelings and thoughts about their burdensome disgust at the plague gripping and afflicting us all. Each participant contributed in his or her own way – rigorous scientific analysis, artistic susceptibility, eyewitness accounts, or simply. A public-minded desperate wail – to the shaping of one new, public opinion, the one that stirred in that sad Spring of ’92 and rebelled against the general fear, animosity, devastation, extermination, ethnic cleansing, forcible population exchanges... All those responsible and public-minded citizens, holding different political opinions, some members of various political parties, with incomparable personal experiences, varied professional interest and often of »objectionable« national origin, showed, however the will to insert tolerance among the basic principles of a humanized way of fife. But, in spite of the pronounced differences, their common aim, discernable in each and every speech imported to the audience, was to finally establish a community based on simple but as yet still unattainable ideals such as peace, freedom, tolerance and justice in place of degrading political, national and religious exclusiveness. Participants focussed their attention on various aspects of the problem: some analysed the roots of hatred and evil; some indicated the disastrous consequences of irresponsible national myth revivals; others warned of menaces yet to come unless we see reason in time. Some were stern, others witty and others still perhaps too prone to pathos, but they were all deeply concerned, and, as it unfortunately turned out, correct in predicting subsequent events. Therefore, individuals who take no notice of current, official policy and who have for a long time now tenaciously refused to render their talent and knowledge to the needs of the authorities, gathered round a project titled »Another Serbia«. Instigating a state of war and providing alleged erudite justification for the necessity of mutual extermination in the name of some noble goals, vague even to the very massacre executors, must not and cannot be the vocation of anyone who considers him or herself an »intellectual«, or earns a living acting as one. Hence, all session participants had but one desire: to mark out a path that may lead into a more promising future, to another, different, better and happier Serbia. »Another Serbia« soon became the synonym of resistance to fabricated lies, nationalistic madness, criminal war, a fascist holocaust, senseless destruction of villages and cities. Thanks are also due to the daily newspaper »Borba« which regularly reported on the Belgrade Circle Saturday sessions, and published a number of contributions presented there... We hope that the Another Serbia we all aspire to be easily discernable in the collection of essays presented in this book. The reader who hopes to find traces of at least some political program will be gravely disappointed. At present, when politics have poisoned the very soul of so many men of letters and knowledge, and when, among the most violent oppressors, in the ranks of all mortal enemy groups, one finds so many proud bearers of scientific degrees, who may actually be designated as men of unmerited and easily squandered reputation, it has become somewhat indecent to praise »intellectual pursuits«. The Belgrade Circle was, however, founded early in 1992 with the aim of retrieving dignity – another dangerous quality! – to public speech and conceived plans of action for the benefit of truth. We do not take an elitist position and stand indifferently above the crowd. On the contrary, being deeply involved and concerned, we place ourselves in its midst. The Association of Independent intellectuals insists upon its main goal, as declared in the program, namely, to bring together »critically oriented public figured who wish to unite their own civil and intellectual engagements with those of other, basically similarly oriented people«. That is why the Belgrade Circle will continue to »promote ideas, deeds and activities that affirm the values of a democratic, civil and plural society...« The Belgrade Circle will »encourage free and critical thought in all spheres of public life. It will support and help institutions and individuals who resist violence and animosity, and who plead for dialogue and for the survival of culture as the only humanly valid way of life«. Fine speeches? Maybe. Nevertheless, the Belgrade Circle has already, and despite many organizational and financial hardships, as well as ugly and unjust abuse from people who should have been, by the very nature of their vocation, in our ranks had they not knuckled under the burden of a more noble – national to be sure – mission, gained an undeniably high reputation. The words uttered with the aim of promoting »Another Serbia« and presented in this book to serve at testimony to the existence of a number of sensible people, shrewd and brave enough to resist suffocation by overwhelming absurdity, were not the only »weapon« used by Belgrade Circle members. They had also an active part in numerous civil and peace movements and events, thus contributing to the establishment of critical public opinion in Belgrade and Serbia: let us recall, for instance, the sad candles and our wake in the park, with souls colder than the Belgrade frost, while one of the past infernal wars – God, which one was it? – was raging out there somewhere; let us recall the »Black Band«, »Yellow Band«, »Student Protest ‘92«, and our endeavours to bring the people of Hrtkovci (»Srbislavci«) to reason; let us recall our guests from Pljevlja, Montenegro, Bosnia... All the time we were just launching our unhappy and, we believe, noble, though perhaps futile venture the very first participant said: let the Belgrade Circle begin it’s work! We hope that by offering this book to the public we have already come a long way.
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Zarówno w przedlizbońskim, jak i obecnym stanie prawnym wspólna polityka zagraniczna i bezpieczeństwa, jako płaszczyzna współpracy w ramach Unii Europejskiej, wyróżniała się i nadal wyróżnia na tle innych rodzajów polityki prowadzonych w traktatowych ramach tej organizacji. Najważniejsze kierunki ewolucji WPZiB wytyczyły dwa traktaty, a wiec traktat amsterdamski i traktat lizboński. Ten ostatni zasadniczo zmienił usytuowanie WPZiB w ramach UE, co wiązało się z likwidacją charakterystycznej, trójfilarowej konstrukcji prawnej UE oraz z istotnymi zmianami instytucjonalnymi w jej strukturze. Specyfika współpracy w ramach WPZiB spowodowała jednak, że została ona wyraźnie wyodrębniona zarówno z całego katalogu pozostałych unijnych rodzajów polityki, jak i z całej grupy działań zewnętrznych Unii.
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W ramach wspólnej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Unia Europejska stosuje sankcje mające wspomóc egzekwowanie jej celów, a zwłaszcza przestrzegania praw człowieka, demokracji i praworządności. Celem artykułu jest analiza skuteczności polityki sankcji Unii Europejskiej wobec Islamskiej Republiki Iranu. Zastosowaną metodą badawczą jest analiza porównawcza. Pierwsza część artykułu została poświęcona teoretycznemu ujęciu sankcji oraz czynnikom mającym wpływ na ich skuteczność. W następnym opisano podstawy systemowe wspólnej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Unii Europejskiej oraz zastosowanie sankcji jako jej elementu. W trzeciej części przedstawiono próbę oceny efektywności unijnej polityki sankcji wobec Iranu.
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The aim of this article is to analyze the conflicts which were ongoing in 2018,in Yemen and Africa. The selection of armed conflicts was made on the basis ofthree main criteria: intensity, i.e. the scale of battle-deaths; internationalization, i.e.military involvement of third countries; the activities of jihadist groups. The articlediscusses armed conflicts in the Sahel region and the Lake Chad, in Libya, Somalia,and Yemen. As part of the Strategic Yearbook series that reviews current armedconflicts, this study is a continuation of the analyses from previous years. Its purposeis to explore the conditions and dynamics of the 2018 armed conflicts and theirimplications for international security. It explains the reasons of their increasingintensity and internationalization. The expansion of jihadist groups, especiallythose related to IS (Islamic State of Iraq and Levant, the so called Islamic State) orAl-Qaeda (AQ), is perceived as an important factor in this regard. It is argued thatthe activity of armed jihadist groups leads also to greater military involvement ofWestern states.
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The article offers an analysis of the most important energy market trends from theperspective of their importance for energy security and climate change. The energyand climate systems are two areas of human activity strongly influencing each other.On the one hand, the way energy is produced and consumed influences the globalclimate system, on the other hand, climate policy impacts energy security. The articletherefore focuses on the directions and dynamics of changes taking place in theenergy sector and which are of particular importance for global reductions of CO2emissions. It gives an insight into the policies of the world’s largest consumers offossil fuels and into the extent to which their activities favour energy transformation.This analysis critically assesses the feasibility of achieving the global climate policytargets set in 2015 in Paris. Especially importantly for the Strategic Yearbook, the2018 events and current trends serve as points of reference: the article outlines theconditions and results of climate negotiations of COP24 held in Poland and thenewest IPCC report on Global Warming of 1.5°C. An analysis of demand-supplytrends, recent trends in the area of CO2 emissions as well as current events leads toconclusions concerning some long-term challenges for energy and climate security.
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When talking to people from different sides of social divides, I have witnesses the fact that piety to ‘their’ victims is needed in order to establish normal relations with the living. As a child, I heard a neighbour, who lost her husband, saying that she expected the public not only to talk about fascist camps, such as Gonars to which my grandfather was taken from occupied Ljubljana in 1942, but also of prisons such as the one in which she herself was imprisoned after WWII in 1945. She wished that her suffering, from the hands of repressive institutions of that time, to be also remembered. Today we remember that some soldiers, who themselves were victims of Nazi crimes and prosecuted as partisans and communists, after the war became themselves violent prosecutors and torturers. Although emphasizing piety to all innocent victims is slowly becoming a widely accepted standard of political correctness, few countries have approached the ideal of overcoming divisions into ‘our’ and ‘their’ victims, in which conditions have been met to investigate circumstances of death and memory of all who had suffered.
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U razgovorima s ljudima s različitih strana društvenih podjela uvjerila sam se kako je za normalizaciju odnosa prema živim a neophodan pijetet prema ‘njihovim ’ žrtvama. Još u djetinjstvu čula sam od susjede koja je izgubila muža kako očekuje da se u javnosti ne govori samo o fašističkim logorima, poput Gonarsa u koji je iz okupirane Ljubljane 1942. odveden moj djed, nego i o zatvoru u kome je poslije Drugog svjetskog rata 1945. bila zatvorena i sama. Željela je da i njena patnja u rukama tadašnjih represivnih institucija ostane zapamćena. Danas pamtimo da su neki ratnici, koji su i sami bili žrtve nacističkih zločina i proganjani kao partizani i komunisti, poslije rata i sam i postali nasilni isljednici i mučitelji. Mada isticanje pijeteta prema svim nevinim žrtvama polako postaje prihvaćeni standard političke korektnosti malo se zemalja približilo idealu nadilaženjem podjela na ‘naše ’ i ‘vaše ’ žrtve u kojima su sazreli uvjeti za istraživanje okolnosti smrti i pamćenje svih stradalih.
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Izbijanje Prvog svjetskog rata zasjenilo je izvještaj koji je mogao imati golem utjecaj na razvoj međunarodnog prava, posebno međunarodnog ratnog i humanitarnog prava. U ljeto 1914. godine objavljen je Izvještaj Međunarodne komisije o istrazi uzroka i vođenju Balkanskih ratova. Iza tog naslova krije se izvještaj koji je u povijesti zabilježen kao Izvještaj Carnegiejeve zaklade za mir, u kojemu su navedena brojna kršenja međunarodnih konvencija i opisani ratni zločini počinjeni za vrijeme Balkanskih ratova. Bio je to pionirski dokument koji na 448 stranica sustavno evidentira zločine počinjene tijekom Balkanskih ratova. Tom je dokumentu prethodilo stvaranje međunarodnog ratnog prava. Suvremeno međunarodno ratno i humanitarno pravo nastaje nakon bitke kod Solferina 24. lipnja 1859. godine. U toj su se bitci sukobile austrijska vojska na jednoj i talijanska i francuska vojska na drugoj strani. Bitka je potrajala 15 sati, u njoj je sudjelovalo oko 270.000 vojnika, vođena je po velikoj vrućini i na teškom terenu, a prekinulo ju je nevrijeme. U bitci je poginulo oko 5000 vojnika, njih oko 12.000 statistički su se vodili kao nestali, a ranjenih je bilo oko 23.000. Toj je bitci svjedočio švicarski poduzetnik Henri Dunant koji je napisao knjigu Sjećanja na Solferino.
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Sažeto rečeno, svrha kaznenih sankcija sastoji se od posebne i opće prevencije te od retribucije/kažnjavanja društva počinitelja kaznenih djela. U suvremenim pravnim porecima zapadnog tipa, težište se pomaknulo na preventivni element kaznenog sankcioniranja radi odvraćanja od činjenja budućih kaznenih djela i s težnjom resocijalizacije počinitelja, iako osuda i kazna ostaju sastavni dio izricanja kaznenih sankcija.
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Studija slučaja „Španovica/Novo Selo/Španovica“ bavi se istraživanjem memorije o ratnim stradanjima i životu u ratu i miru u selu dvojnog imena: Španovica/Novo Selo, smještenom u blizini gradića Pakraca, tradicionalnog administrativnog i kulturnog središta zapadne Slavonije. Razdoblje koje studija obuhvaća relativno je dugo i traje od nastanka sela, 1886. unutar Austro-Ugarske Monarhije do danas. U tom razdoblju selo je prošlo kroz nekoliko masivnih povijesnih promjena: raspad Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, nastanak i nestanak tzv. prve Jugoslavije (Kraljevine Jugoslavije), kroz Drugi svjetski rat, novu socijalističku Jugoslaviju (SFRJ) i na kraju, rat u kojem se raspala i ta država. Selo je od 1991. godine u državnom kontinuitetu Republike Hrvatske.
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Împlinirea unui secol de la răpirea Basarabiei de către Rusia ţaristă a prilejuit organizarea unor manifestaţii zgomotoase în Chişinău. La 3 mai 1912 a avut loc o adunare a zemstvei guberniale a Basarabiei sub preşedinţia directorului administrativ gubernial A. N. Iugan. Cu această ocazie, s-a discutat problema găsirii celor mai potrivite căi şi metode prin care să se convingă populaţia să vină la serbările ce se vor organiza pe 16 mai 1912. Autorităţile guberniale au decis ca în ziua jubileului să fie o adevărată sărbătoare. În acest scop, a fost aprobată suma de 20.000 de ruble pentru împodobirea şi iluminarea Palatului Gubernial din Chişinău şi alte 7000 de ruble repartizate celor şapte preşedinţi de judeţ. În total, pentru amintitele festivităţi s-au cheltuit 734.000 de ruble sau 1.800.000 de lei.
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Anul 1940, an tragic în istoria românilor, a marcat sfârşitul graniţelor României Mari. Într-un context în care evoluţia ostilităţilor celei de-a doua conflagraţii mondiale a impus autorităţilor române o reorientare diplomatică, din mers, de partea Axei, politica internă fiind, de asemenea, afectată de considerente externe şi determinări care au adus atingere inclusiv coabitării populaţiei române cu una dintre etniile bine reprezentate în cadrul demografiei României , acest an a premers momentului care a marcat „fracturarea unei lungi convieţuiri”. Din această perspectivă considerăm utilă tratarea impactului evenimentelor din vara anului 1940 asupra locuitorilor de origine evreiască din Basarabia, condiţie a înţelegerii extinse a dimensiunii manifestării unui fenomen care a afectat poporul evreu la scară europeană.
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Russia and China are both superpowers. They are not allies, and they are not rivals, but they have overlapping aims, occasionally similar tactics – and wildly differing resources. In both countries, all policy, internal and external, stems from the overriding goal of regime stability. China regards the West as a threat to its economic development and political sovereignty. The Kremlin too sees the West, particularly the European Union (EU) and NATO, as illegitimate constraints on its decision-making, and as potential instigators of ‘colour revolutions’ that will exploit Russia’s ethnic, religious, political, and other fissures.
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Metropolitan Pimen Georgescu shepherded at a time when the Romanian Orthodox Church and our country have crossed a tense period through the prism of the First World War. During the Wars, the Church accompanied the military troops on the battlefield. In monasteries have been established orphanages, hospitals and charity societies that provided both, spiritual and material aid. Romanian priests contributed to the creation of the Romanian National State offering hope to the soldiers to obtain the Glory of our country.
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Catalonia’s national identity has its roots in the Middle Ages and Early modern times. In the 19th century, the Catalonian search for independence was encouraged by romantic and revolutionary concepts spread across Europe. After the First World War, we can notice a significant increase of political actions as regards the Catalonian nationalists-separatists, including violent episodes and riots in main cities. As for the contemporary period, the financial crisis in 2007-2008 acted as a new booster for nationalist-separatist ideas leading eventually to referendums in 2009 and also in 2017. The present study is exploring in a historical register the process of Catalonian’s independence. In doing so, I intend to identify and examine theCatalan’s main reasons in claiming complete political independence. The study tackles particularly recent interviews presenting opinions of several Catalonian citizens, some of them with political or administrative responsibilities, concerning regional independence and its potential consequences.
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Along several millennia, sealift capabilities have played a significant role in shaping the political international arena, and the global strategic landscape. We cannot imagine, for example, a fully operational Roman Empire without a massive set of sealift capabilities, able to deploy large armies anywhere around the Mediterranean, and to bring huge amounts of Egyptian grain to Rome. The study is briefly exploring some pivotal moments in global history when sealift has been massively present; and then it explores, with some details, the present situation of the US strategic sealift capabilities. As far as we know, the ability of the United States to use, in case of need, fully effective strategic sealift is clearly facing important problems and shortages, and this feature of the US national power might generate a lot of problems in many future scenarios, massively impacting strategic evolutions on the World Ocean, in Europe, and mainly in the Asia-Pacific
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The organisational behaviour represents the way in which members of an organisation understand to adopt certain attitudes or modes of action in their relationship with the organisational environment, as individuals or as members of a group. The understanding of organisational behaviour as an essential variable of the organisation is directly dependent on the human component that forms the core of organisations, without which we could not conceive their existence. The study of organisational behavior is relevant for the deep understanding of the mechanisms that engage the entire organisational life. In the specialised literature, the organisational context is viewed as the influencing factor of human behaviour, and, therefore, as the variable that has a direct impact on the type of behaviour that is created at the organisational level. As a matter of fact, this study aims at highlighting those dimensions of the organisation that act as determinants of organisational behaviour.
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I have been asked to present at this opening panel some historical background information on the European neutrals in the Cold War. As we will talk more specifically about the experiences of individual neutral states tomorrow, I will mainly focus here tonight on the ideological and systemic conflict between the superpowers and on what this meant for the practice of neutrality during the period from 1945 to 1989.
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The document discusses the normative and real aspects of human rights protection in the police force, focusing on the specific rights and authorities of police officers in Yugoslavia.
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