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СЈЕДИЊЕНЕ АМЕРИЧКЕ ДРЖАВЕ И РАЗБИЈАЊЕ ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ

Author(s): Slobodan Vuković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3-4/2000

In this article author analizes reasons for engagement of United States in disintegrating of second Yugoslavia. These are: firstly, unwillingness of authorities in Belgrade to fall within American sphere of influence; second, inssiting of Serbian political leadership on continuation of building of socializm; third, yugoslavian crisis provided very good pretext for continual existance of NATO; fourth, giving of pedagogical leason to disobayed regimes in the world; fifht, meeting the Turkish interests as a regional power and member of NATO aimed toward the East; sixt, demonstrating of US strategy to asure leading role in the world. Those are key reasons why United States broke 45 year old maintaining of teritorial integrity of Yugoslavia.

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Социјална улога рада у Сорокиновом учењу о цикличном схватању историје

Author(s): Zoran D. Nedeljković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2017

The paper reviews Sorokin’s cyclical conception of history through relevant literature. The social role of war is analysed, in accordance with Sorokin’s understanding of the three cultural types (sensate, idealistic, and ideational) which alternate through the history of mankind. Due to the fact that war as a social phenomenon depends on the cultural style that is dominant at a given moment in history, its social role changes as well, manifesting as a regress or progress in sociocultural process. Sorokin ascertains that we can notice the decrease in values of the dominant sensate culture in the twentieth century in all aspects of life. By examining Sorokin’s sociology of war, the author concluded that war lost the meaning it had for mankind due to the acceleration of military-technological development and that by being estranged from it, it became its own cause, turning into a conflict that may or may not lead to war. Such a conflict as a surrogate of war, that Sorokin hadn’t predicted, has no social role but leads to a destruction of civilization.

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Социјални мир као вредносни поредак

Author(s): Marko Trajković,Goran Obradović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2018

The axiological sphere of social peace is the basis of a valid legal order pleading to be named a long-standing one, and consequently to be qualified as a value order. This value sphere - being given, but also present in our reality simultaneously - sheds light on the value-and-reality relationship through the value-and-work prism in the best possible manner. However, as “usual”, starting from the sphere of “transcendence” and coming to reality, the values may also “get distorted.” Actually, it is better to say that they being given will not lose their essence, yet their application will “get distorted.” Most certainly no social peace but its antipode will be established then, which will also be supported through law that fixes such an aspect of social injustice and disables any realisation of social peace.

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СОЦИЈАЛНО-АНТРОПОЛОШКЕ, КУЛТУРНЕ И ИСТОРИЈСКЕ ПРЕТПОСТАВКЕ ГРУПНЕ АНАЛИЗЕ ИРАЦИОНАЛНОСТИ СКОРАШЊЕГ СУКОБА ИЗМЕЂУ ХРВАТА И СРБА

Author(s): Petar Opalić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2009

In the first part of the article author offers the outline of main teorethical and methodological traits of group alanysis of large social groups, including the respect for basic athmosfere and maturity of social group itself, personal characteristics of leaders as well as specificity of group’s social mentality, all eithin the theoretical frame of W. R. Bion. In the second step main characteristics of large groups, of Serbs and Croats, are exposed that are relevant for the analysis of irrational aspects of conflict between these two groups: linguistical, economic, social-anthropological, and historical, including the basic facts on leaders that gave impact to the conflict.

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Соціальні конфлікти в сучасному суспільстві та шляхи їх вирішення

Author(s): Antonina Filina / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 28/2012

The article deals with a complex multidimensional phenomenon-conflicts, various types which, interacting, complement each other, gaining new features.

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Соціально-політичні чинники тероризму

Author(s): Igor Tombulatov / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2011

In this article rasssmatrivayutsya socio-political causes of modern terrorism. Poverty is analyzed as one of the reasons that provoke terorizm. Done platoon that causes of political terrorism have an internal nature. In this case, is shnie and internal factors interact with each other.

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Спасавање архивске грађе Војног архива у току НАТО бомбардовања од марта до јуна 1999. године

Author(s): Velimir Ivetić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2009

Војни архив био је у саставу Војноисторијског института до 2006. године. У време НАТО бомбардовања Војноисторијски институт био је унутрашња организацијска јединица Савезног министарства за одбрану (при Секретаријату СМО) и најзаслужнија институција што је спасена архивска грађа Војног архива – архивска грађа од непроцењиве вредности за југоисточну Европу, значајна и за светску историју. [...]

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Споразуми о Јулијској крајини 1945.

Author(s): Miljan Milkić / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

The entry of the Yugoslav Army troops into Trieste on May 1, 1945 escalated the crisis in the relations between Yugoslavia and Western Allies. The bone of contention was the status of the territory of Venezia Giulia and the city of Trieste. The Yugoslav government justified its territorial aspirations by the fact that the region was Slavic-inhabited. Especially powerful argument was the Anti-Fascist Councils that had been set up in the area. On the other hand, the British and the American governments strove by agreement and through military occupation to create the possibility for annexation of Venezia Giulia to Italy after the peace treaty. During the solving of the crisis in May and June 1945 the British and the American governments kept in mind the possible reaction of the Soviet government - which ushered into the first serious misunderstandings within the Anti-Fascist coalition. The difficult matters of Venezia Giulia’s status and of control of the Trieste harbor were the topics of military expert talks, but lack of consensus threatened to lead to an armed conflict between the Yugoslav and the Allied forces. However, the armed attack on the Yugoslav units was discussed only as a matter of principle. The Allied commander in the Mediterranean, filed-marshal Alexander, warned the British government that the Allied soldiers could protest at having to fight the Yugoslav forces. Apart from the reasons of morale and reluctance to fight the recent ally, the British and the American governments also discussed strategic reasons in favor of refraining from war with Yugoslavia. The assumption that the Soviet government would react to an attack on the Yugoslav forces, led to a diplomatic solution in the form of the Belgrade and the Devin agreements. The stipulations of the latter were in force until the Peace Treaty with Italy went into force. The Yugoslav government didn’t fulfill its territorial ambitions, but the pacification of the crisis enabled it to pursue the diplomatic struggle to define the North-Western borders of Yugoslavia.

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Срби - двадесет година послије

Author(s): Braco Kovačević / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2011

Serbs living in the Balkan area of ethnic and religious geopolitical conflicts and wars. The impact of these conflicts and wars have great power. They decide on the position of Serbs in the Balkans and in Europe. Although they kept their identity, the Serbs were not granted the right to self-determination. The political struggle for self-determination and survival will continue in the future.

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Срби и рат у Југославији 1941. године

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Croatian,Russian,German,Serbian / Publication Year: 2014

Почетак Другог светског рата у Југославији обележили су брзи војни слом, комадање југословенске територије и грађански рат који је отпочео на простору Србије. Све то било је последица како непријатељске агресије тако и бројних политичких, социјалних и економских противречности нагомиланих у међуратном раздобљу југословенске државе. Југославија је између два светска рата била земља великих социјалних разлике, привредне неинтегрисаности и културолошких различитости, што је, нарочито после Велике економске кризе, избацило на површину радикалне покрете и на левици и на десници који су у својим програмима нудили привлачна социјална мерила. Југословенска државна идеја, идеја националног јединства, у коју се посумњало убрзо по формирању заједничке државе, дефинитивно је званично напуштена стварањем Бановине Хрватске. Међутим, на плану међунационалних односа, стварање Бановине Хрватске не само да није смирило хрватско-српске супротности, нити задовољило национално-политичке тежње Хрвата и учврстило нестабилне државне темеље него је допринело јачању раздора, изазвало незадовољство Срба и подстакло потребу за преиспитивањем југословенске државне идеје. Стога је у овом периоду, из угла национално-политичких потреба српске нације, једно од најтежих питања националне политике чинила дилема за или против Југославије. [...]

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Србија и виновници Великог рата кризе, ратови и биланси (1912-1918)

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Србија и виновници Великог рата кризе, ратови и биланси (1912-1918)

Author(s): Ljubodrag D. Dimić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3-4/2015

This paper is an attempt to highlight the paradoxes of the epoch before the First World War, to identify the causes of the war, to name the responsible for its outbreak, to describe Serbia`s war effort, and to identify the outcome and the consequences of the war.

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6.00 €

Српски добровољци у Русији 1916–1917. године

Author(s): Yaroslav Vishnyakov / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

On the basis of little-known documents of the Russian State Military–Historical Archive, the author reveals the nuances of establishing the Serbian Volunteer Corps in 1916, and discloses the circumstances of the ethnic conflict within this corps. The article shows that “the ticking Serbo-Croatian bomb” exploded for the first time in 1916, though it seemed crucial to consolidate the efforts of two nations in armed struggle against the common enemy for the purpose of creating a “common” state. The article emphasizes that the relations between the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes within the volunteer corps, as an example of the microcosm, perfectly illustrate the predetermination of the future dramatic destiny of the Yugoslavian state and its army, doomed to collapse from the very outset, even before its official registration.

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Српско-албански односи у Косовском округу 1941. године у контексту немачко-италијанских интереса

Author(s): Nenad Antonijević / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

The paper presents the main facts about the occupation of a part of Kosovo (the Kosovo District) by the Germans and the situation on that territory in the second half of 1941. The focus is on the as detailed as possible description of the situation on the spot with special regard to conflicting German-Italian political, military and economic interests, as well as to the relation of the Germans and the Italians to the Albanian national minority (strong collaboration of the Albanians with the occupiers of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia wit the goal of forming Albanian Kosovo within the framework of Greater Albania – the final goal of the Albanian ideological program). The situation on the spot in this period showed that these tendencies of the Albanian collaborators of the German and Italian occupation forces could not be realized without elimination of the Orthodox Serbian population through application of various means and methods (destruction of property, pressure, threats, abductions, expulsion, individual and mass terror and murders).

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СССР и вынужденный отказ Финляндии от плана Маршалла

Author(s): Aleksandr Ivanovich Rupasov / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 25/2018

This article analyzes the reasons that prompted the Soviet Union to pressure the Finnish government refuse from participation in the Marshall plan. Special attention is paid to the distinct positions of Finnish President J. K. Paasikivi and the government of Finland headed by M. Pekkala. Business circles perceived the Marshall plan positively, because it was seen as providing an additional impetus to European integration and to growth of the European economy. President Paasikivi considered it primarily to be a basis for overcoming the strong influence of the Soviet Union. However, the government ignored the opinion of the majority faction of Parliament, being afraid of Moscow’s negative reaction of Moscow; therefore, ratification of the peace treaty by the Soviet side could be delayed, and calculations to facilitate reparation payments were unrealizable. Finland’s forced refusal to participate in the Marshall Plan was the first serious obstacle to participating in the process of European integration that was gradually gaining momentum. Having gained this from the Finnish government, the Soviet side actually assumed certain obligations that partially compensated Finland for economic losses, but fulfilling the volume of these for for political goals became a significant burden over time.

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Сузбијање качака на Косову и Метохији 1912–1929

Author(s): Vladan Z. Jovanović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2009

Spreading of the Kačak movement in Kosovo, Metohija and western Macedonia in the first decades of the Yugoslav state was primarily result of the unsolved territorial issues after the period of wars between 1912 and 1918. The Albanian insurgency against the Turkish rule had meanwhile evolved into a powerful instrument of the Austro-Hungarian, Italian, Albanian and Bulgarian policy in the Balkans. The culmination of armed incursions from Albania (1918–1924) took place in an extremely difficult moment for the authority of the newly formed Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Being caught between the legal transitional period it was going through, ethnic tensions in the northwest and heavy fighting with Bulgarian Komitas in the southeast of the country, the Yugoslav state took up tackling the Kačak issue in a quite inapt manner. The situation was aggravated by the anarchy in the aftermath of the war, „innate fright of authorities“, the open border with Albania, the unconsolidated state apparatus, and synchronic activities of the Kačak and Komita movements. However, the Kačaks were partly subdued in 1924 under the circumstances which luckily coincided both at home and abroad (restoration of the Zogu’s regime and normalisation of the Yugoslav-Albanian relations, the assassination of the Kačak leader in Drenica Azem Bejt, the amnesty granted by the Davidovic’s government, etc.). Although the movement lost its vigour and strength, and their ideologist left the country, the problem eventually turned to have been merely postponed. The failure to eradicate the Albanian insurgency may be explained in the light of the wide-spread tribal solidarity among Kosovo’s Albanians, the power of the ideas on Greater Albania, and political trade of surviving landowners (beys) oligarchy with the Radical Party leaders, which eventually led to the outbreak of Albanian irredentism shortly before the World War II.

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Сукоб двојице југословенских обавештајаца у Бугарској 1946/47: Антон Колендић и Војо Ристић

Author(s): Slobodan Selinić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2011

The conflict of the Yugoslav press attaché Anton Kolendić, UDBA staff, and Defence Attaché Lieut. Colonel Vojo Ristić, in Sofia, at the end of 1946 and the beginning of 1947, was one of the most serious disputes of the Yugoslav diplomats in the world in the early years after World War II. The conflict had several aspects, i. e. causes. First, it should be noted that Kolendić was not satisfied with the possibility that Ristić become the next ambassador in Sofia. Then, you should bear in mind non-tactical and undiplomatic behavior of Kolendić wife, who worked as a typist in a Military delegation, and who repeatedly provoked incidents with Bulgarian officials, criticizing the Bulgarian policy in Pirin Macedonia. Defence Attaché Ristić was very dissatisfied with her behavior. Finally, the conflict also had significance for intelligence service, because both Yugoslav representatives were intelligence staff, a civilian Kolendić (UDB), and a military Ristić, and their spheres of influence were intertwined, further intensified by the personal animosity. Having received information about this dispute, the Central Committee of the Communist Party insisted on reconciliation of the two party members and diplomats, which, according to the party reports, was done, but probably the real solution to the dispute was moving both from Sofia: Kolendić became the Counselor at the Embassy in Austria and Ristic the Military Attaché in Czechoslovakia.

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СУПРОТНА ТЕОРИЈСКА ТУМАЧЕЊА НАТО БОМБАРДОВАЊА ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ У СВЕТЛУ КРИТИКЕ ИДЕОЛОГИЈЕ

Author(s): Vera Vratuša / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1-2/1999

Through the application of the method of the critique of ideology to the analysis of the opposite theoretical interpretations of NATO bombardment of Yugoslavia, in the paper is corroborated decisive influence of the interested practico-political standpoint of the theoretician on all phases of his or hers theoretical explanation of the examined social phenomenon. Socially structured sources of opposite theoretical explanations of apologists of bombardment as “humanitarian intervention” and critics of bombardment as “imperialist aggression” are focused.

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Сучасні трансформації тероризму

Author(s): Tetiana Bondar / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 4/2012

In the article there were determined the transformation, which terrorism had under the influence of globalization and ethno-political process in the contemporary society.

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ТHE UNITED NATIONS AND STATE RESPONSIBILITIES IN MAINTAINING PEACE

Author(s): Bekim Nuhija / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2019

To undertake military intervention or not, is a question that affects all countries in the world in situations of mass violations of human rights and the rules of international humanitarian law, especially the states that have resources and means for direct engagement in the resolution of such situations. For many countries, the answer is simply negative. Their justification is that these crimes do not occur on their territory and it is not worthy that their soldiers die trying to restore peace and security in other countries. The most powerful countries should actively be involved in the prevention and ending of situations of gross human rights violations, which at the same time represent a shame for the whole civilized world. The most powerful countries should intervene because they have the necessary capacity to maintain the peace and security in the world.

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ТЕОРИЈА И ПРАКСА ''ШАРЕНИХ РЕВОЛУЦИЈА'

Author(s): Miroslav Mladenović,Jelena G. Ponomareva,Zoran Kilibarda / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2012

The world, in terms of globalization did not become more stable and predictable. Its main characteristics today are: turbulence, insecurity, and growth potential for conflicts. The most important expression of compression of clamps of turbulence becomes events from 2011. Years, in many countries of North Africa and the Middle East, called the ''Arab revolutions''. For some, these events are coincidental and spontaneous protest ''dreamers of democracy'', while for others it is a result of the planned implementation of projects for a global reorganization of the world. Besides the difference in the value perception of ‘’colored revolutions’’, among theorists there is no agreement even on issues of their target orientation and of their relationship to democracy, social reasonableness, and especially of compatibility of goals and the methods for their realizations.

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