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УИЛЬЯМ МИТФОРД О ПРИЧИНАХ ПЕЛОПОНЕССКОЙ ВОЙНЫ

Author(s): Nikolay Anatolevich Yasnitsky / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2-3/2019

This historiographical paper discusses the causes of the Peloponnesian War as understood by W. Mitford, an English historian at the turn of the 18th – 19th centuries. His work “The History of Greece” was considered the most influential until the publication of “History of Greece” by G. Grote. It was found that W. Mitford’s interpretations were differently assessed in the 19th – 20th centuries: he was accused of political bias, praising Sparta, and criticizing democracy in general and the Athenian system of government in particular. The evidence that W. Mitford’s interpretations of the causes of the Peloponnesian War are based on the same objective factors as that ones introduced by modern scholars: not on his personal preferences or political views, but on the analysis of the political situation in Greek states based on the material interests of the political groups in democratic Athens imposing its rule to other Greek States in order to satisfy these interests.

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Уједињене нације и међународно право

Author(s): Matej Savić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2012

Along with centuries-lasting open military pretensions of world superpowers, modern diplomacy has developed, as beginning a war, as well as coming to peace demanded political activity which resulted, first in signing, and then coming into effect of international documents, on the basis of which, a foundation for the modern international order has been cast. Further on, by the formation of international organisations, codification has been allowed, as well as a progressive development of international law. Additionally, in the sense of preserving international peace and security, first the League of Nations was formed, and following the ending of World War II, the UN. Generally, the functioning of the United Nation’s organs, has been regulated by legal rules, however political goals, tendencies, and mechanisms which the member states are using determine greatly the activity above all of the Security Council, but furthermore of the General Assembly, as a plenary organ. Nevertheless, the achieved results of the Commission for International Law in the meaning of creation of international conventions, as well as state adhering to the same, present unassailable achievements in the sense of development of international law. On the other hand, tendencies of motion of international relationships are aimed at establishing a multi-polar system in the international community. Today, the political scene is assuming a new appearance, by which the nearly built international system is already awaiting further progressive development.

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Украинские и крымские парадоксы

Author(s): Zhores A. Medvedev,Roi A. Medvedev / Language(s): Russian Issue: 7/2014

7 декабря 1991 года, когда Ельцин, Кравчук и Шушкевич под предлогом «охоты на зубров» тайно приехали в Урочище Вискули в Беловежской Пуще для реализации заговора против Советского Союза, именно Леонид Кравчук, за несколько дней до этого избранный первым президентом Украины, был реальным главой тройки заговорщиков. Беловежская встреча явилась прямым и поспешным результатом референдума, проведенного в Украине 1 декабря с одним лишь вопросом - «Подтверждаете ли Вы Акт провозглашения независимости Украины?» Голосовавшим не объясняли, что этот «Акт», также поспешно принятый 24 августа 1991 года Верховным Советом УССР после отмены ГКЧП мог означать выход Украины из состава СССР. Большинство голосовавших возможных последствий референдума просто не понимало. Такие «Акты» принимали еще раньше Верховные Советы и в других республиках, включая РСФСР, но они не сопровождались их выходом из СССР и не порождали референдумов. [...]

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Україна і Росія: дев’ятий вал чи Китайська стіна

Author(s): Vladimir Pavlovich Gorbulin,Alexander Stepanovich Vlasyuk,Sergey Kononenko / Language(s): Ukrainian

Political-theoretical, geopolitical, cultural-historical and foreign policy aspects of the armed conflict in Donbass are considered. In terms of the theory of realism, the specifics of international relations in the post-imperial political space are interpreted. Prognostic scenarios for further evolution of the conflict situation at the bilateral, regional and global levels are proposed. The sources of modern Russia's foreign policy behavior towards Ukraine and other post-Soviet states have been identified and interpreted. Based on the experience of the conflict in Donbas, the strategy and tactics for counteracting external aggression have been determined. Designed for a wide range of readers.

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УКРАЇНА ПЕРЕД ВИКЛИКАМИ ХХІ ст.

Author(s): Mikhail Petrovich Trebin / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 4/2017

The 21st century has given humanity, including Ukraine, a huge number of challenges that need to be answered. To understand the range of threats and trends in the development of the world community is the most important task for humanity. The modern world is usually characterized by epithets of «crisis», «turbulent», «unstable». These characteristics are undoubtedly true. But they are not exhaustive. Apparently, with even more reason, the world can be called dynamic, complicated and increasingly dangerous. In the struggle for the future that unfolds on the planet, risks are growing and threats are increasing. To the Davos Forum in 2017, a report was published on the global risks awaiting humanity in the near future. In total, experts identified 30 global risks, as well as 13 trends that can strengthen them or change the relationship between them. Risks are divided into five categories: economic, environmental, geopolitical, social and technological. In ten of the most probable risks in 2017 – three of the areas of ecology and three of the geopolitics, while the environmental is higher: two of them are among the top 3 global risks. These are extreme weather events and large-scale natural disasters. The top ten included also the risks of anthropogenic environmental disasters. The second most significant category of risks is geopolitics. Among them, the most dangerous are large-scale terrorist acts, followed by interstate conflicts and inefficient state administration. They include a one-way approach to solving international issues instead of the necessary collective efforts of the world community. In addition, countries are openly accusing each other of interfering in their internal affairs. It should be emphasized that global risks do not exist separately from each other, but tend to generate each other, overlay, turning into the most powerful destructive cascades of threats. Most experts believe that, for the first time since the late 1980’s, a trigger for such a “domino of risks”, capable of launching destructive processes of global destruction, may become one or another armed conflict, initially local, but those that are increasingly drawn into their funnel the number of states and non-state entities. It is noted that at present, in essence, there are no well-established procedures for preventing the escalation of such armed conflicts and their escalation into a global conflict. In the third place – the technological risks: fraud or personal data or theft, which have reached «unprecedented scale». Among the most likely technological risks of the next decade, experts called large-scale cyber attacks (sixth in the top ten). They also agree that in the coming years the destructive impact of technology on non-productive sectors of the economy will only intensify: the rapid development of robotics, sensors and machine learning will crowd out the human work of the service sector. Among the trends that can aggravate global risks or change the relationship between them, experts included: aging population, changes in the role of international structures (UN, IMF, NATO), climate change, environmental degradation, middle class growth in developing economies, strengthening of nationally oriented sentiments, deepening polarization of society, etc.

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Україна: шлях до консолідації суспільства: національна доповідь

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Ukrainian

The report examines the issues of the consolidation of Ukrainian society in the situation of social and economic, internal and foreign policy crisis, the state of national solidarity is assessed, the causes and factors of confrontational phenomena in public relations are disclosed, the model of national solidarity and strategy for its achievement are developed.

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УКРАЇНСЬКА ПОЛІТИЧНА РЕГІОНАЛІСТИКА В КОНТЕКСТІ СУЧАСНИХ СУСПІЛЬНО-ПОЛІТИЧНИХ ВИКЛИКІВ

Author(s): V. Y. Malynovskyi / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2017

Social and political challenges facing Ukraine after the Revolution of dignity, processes of regionalization and decentralization of European research actualized in political Regional studies. Regions in the EU has in fact become the basic structures of European political and economic space in the context of the philosophy of «Europe of Regions». Obviously, the Ukrainian political science must not stand by these trends pan and actively accompany this general trend of spatial structures. For balance and stability of the country depends on the regional structure, adequacy of political and socio-economic development. In this context it is particularly topical issue is the balance in the relations between the «center-regions» regulation is carried out by centralized and decentralized mechanisms. Accordingly, the purpose of the article is analysis of domestic political of regions in the current development of the state in the context of modern trends of regionalism. The article analyzes the domestic political status of regions in the context of the current complex processes of constitutional reform, decentralization of power and territorial re- form. It is noted that areas related to the political-spatial system, acting as a kind of political system is not sufficiently developed. As a result, regional issues considered most economists or geographers, and the main thrust of Political Studies focused on the analysis of regional electoral processes and regional elites. This state of the domestic political concern of regions as administrative and territorial reform one of the main areas involve drastic changes is the system of public authorities at regional level. All this adversely affects the development of regional theory and practice of regionalism, as evidenced by the extremely inconsistent regional policy, the complexity and ambiguity of tragic political and legal processes: the Russian occupation of Crimea, the self-proclamation of the so-called Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) and Luhansk People’s Republic (LNR). It is noted that the problem of disintegration of the Ukrainian society since independence have not been solved. Under regional theory should offer the best answer to this challenge. In particular, what model of government will help curb the centrifugal tendencies, strengthening integrity and thus provide an effective model of public administration and democracy. Given the tragic events that occurred in Ukraine in 2014–2017 years, to administrative- territorial reform on the basis of administrative regionalism became impossible. Only with the use of policy instruments regionalization return of the Crimea and Donbas be real. It is noted that the political regionalism hides significant political risks versus administrative, including uncertainty about the future prospects of devolution trends. In this regard, notes that the learning experience of European countries, we should not idealize him and mindlessly trace unconditionally perform tips and suggestions of foreign politicians and experts (especially in the federalization). After these reforms, most EU countries carried out under conditions which significantly different from the current Ukrainian. It is also necessary to take into account national specifics, which differs significantly from European and neighboring countries geographic presence aggressor who provokes and supports separatist movements in Ukraine.

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УЛОГА ДИПЛОМАТИЈЕ У БОРБИ ПРОТИВ ТЕРОРИЗМА

Author(s): Haris Pešto / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 29-30/2011

Овај рад представља покушај отварања питања улоге дипломатије у борби против тероризма. Дипломатија има велику и незамјењиву улогу о борби против савременог тероризма. Почеци дипломатске вјештине највјероватније су се јавили у само свитање људске цивилизације приликом стварања првих организованих људских заједница. Иако су ратовање и употреба оружја најбитнија средства вођења вањске политике кроз миленије, постанак држава је нужно водио до дипломатског комуницирања међу њима. Посљедично, извјесна дипломатска пракса може се идентифицирати у древној Кини, Индији, Асирији, Египту, Перзији итд. У античкој Грчкој, у којој се градови-државе непрестано боре око хегемоније, стварајући и развргавајући савезе те измјењујући изасланства, први пут је регулисан дипломатски саобраћај. Најзначајнија тековина која је из тога проистекла је начело апсолутне неповредивости посланика. Касније, то начело преузима и Рим. Велике дипломатске вјештине показао је Гај Јулије Цезар примјењујући методу која је касније уздигнута до аксиома сублимираног у латинској изреци divide et impera (подијели па владај).

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Улога команде Црвене армије у подизању гробних места совјетских војника у Србији

Author(s): Milana Živanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2019

Based on documents from Russian and Serbian archives, postwar press and literature, this article analyses the involvement of the Soviet military command in memorial construction – building monuments, memorials and cemeteries for the Soviet soldiers who fell in Serbia; and its involvement in the postwar funerary rituals from the autumn of 1944 through the end of 1945. It showcases the importance of the Soviet factor in commemorative practice soon after the end of the military operations.

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Улога Лиге народа у очувању мира на Балкану 1925. године

Author(s): Katerina Danailova / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2009

This publication is intended to demonstrate that the League of Nations is the main factor to resolve the armed conflict between Greece and Bulgaria and preserving peace in the Balkans in October 1925. A peaceful proposal by President Wilson to the European powers on 18 December 1916 for the formation of an international organization to ensure peace throughout the world quickly „matures“ and took place on January 25, 1919. Peace building emerged as a priority in the work of the League of Nations. According to Art. 10 of its Statute, each State Party to the international organization is obliged to respect the territorial integrity of member states in the organization. Greek-Bulgarian armed conflict constitutes a League of Nations touchstone from which you will see how it is not only proclaimed but it is an actual international organization that is able to eliminate the conflict. Moreover, both involved in armed conflict countries are members of the League of Nations. Chronological limits of the treated problems include the time from 22 of October to 12 of December 1925.The intervention of League of Nations to end the Greek-Bulgarian armed conflict is a verbal note from Bulgarian government to secretary of the Council of League of Nations Sir Eric Dramond in which insists on the convening of an emergency to resolve the conflict on 22 October 1925. Sir F. Dramond immediately informed the Chairman Aristied Brian and had decided to convene an extraordinary session of Council of League of Nations in Paris on 26 that month. As a result of coordination between them F. Briand sent a telegram with the same content to governments of countries involved in a conflict on 23–24 October. Informing the governments decision to convene an emergency in connection with the Greek-Bulgarian armed conflict, two countries are urged to comply with Art. 12 of the League of Nations Covenant, they are forbidden to resort a war. During the XXXVI session dedicated to the Greek-Bulgarian armed conflict, are held five meetings in 1925 from 26 to 30 October. The action of the military attaches-Delta, Dzhayns and Visconti, whose mission started on 27 October and ended on 9 November, 1925 deserves attention. The Council of League of Nations formed an international committee to clarify the reasons, occasion, and the consequences of the Greek-Bulgarian armed conflict, and also measures to prevent future ones. The Presidency is entrusted to the British ambassador in Madrid Horast Rambold, its members are the French General Major General Serini, Italian General Major Ferario, Plenipotentiary Minister of Sweden in The Hague de Adlerkroyts a member of the Dutch Parliament Droklever Fortuin. Abraham H. is. a Secretary of the committee and Captains Metheny, Sispendes and Pietromarko are his assistants. The report of O. Chamberlain referred to the functions and duties of the International Inquiry committee. Its members have to develop and make specific proposals to the Council of League of Nations to prevent future armed conflicts between the two countries. The examined documents demonstrated undeniable desire for objectivity and impartiality of the International Inquiry committee. It describes the attack of the Greek army on 22 October 1925 as a deliberate intervention in the territory of sovereign Bulgaria.

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Ултиматум из 1914. у немачком и аустријском тумачењу кривице за Први светски рат

Author(s): Velibor Buha / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2015

The nature of the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum submitted in July 1914 to Serbia was one of relevant topics in debates on war guilt for the First World War that took place upon its completion. Already at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, in the context of perpetrators of the war, it was concluded that the Ultimatum was made in such a way to be rejected and therefore to serve as an excuse for an already prepared war of Austria-Hungary with her neighbor. It was also concluded that in these intentions Austria-Hungary had the full support of Berlin. In post-war Germany and Austria various activities were undertaken aiming at denying own responsibility for the war and its transfer to other countries of the former Entante. Interpretations of the Ultimatum were developed with an aim to weaken this accusation of Versailles. Many have written on this controversial documents: historians as w ell as participants of key events in the period prior to the war. They endeavored to prove that formulated demands were politically and legally well grounded and acceptable, and that Serbian rejection did not represent a desirable outcome of the undertaken action. Serbian reply was simultaneously the subject of their attention, particularly the rejection of the two most delicate points of the Ultimatum. In this decision they saw influence of Russia and in line with that her key role in provoking the war. Unreserved German support in the attitude to Serbia in 1914 was interpreted by convictions of the Emperor and the government that this was a question of vital interest for Austria-Hungary and that potential war conflict would not go beyond Balkan frontiers. These interpretations were not supported by many sources in contemporary archives, and were also rejected by some relevant voices from Germany who assessed Serbian reply as satisfactory and criticized an accelerated Austrian breaking of diplomatic relations with Serbia immediately upon its reception. Overall efforts to improve historical judgement of the Ultimatum have therefore not given proper results.

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Унутрашњи оружани облици угрожавања капацитета безбедности државе

Author(s): Radoslav Gaćinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2012

Origins of theoretical elaboration of the nature of social conflicts derive from the Antic age and philosophical attitudes of Heraclites, Plato and Aristoteles. Further development of the thought on conflicts is connected with theological, natural-legal, geopolitical and Malthusian interpretations of social conflicts. However, only with development of sociology and psychology as separate branches of sciences there were developed significant scientific-methodological and theoretical directions and research schools on conflicts. Depending on different factors, in most general sense these approaches are divided into psychological and sociological ones. This division is made on the basis of consideration of the causes of conflicts – whether the causes are in the character of a human being or his/her social structures and institutions, or in other words, whether the conflicts are analyzed on the basis of the perspective of an individual or on the basis of their collective behavior (groups, institutions, communities, cultural systems and similar.) Social conflicts are “large and massive social actions or consciously directed, dynamic and practical mutual confrontations and battles of collective social subjects over significant and by their nature limited resources.” Essence of conflicts as “the states of social interactions and open antagonisms with confrontation and battle as basic directions” are internal-group and inter-group battles with the objective of accomplishment of mutually conflicting interests, values and limited but still important resources. This battle can be “the war without rules, to greater or lesser extent almost always limited by wide social, legal, moral, religious, technical or other norms and rules.” Rebellion can be defined as an organized armed-political battle of which objective may be taking over the governance by a violent upheaval and the change of existing government (governance), while in other case the objectives may be more limited. For example, the efforts of rebels to distance (separate) themselves from the control of the government and to establish an autonomous state within traditional ethic and religious borders. The rebellion’s objective can be taking over limited political concessions which cannot be achieved by implementation of less violent means. Terrorism is an organized implementation of violence or a threat by violence by politically motivated executors who are resolved to impose their will to the government bodies and citizens by causing fear, anxiety, defeatism and panics. Guerilla implies a higher level of violence in comparison with terrorism. Not every guerilla war aims at a social revolution. Guerilla’s objectives can be separation, the change of one political structure, counter-revolution, etc. Guerilla can be defined as a form of combat-organized political activity of small armed and very mobile illegal groups who aspire to represent the interest of the people and who, finding support in the people, collectively use the armed force as direct violence against the government. Civil war is an armed battle between political, national and other antagonistic social groups in one state for purpose of accomplishment of political and economic interests. Significant causes for it can be also accumulation of unsolved social, economic, political and other relations among the peoples. In case of internal conflicts it is very important to timely find out whether it is the word about civil war or some other sort of internal armed conflict. There are many cases in history that internal unrests, uprisings and civil wars, including even military coups and the state coups, were supported from abroad for purpose of accomplishment of interests of great powers or creation of appropriate environment for foreign military intervention – aggression. Most concrete example of encouraging of internal conflicts by some great powers was creation of turbulent state of affairs in Kosovo and Metohija as a vanguard for aggression of the NATO-pact on Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999.

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Употреба историјских аналогија у процесу доношења спољнополитичких одлука на примеру односа Србије и Сједињених Америчких Држава после 2000. године

Author(s): Marko Dašić,Stevan Nedeljković,Dragan Živojinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2018

When faced with an unknown situation or find themselves in un familiar field, politicians rely mainly on use of the analogies in decision making process. Guided by the logic of simplifying, they principally use historical analogies. The main purpose of such methodological en deavour is to perform better and get more comprehensive understand ing of a new issue. The main thesis of this paper is, first of all, failure of Serbian government to improve relations with United States through use of two specific historical analogies after 2000. It turned out that those analogies were inadequate and insufficient because of considera bly changed circumstances. The first analogy refers to Yugoslavia–US strategic partnership after the conflict between Tito and Stalin. The oth er one concerns the alliance of Serbia and US during World War I and efforts of Serbia to improve todayʼs bilateral relations in that manner. The importance of using these analogies is especially visible in Serbian exertions to gain kind of favour of US in the long process of dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina. The authors considered that both anal ogies were misinterpreted mainly because of transformed environment. Each historical epoch is unique. The second problem refers to diamet rically opposite narratives which are embedded in foreign policies of Serbia and US. According to the theoretical matrix of Timothy Snyder, these foreign policies rely on two contrasted logics: logic of inevitabil ity and logic of eternity. The possible solution lies in the shadow of the future, if we listen to Robert Axelrod. More precisely, we need to con tinue our cooperation because of good relations in the past and despite certain obstacles nowadays.

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УПРОЩЕННОЕ УГОЛОВНОЕ ПРОИЗВОДСТВО В УКРАИНЕ НА ОСНОВАНИИ СОГЛАШЕНИЙ О ПРИМИРЕНИИ

Author(s): A. Vlasova / Language(s): English,Ukrainian Issue: 3/2013

The article discusses issues on the basis of agreements on reconciliation as a form of summary proceedings. Active use of conciliation in the criminal process of Ukraine, the ability to achieve reconciliation with the victim during the investigation of criminal offenses manufactures small and moderate responsible use of alternative global trends (pretrial) stituatsy conflict resolution procedures. Legislator, introducing in Chapter 35 of the Criminal Procedural Code of Ukraine regulations (articles) about reconciliation has greatly expanded the scope of such reconciliation, which requires a clear mechanism for implementation of the said articles.

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Утицај окупационих власти на ревизију наставних програма и уџбеника у Србији 1941–1944 (Прилог друштвеној историји рата)

Author(s): Ljubinka Škodrić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2009

The changes in the school textbooks and curricula in occupied Serbia, made by the collaborationist authorities, on one hand were designed to appease the occupation rulers, and on the other hand to alienate the previous political system and to promote and popularize the new policies and ideas. Efforts were made to incorporate the political and ideological aspirations of the collaborationists into the educational contents and enforce a new orientation and ideological upbringing of the population. In this context, the biggest importance was placed on teaching history, geography and language, but due to the sensitivity of topics and difficulties in harmonizing their contents and wishes of collaborationists, new textbooks and teaching of these subjects either did not take root at all or were reduced to inessential contents. The inability to conduct regular classes and a lack of appropriate associates who would create acceptable textbooks made the education authorities resort to provisional measures and enforced and incomplete solutions that remained in force until the end of the occupation.

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Участники бытовых конфликтов в Латинском квартале Парижа по материалам нотариальных актов: жертвы и агрессоры

Author(s): N. S. Nazareva / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2018

The present paper is a research on the intersection between social history and history of law. The attention is focused on fights, quarrels, and manslaughters that took place in Paris during the first part of the 16 century. The main source for this study is notarial acts, which are preserved in the Minutier Central of the French National Archives. It has been revealed that the two parties of the conflict asked for intervention of a royal notary in order to resolve their conflict or to sign the deal that was already discussed. That would permit Parisians to avoid dealing with the complicated judicial system. As a result of the analysis of 214 notarial acts, the following patterns have been discovered: firstly, the subjects of most agreements (122) were beatings and fights; secondly, the participants in such agreements were mostly small artisans and bourgeois; thirdly, most of them lived in the Latin Quarter, i.e., in the area where the offices of notaries, whose archives formed the basis of the study, were located, as well as in the surrounding suburbs; fourthly, apprentices of various professions and typographers turned out to be the aggressors in a higher number of cases, while day laborers were more often the victims. The obtained results broaden our vision about the French judicial system in the 16th century that comprised various social institutions for conflict resolution.

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Учешће Мађарске у распарчавању Југославије 1941.

Author(s): Arpad Hornjak / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Throughout the inter-war period Hungary was dissatisfied with her borders, including the one with Yugoslavia. Therefore her policy was aimed at loosening the Little Entente whose member Yugoslavia was. Among other things, Hungary used the large Hungarian national minority in Yugoslavia for her revisionist goals. During the late 1930s Hungary’s revisionist ambitions were aimed chiefly against Romania and she was relying on Italy. When WWII broke out, Hungary strove to remain neutral, saving forces for the propitious moment. She used Soviet pressure on Romania in summer 1940 to extort part of Transylvania with German backing. However, the price were concessions to the Third Reich – joining the Tripartite Pact on November 20, 1940 being the biggest. However, in order not to be completely cut off from Great Britain, Hungary sought rapprochement with Yugoslavia. This was encouraged also by the Axis powers. This coincided with their increased pressure on Yugoslavia to joint the Tripartite Pact, which she eventually did on march 25, 1941. However, two days later the government that had signed the Pact was overthrown and Hitler decided to destroy the unreliable ally. Hungary was invited to take part in the attack and have a share of the spoils. Hungarian prime-minister Pal Teleki who opposed that because he didn’t want to sever all ties with Great Britain, committed suicide and Hungary joined in the German-Italian-Bulgarian aggression. The author deems this the logical consequence of two decades long Hungarian revisionist aspirations. As opposed to most Hungarian historians, he is of the opinion that Hungary entered WWII on the day she attacked Yugoslavia, and not on June 22, 1941 when she joined in the attack on the USSR.

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Феномен переговорів у комунікативному просторі сучасної системи міжнародних відносин

Author(s): Habriella Rodyk / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2012

In this article negotiation as an alternative instrument of the solution of different kinds of problem is analyzed. Negotiation as a communicative component in the strategy of peaceful solution of the international conflicts is overviewed. The role of negotiation in the modern political-communicative area is examined.

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Фереро о Светском Миру

Author(s): G. Hubert-Rodier / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 01/1931

Гуљелмо Фереро борави у Паризу, — то je одиста знак времена. Он je највећи специјалист за политичке болести, од којих с времена на време болује наш социјални органи- зам; он je поуздано најбољи клиничар којега je имала Европа после Токвила.

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ФИЛОЗОФИЈА И PAT ПРОТИВ СРБИЈЕ

Author(s): Jovan Aranđelović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/1999

Author has defended thesis that without philosophical thinking human community approach to the barbaric level. In the first part, author dealnig relation between philosophy and world of life (war, revolution) in which extent world of the life founded in the thinking. It underlined deferences between France revolution (concept, right) and America (common sence, interest) as well as difference between Anglo-Saxon civilization and France and continental Europe. In the war against Serbia Europe destroyed own principle “setting on the thought”. In the second part, author is arguing that war against Serbia means the war against represed small nations. Does the Serbia defends Europe from itself and American hegemony? Philosophy approaches to the recent events on the Balkan leds to clearing the state of war against Serbia and deaper understanding of it. In the conclusion, author asserts that Serbia defends Europe from barbarianism.

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