Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Foes Snipe at Macedonia Name Deal
Athens accuses Moscow of using its proxies in Greece to kill the “North Macedonia” agreement.
More...We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Athens accuses Moscow of using its proxies in Greece to kill the “North Macedonia” agreement.
More...
In this article, the fascist Croatian Ustasha and the Serbian Chetnik movements, together with the Partisan movement which was under the control of the Yugoslav Communist Party during the World War II will be examined. In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which maintained its political existence between 1918 and 1941, the conflict between the Yugoslav nations about the political structure of the state was not resolved and there was a political clash especially between Croats who demanded the government to be regulated in a federalist manner and Serbs who advocated a centralized state structure. The Croats struggled to gain the federated state while the Serbs struggled to pass the Great Serbian project along with a centralized state structure. This main political conflict weakened the legitimacy of the state. With the beginning of World War II, the fascist Croat Ustashas started to realize their national programs and on the other hand Serbs supported the Chetnik movement trying to achieve Great Serbian ideal. Apart from these movements, the Partisans who were under the control of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia also struggled to establish a state based on the principles of federalism.
More...
Traganje za zavičajem, pa čak i razmišljanje o zavičaju, nikad nije na svome. U onom trenutku u kom zavičaj uđe u jezički prostor i dobije svoj “glas” on je već gotovo izgubljen, već je dalek ili na rubu izgnanstva u odnosu na ono što treba da bude zavičaj. Upuštanje u jezik zavičaja, potraga za zavičajem ili prevazilaženje prognanosti iz zavičaja kakav jeste ili kakav bi trebalo da bade znači ulazak u platonovsku pećinu u kojoj se stvara kolektiv ili domen onoga što se podrazumeva i što je isto. Zavičaj stvaraju sile koje znaju kako da prikriju svoje manipulacije u ime onog kolektiva koji stvaraju, aktiviraju, reprezentuju i viktimizuju. Upravo dubine neospornog sopstva, orijentacija, kriterijumi i ciljevi pojedinca koji se u svom “zavičaju” oseća na svome svedoče o tome koliko je on viktimizovan i koliko je izgubio sebe. U tom smislu jezik zavičaja (Heimat), kako nam pokazuje njegova istorija, može da utre put i novim mogućnostima za prevazilaženje hegemoniiskog sistema.
More...
U ovom članku želeo bih da ponudim deo odgovora na pitanje šta usporava suočavanje ovdašnjeg građanstva sa zločinima njegove vlasti prema pripadnicima okolnih naroda i domaćim Albancima. Više je razloga za to usporavanje, ali ću ja govoriti o dva koja mi se čine ključnim: prvi je priroda Miloševićeve vladavine a drugi priroda ratova koji su vođeni. [...]
More...
Na dan 21. januara 2000. izraelski dnevni list Ma’ariv objavio je dug članak o masakru u Tanturi. Članak je napisao novinar Amir Gilat, a zasnivao se uglavnom na magistarskoj tezi Tedija Kaca, studenta Odseka za istoriju Bliskog istoka Univerziteta u Haifi. Teza pod naslovom “Egzodus Arapa iz sela u podnožju Južnog Karmela” dobila je najvišu ocenu za magistarski rad... [...]
More...
Pre kraćeg vremena, bio sam u svom kabinetu kada su mi sa recepcije poručili: “Neki čovek po imenu Henri došao je da vas vidi.” Veoma zainteresovan, otišao sam do kontrolnog punkta na ulazu da vidim Henrija. Par nedelja pre toga, on mi je telefonirao i saopštio mi da će svedočiti pred Komisijom za istinu i pomirenje u vezi sa planiranim bombaškim napadom na mene. Otvorio sam vrata. Ugledao sam mršavog čoveka mlađeg od sebe, plavkaste kose, koji je zurio u mene dok sam ja zurio u njega. Nikada se pre toga nismo sreli. Pustio sam ga da uđe. Pošli smo hodnikom, on vojničkim korakom, ja onim što nazivam laganim sudijskim hodom. Bacajući kratke poglede jedan na drugoga, stigli smo do moga kabineta. Seli smo i on je počeo da mi govori o tome šta će ispričati Komisiji za istinu. [...]
More...
I was in my chambers not too long ago when I got a message from reception, “a man calling himself Henry is here to see you.” I went with a sense of intense interest to the security door to see Henry. He had telephoned me a couple of weeks earlier to say that he was going to testify before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in connection with the bomb attack on my life. I opened the door. I saw a man younger than myself, thinly built, fairish hair, staring at me as I stared at him. We had never met before. I let him through. We walked down the corridor, he with a military gait, I with what I call my judicial ambulatory stroll. Glancing at each other, we got to my chambers, we sat down, and he started explaining to me what he was going to tell the Truth Commission.
More...
Uspostavljanje komisija ili sličnih tela za ustanovljavanje istine i doprinošenje pomirenju uzelo je razmere mode. Od prve takve komisije, one obrazovane u Argentini 1983. godine, osnovane su komisije u raznim zemljama, od kojih su neke poznate a neke uopšte nisu, od kojih se za neke, malobrojne, smatra da su bile uspešne a za većinu da nisu. [...]
More...
Potpuno je paradoksalno da je suštinske lične, socijalne ili političke probleme u vreme rata i neposredno nakon njega skoro uvek moguće doživeti kao u principu jednostavne ali faktički nerešive egzistencijalne zadatke. To znači da se mnogo toga lakše razume kada su opšte prilike već do te mere radikalne da je reč o ratu. Daleko je teže, međutim, realizovati moguće odgovore na najvažnija pitanja kao racionalno delanje koje se da generalizovati. Za filozofsku analizu su takva vremena zbog toga navodno samo od ograničenog interesa: ono suštinsko uvek se odvija negde drugo, pre ili posle rata, ali ne u privatnoj ili javnoj sferi i ono je ne samo nepoznato već je, posebno za tradicionalni racionalni pristup, skoro neprepoznatljivo. [...]
More...
Sredinom marta 2000. godine prisustvovao sam jednom skupu u Ulcinju na kojem se raspravljalo o "istini", "odgovornosti" i "pomirenju" u kontekstu sukoba u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Imao sam sreću da budem pozvan i da izložim svoj stav socijalnog psihologa sa Univerziteta u Tel Avivu. Dva meseca su prošla od tog skupa i sada mi je jasno da je zamorni put od Tel Aviva preko Budimpešte i Podgorice do Ulcinja bio vredan truda. Skup je samo potvrdio činjenicu da dileme sadržane u trima rečima "istina", "odgovornost" i "pomirenje" prevazilaze granice regiona i naroda. Iako se istorija, kultura i geopolitički uslovi na Bliskom istoku veoma razlikuju od onih u Srbiji, na Kosovu i u Crnoj Gori, Izraelci i Palestinci se suočavaju sa istim dilemama kao i Srbi, Crnogorci i Albanci dok se kreću tegobnim putem od sukoba ka miroljubivoj koegzistenciji. U ovom tekstu nameravam da se bavim upravo tim putem.
More...
In mid-March 2000, I attended a meeting in Ulcinj, Montenegro, that was devoted to discussing "Truth", "Responsibility" and "Reconciliation" in the context of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. I was fortunate to be invited to contribute with the view of a social psychologist from Tel Aviv University. Two months have passed since the end of the meeting and it is now clear to me that the tiring trip from Tel Aviv to Budapest to Podgorica to Ulcinj was worth the effort. The meeting sharpened the fact that the dilemmas that are subsumed under the three words, "truth," "responsibility," and "reconciliation" transcend across regions and peoples. Although history, culture and geo-political conditions in the Middle East are very different from those in Serbia, Kosovo or Montenegro, Israelis and Palestinians face the same dilemmas as do Serbs, Montenegrins or Albanians as they move along the arduous road from conflict to peaceful co-existence. This is the road that I propose to cover in this article.
More...
[…]Pirouettes do not help anymore: I am an old Yugoslav, a citizen of the world or of Shangri La. We are expected (in a better version: we expect from ourselves) to see what we have done during last ten odd years, or if it was done in our name, what we did not want to see. Justifications wont help: eg. we saw everything but were powerless. […]
More...
Sto su teži vojni porazi Vehrmahta na bojnom polju, to veća postaje nacistička pobeda u političkom ratu koji se tako često a netačno naziva običnom propagandom. Osnovna teza te nacističke političke strategije glasi da između nacista i Nemaca nema nikakve razike, da narod kao jedan stoji uz vlast, i da su sve savezničke nade da će naći neki deo naroda koji nije ideološki zaražen i sva pozivanja na buduću demokratsku Nemačku puka iluzija. Naravno, ta teza implicira da nema nikakve razlike u pogledu odgovornosti, da će nemački antifašisti od poraza trpeti isto onoliko koliko i nemački fašisti, i da su tu razliku saveznici na početku rata povukli isključivo u propagandne svrhe. [...]
More...
Moja knjiga je još pre objavljivanja postala centar polemike i predmet jedne organizovane kampanje. Sasvim je prirodno što je ta kampanja, vođena svim dobro poznatim sredstvima stvaranja lažne predstave i manipulisanja javnošću, privukla mnogo više pažnje od same polemike, tako da je površna buka kampanje na neki način potisnula i ugušila polemiku. To je postalo sasvim jasno kada je čudnovata mešavina jedne i druge, iskazana skoro identičnim rečima — kao da su tekstovi u kojima se napada knjiga (a još češće njen autor) izlazili "iz mašine za kopiranje" (Meri MekKarti) — preneta iz Amerike u Englesku, a zatim u Evropu, gde knjiga još nije bila ni objavljena. […]
More...
The Lausanne Peace Conference, which held the opening on November 20, 1922, ended with the signing of the Lausanne Peace Treaty on July 24, 1923. Throughout the conference, Turkey aimed to recognize the boundries and full independence of the National Oath. The conference, which will nullify the Treaty of Sevr, has been widely heard not only in the public opinions of contracting countries but also in the world public opinion. Diario de la Marina, one of Cuba’s deep-rooted newspapers, was a newspaper that closely followed the Lausanne Peace Conference and informed the Cubans. The newspaper was influenced by the European press in the firs period of the conference and showed a close attitude to the Entente States and Greece theses but in the following days this approach was left the news and comments supporting Turkey’s rightful struggle for full independence.
More...
The Spanish Civil War divided the Spanish nation into two parts; as supporters of the Republican Army and the Rebellion Army between 1936 and 1939. The Republican Army was supported by the USSR, and the Rebellion Army was supported by Hitler’s Germany, although the neutrality of the international public was in place at the beginning of the war. Thus, the Spanish Civil War, in a sense, turned into a competitive field of international powers. While Germany and the USSR were involved in the war, many citizens of the other countries are motivated by the indifference of their own countries to the Civil War. Brigadas Internacionales (International Brigades), a group of international volunteers whose number was around 40.000, came to fight in the ranks of the Republican Army. There were many famous poets, writers and activists in this volunteer brigade. Despite the fact that those foreign authors participating in the Civil War did not have great success in arts, their spiritual support and testimonial works have great importance. It is not possible to examine all the foreign authors that participated in the Civil War. The aim of our study is to examine the authors that participated in the Spanish Civil War and their Turkish translations about the Civil War, either during or after the war. Thus, it is aimed to contribute to the Turkish literature describing the Spanish Civil War.
More...
Many different views on the problem of “war” and “peace” were substantively explored for several millennia. From our point of view, the theoretical and empirical basis of “war” and “peace” was made up principally from research in three areas: (1) Religion, ethics, philosophy and psychology, as comprehension of the normative-evaluative categories of good and evil; (2) Philosophy, political science, sociology and jurisprudence, in the theories of international relations; (3) History, fiction as well as documentary, memoir, reference, technical literature on the subject of “war” and “peace.” For such a significant amount of time, there was a wealth of factual and theoretical material accumulated in each of the three areas of research, which highlights the problem of “war” and “peace” in all variety of its meanings. To understand the scope of coverage and a range of research on the problem of “war” and “peace,” as well as the level of achievements in this field, let us briefly examine the history of “war” and “peace” in each of these three areas, proposed by us.
More...
The study critically examines coverage of Afghan conflict and the relationship between elite press and the governments of the neighboring countries of Afghanistan. We analyzed how media framed Taliban in the context of foreign policies of the neighboring countries of Afghanistan having important stakes in the conflict-ravaged country. The study focused on the stated foreign policy positions of China, India, Iran, and Pakistan on the conflict in Afghanistan and the approach used by the elite press of these countries in responding to the initiatives of foreign office. We employed content analysis to analyze editorials of the elite English-language newspapers to investigate whether the relationship between press and media is elite-driven, adversarial, or independent. We found that the elite English newspapers followed the official foreign policy of their countries while covering war in Afghanistan and Taliban at a time when the entire region was in the grip of terror attacks.
More...