John Keegan, The Times Atlas Zweiter Weltkrieg
Review of: Nikica Barić - The Times Atlas Zweiter Weltkrieg, Herausgegeben von John Keegan, Bechtermiinz Verlag (Weltbild Verlag GmbH), Augsburg 1999, 255 str.
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Review of: Nikica Barić - The Times Atlas Zweiter Weltkrieg, Herausgegeben von John Keegan, Bechtermiinz Verlag (Weltbild Verlag GmbH), Augsburg 1999, 255 str.
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Review of: Piotr Zurek - Wieslaw WALKIEWICZ, Jugoslawia. Byt wspólny i rozpad, Warszawa 2000. (Wieslaw WALKIEWICZ, Jugoslavija. Zajedništvo i raspad, Varšava 2000.)
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The author critically reflects on the historiography and other disciplines in Bosnia and Herzegovina that are very actively put into service of eliminating Croats from their ancestral living areas. Attention is focused on specific Bosnian historians whose work reflects extreme anti-Croatian altitudes.
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Review of: Marko Babić - ZDRAVKO DIZDAR - MIHAEL SOBOLEVSKI, PREŠUĆIVANI ČETNIČKI ZLOČINI U HRVATSKOJ I U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI 1941. -1945; Hrvatski institut za povijest - Dom i svijet, Zagreb 1999., str. 790.
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On the basis of previously inaccessible archival documents, and the secondary literature, the author shows the aims of the Ustasha movement in emigration after 1945 to combat the communist government and Yugoslavia in order to re-establish the Independent State of Croatia. For this purpose, they planned to organize the guerilla, or "crusader", groups still operating in Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina under the umbrella of so-called Croatian military forces. Counting on support from the US and Great Britain in an anti-communist alliance against the Soviet east, the political orientation of the Ustasha leadership became pro-western. Contact with western agents revealed western interest in military intelligence and information about the military potential of the "crusaders," but they insisted that contact remain with specific individuals and not extend to official recognition. In opposition to the "liberal capitalist" system of the west, the ustasha leadership emphasized the importance of state, communal and private ownership, and likewise the necessity of preserving the peasant smallhold as the basis of "Croatian national life." The anticipated armed struggle was to be carried out exclusively by the Ustasha, but the future state was to be formed on the principles of democracy and national sovereignty.
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The mass grave at Ovčara is one of the most tragic reminders of the sufferings of the Homeland War when 200 wounded persons from Vukovar Hospital were taken away and executed near the estate of VUPIK (Vukovar Agricultural Industrial Complex) at Ovčara. The first public insights into the occurrences near Ovčara were provided in October 1992 in the article published in Vjesnik entitled “The Wounded were Taken Away Through the Rear Exit” on the basis of the testimony of a survivor, later a prisoner who was exchanged in Nemetin in 1992. Paying due attention to the exhumation of the mortal remains not having been carried out until four whole years after the discovery of the mass grave, that is to say in September and October 1996, this paper endeavours to determine the key factors that affected its discovery and research on the basis of accessible digital database documents of the ICTY at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio and according to the periodicals of the time; on the basis of these documents it is endeavoured to determine the reasons why the exhumation was performed only after the ICTY had already indicted the “Vukovar Three” and Slavko Dokmanović.
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I began to write these lines on the sixth of May – St George’s Day in the Julian calendar. Known as Jurjevo or Đurđevdan in Bosnia, it signals a cyclical revival, a world suddenly awake and burgeoning with diverse and entwined life. Set against the preceding hibernal restrictions, the day is a ritual celebration of movement, encounter and interaction, an antithesis of the endured seclusion. Its apotropaic rituals rely on interspecies and interfaith entanglements, as wellbeing is understood to necessitate a sensitivity to the relations between manifold vital actualities. Before I return to the potential implications of this tradition, I would like to make a couple of leaps into less jubilant themes. Chiefly focusing on recent developments in Sarajevo, I argue that the biopolitical regime of power in Bosnia – wholly conceivable through the currently deployed concept of “self-isolation” – is irreconcilable with the Georgic symbiotic perspective.
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The paper deals with the Asia-Pacific region, which is, with its geopolitical and geostrategic characteristics, one of the most important areas of the modern world, and the dynamics and character of processes that take place in it have huge implications on international politics. The underlying hypothesis of this work is that powerful potentials of the Asia Pacific open up the possibility that it will becomes a true leader of the overall progress in the world, but the conflicts that exist in that area, of which the most destructive territorial disputes are, also have the potential for global scale confrontation. The geostrategic significance, transport corridors, huge reserves of oil and gas, the highest concentration of human resources, as well as high technological achievements make the Asia Pacific region one of the most powerful drivers of the development and progress of the modern world. Such a unique position of the Asian Pacific contributes to a strong concentration of the interests of international politics in the region. Of course, the Asia Pacific is a place where the most important geopolitical and geo-strategic interests of the most important actors of contemporary international politics are in conflict. These circumstances make the region one of the most vulnerable areas of the modern world in the security sense. Primary causes of the conflict are economic as well as geostrategic characteristics of the area. On the top of the numerous and complex Asian issues, are conflicts between China and the US, which primarily determine the character of relations in the region.
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Rad razmatra Azijsko-pacifički region koji sa svojim geopolitičkim i geostrategijskim karakteristikama spada u red najznačajnijih prostora savremenog sveta, pa dinamika i karakter procesa koji se u njemu odvijaju imaju ogromne implikacije na međunarodnu politiku. Polazna hipoteza rada jeste da snažni potencijali koje Azijski Pacifik poseduje otvaraju mogućnost da on postane istinski predvodnik sveukupnog progresa u svetu, ali konflikti koji na tom prostoru postoje, od kojih su najdestruktivniji teritorijalni sporovi, nose isto tako potencijal za konfrontaciju globalnih razmera. Geostrategijski značaj, transportni koridori, ogromne rezerve nafte i gasa, najveća koncentracija ljudskih resursa, kao i visoka tehnološka dostignuća čine da region Azijskog Pacifika izrasta u jedan od najsnažnijih pokretača razvoja i progresa savremenog sveta. Takva jedinstvena pozicija Azijskog Pacifika doprinosi snažnoj koncentraciji interesa međunarodne politike na taj region. Naravno, Azijski Pacifik je prostor gde se sukobljavaju i najznačajniji geopolitički i geostrategijski interesi najznačajnih aktera savremene međunarodne politike. Te okolnosti čine da u bezbednosnom smislu taj region bude jedan od bezbednosno najosetljivijih prostora savremenog sveta. Primarni razlozi sukoba su ekonomski kao i geostrateške osobenosti tog prostora. Na vrhu brojnih i kompleksnih problema Azijskog Pacifika su konfliktni odnosi Kine i SAD, koji primarno određuju i karakter odnosa u regionu.
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The Balkan War of 1991–1995 in the former Yugoslavia was the worst war-related crisis in Europe since the Second World War. Clearly, ethnic cleansing, the forced displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians, became the signature event of this conflict. The main vehicle for ethnic cleansing was the forceful removal and internment of sectarian rivals into facilities that were generally crowded and where torture, rape, starvation, and killings were commonplace events. All parties, Catholic Croats, Muslim Bosniaks, and Orthodox Christian Serbs, participated in these ethnic purges. This article highlights the nature of this unfortunate consequence of the Balkan Wars.
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Rat na Balkanu koji je trajao u periodu 1991–1995 na području bivše Jugoslavije predstavljao je najgoru ratnu krizu u Europi od Drugog svjetskog rata. Etničko čišćenje, nasilno premještanje stotine hiljada civila postalo je glavna karakteristika tog sukoba. Osnovni metod provođenja etničkog čišćenja se ogledao u nasilnom premještanju sektaških rivala i njihovo zatvaranje u objekte koji su bili prenapučeni i u kojima su se provodila redovna mučenja, silovanja, izgladnjivanja i ubijanja. Sve strane, katolici – Hrvati, muslimani – Bošnjaci i pravoslavci – Srbi, su učestvovali u ovim etničkim čišćenjima. Ovaj članak naglašava prirodu tih užasnih posljedica rata na Balkanu.
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The Balkan Wars of 1991–2002 were the deadliest conflicts in Europe since the Second World War – one dominated by ethnic cleansing resulting in over 100,000 deaths, many non-combatant civilians, with over a million people displaced from their traditional homes. The major parties in the 1991–1996 war were ethnic Croatians (Roman Catholic), Bosniacs (Muslims), and ethnic Serbs (Orthodox Christian) while the 1999–2002 Kosovo War involved Serbs and ethnic Albanians (Muslims). While Croatia, Bosnia- Herzegovina, Serbia, and Kosovo have dominated the international spotlight regarding the Third Balkan Wars, Macedonia played a significant role in the breakup of the former Yugoslavia especially relevant to the treatment of the Roma, a group that has long been part of the Balkan culture that suffered greatly during the Balkan Wars. Yet, the forces that forged the settlements for these conflicts basically ignored both Macedonia and the Roma: the United States, European Union, and the United Nations. Thus, while Macedonia was spared from much of the conflict during the initial 1991–1996 battles, other than playing an important role in supporting the displaced refugees, it got caught up in the latter part of the Third Balkan Wars when Kosovo separated from Serbia.
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The history of human society can be, unfortunately, best perceived through the history of warfare. At any given moment in the world there was a war waged, and many of them have been fought after they were banned, post World War II. The mere prohibition of the wars of aggression by the UN did not stop them from breaking out. Wars are closely related to the realization and protection of the interests of belligerents. It is not always anecessary to initiate war to realize these interests. The main forces in war are military forces and the appearance of militarism is not unusual. It is closely linked with a specific time and space. Strengthening the power of military circles is accompanied by strengthening the resistance to this, by all means, negative phenomenon, most often in the form of antimilitarism. The war in BiH can be viewed, in many respects, in broader, theoretical aspects. Its main characteristics could not have been the instigating factor for the idea of demilitarization in BiH. The seriousness of circles and circumstances it is debated in points to its political significance. This requires a broad and quality consideration during the process of formation of critical attitudes.
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Balkanski ratovi od 1991. do 2002. godine bili su najsmrtonosniji konflikti u Evropi od Drugog svjetskog rata kojima je dominiralo etničko čišćenje i čiji je rezultat bilo preko 100.000 mrtvih, većinom civila koji nisu učestvovali u borbama, uz preko million raseljenih iz svojih domova. Većinske strane u ratu od 1991. do 1996. godine bili su etnički Hrvati (rimokatolici), Bošnjaci (muslimani) i etnički Srbi (pravoslavci), dok su u ratu na Kosovu u periodu 1999–2002. bili uključeni Srbi i etnički Albanci (muslimani). Dok su Hrvatska, Bosna i Hercegovina, Srbija i Kosovo dominirali kao međunarodno prepoznate tačke Trećih balkanskih ratova, Makedonija je igrala značajnu ulogu u raspadu bivše Jugoslavije, osobito relevantnu u pogledu tretmana Roma, grupe koja je dugo vremena bila dio balkanske kulture, a koja je izrazito stradala tokom balkanskih ratova. Ipak, snage koje su skovale rješenja za ove konflikte, Sjedinjene Američke Države, Evropska unija i Ujedinjeni narodi, u osnovi su ignorisale i Makedoniju i Rome. Prema tome, iako je Makedonija bila pošteđena konfl ikata tokom početnih sukoba u periodu 1991–1996, osim što je odigrala važnu ulogu u zbrinjavanju raseljenih i izbjeglica, isti su je sustigli u kasnijem dijelu Trećih balkanskih ratova, i to kada se Kosovo odvajalo od Srbije.
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Istorija ljudskog društva, nažalost, najbolje se može sagledati kroz istoriju ratovanja. Skoro u svakom momentu negde u svetu je vođen rat, a najviše ih je bilo nakon što su zabranjeni, posle II svetskog rata. Sama zabrana napadačkih ratova od strane UN nije doprinela tome da oni prestanu da postoje. Ratovi su usko vezani za ostvarenje ili zaštitu interesa strana u sukobu. Za ostvarivanje tih interesa nije uvek nužno ratovati. Osnovne snage u ratu su vojne snage i pojava militarizma nije neobična. Ona je usko vezana za određeno vreme i prostor. Jačanje uticaja vojnih krugova prati i jačanje otpora toj, svakako, negativnoj pojavi. Najčešće u formi anti-militarizma. Rat u BiH, po mnogim elementima, može da se prepozna u širim, teoretskim, razmatranjima. Njegove bitne karakteristike nisu mogle biti polazna osnova za ideju o demilitarizaciji BiH. Ozbiljnost krugova i prilika u kojima se o njoj razgovara upućuje na njen politički značaj. To obavezuje na širinu i kvalitet promišljanja pri formiranju kritičkih stavova.
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Klinička definicija traumatskog stresa promenila se od njene prve pojave 1980. godine u Dijagnostičkom i statističkom priručniku za mentalne poremećaje, treće izdanje (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders – Third Edition (DSMIII). Ove razlike ne samo da odražavaju promenu situacije SAD-a u borbama u Iraku I Avganistanu, nego i kako traume utiču na civile zahvaćene ratnim vihorom, terorizmom ili prirodnim katastrofama. Naša metaanaliza razmatra različita stanovišta zapadnih društava, koja su bitna za dva scenarija – trenutni Zalivski rat u odnosu na rat na Balkanu – ratovi koji su počeli 90-ih godina i nastavljaju se do danas ili kao individualni ratovi ili „mirovne” misije.
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The author will emphasize the importance of both the existence and the further development of the Srebrenica - Potočari Memorial Center, in the context of the continued need to understand the genocide that took place in and around Srebrenica, from the aspect of building a culture of remembrance throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). This is necessary in order to continue fighting the ongoing genocide denial. At first glance, a culture of remembrance presupposes immobility and focus on the past to some, but it is essentially dynamic, and connects three temporal dimensions: it evokes the present, refers to the past but always deliberates over the future. In this paper, the emphasis is placed on the concept of the place of remembrance, the lieu de memoire as introduced by the historian Pierre Nora. In this sense, a place of remembrance such as the Srebrenica - Potočari Memorial Center is an expression of a process in which people are no longer just immersed in their past but read and analyze it in the present. Furthermore, looking to the future, they also become mediators of relations between people and communities, which in sociological theory is an important issue of social relations. The author of this paper emphasizes that collective memory in the specific case of genocide in and around Srebrenica is only possible when the social relations around the building (Srebrenica - Potočari Memorial Center) crystallize, which is then much more than just the content of the culture of remembrance.
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The denial of the 1995 genocide against Bosniaks in the UN security zone of Srebrenica, has continued uninterrupted for 25 years. This denial has taken various forms and manifestations during that time; from denying the extent and character of crimes and the number of victims, to not accepting relevant court verdicts and especially, ignoring the consequences of genocide. As time passes, we are beginning to get the impression that an additional phase to the denial of the genocide in Srebrenica has emerged, in which, through the glorification of convicted war criminals and their affirmation in society, genocide is affirmed as an acceptable procedure and activity.We believe that this 25-year period of persistent denial, and even celebration of the genocide in Srebrenica, largely corresponds to the strengthening of neo-fascist and right-wing ideas and movements in European countries, which has been accompanied by an increasingly louder denial and relativization of the Holocaust.In this paper, we intend to analyze the connection between these phenomena, because we believe that the ideas pedaled by deniers of the genocide in Srebrenica, are significantly suited to strengthening the neo-fascism and Holocaust denial and are using this atmosphere to intensify genocide denial against Bosniaks and yet paradoxically, affirm the genocide, by glorifying the convicted war criminals and their ideas.
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After the end of Cold War and fall of communist regimes in Eastern Europe, Romanian Armed Forces attended to many international missions, on various theatres of operations and on several continents. After being the first country who signed the Partnership for Peace back in 1994, Romania embarked on a long process of political and military transformation in order to meet NATO`s criteria for membership. That necessity and the participation to multinational operations has brought profound transformations both in concepts and the doctrine of the armed forces.
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A large number of provisions of the BiH Constitution are not in line with modern democratic standards. Their acceptance is justified by the legitimate aim of ending the war. It is, primarily, about the provisions guaranteeing the privileged position of the representatives of the constituent peoples in power, regardless of the election results, and about the systemic discrimination of those who do not declare themselves as members of those peoples. These solutions have been reflected in a political structure that is dominated by ethnic parties. With their legitimate support to ethnic interests, they deepen inter-ethnic conflicts. An undemocratic and inefficient system contributes to BiH being behind other countries in all parameters of quality of life. The constitutional arrangements generate a permanent crisis. Reform of the Constitution is necessary and urgently needed. The European Commission, the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights and the Constitutional Court of BiH have indicated the goals and content of this reform. Without the reform, there is no progress in Euro-Atlantic integrations. A new methodology must be applied in making the changes.
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