Ксенофобията – стигматизиране на различните
(за Д. Градев, Ал. Маринов, Ксенофобията – стигматизиране на различните)
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(за Д. Градев, Ал. Маринов, Ксенофобията – стигматизиране на различните)
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The following article, starting from critique of the concept “the successful roma”, presents an alternative point of view on how the construction of identity and the dimensions of its distinctiveness take place among the residents of “Stolipinovo”. The aim of the analysis provided is not to show that “all of the roma are consumers”, but to place emphasis on the fact that, in order to “understand” the neighbourhood (following Bourdieu) and its construction as a specific social space cannot solely be achieved via the means of discourses on deprivation, inequality, exclusion and marginalization, but also requires to take into account the practices of consumption which can be observed in the neighbourhood, practices that are the result of wider social changes, directly connected to the transition towards consumer societies and the consumer culture that is characteristic of them.
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According to youth experts, a significant number of contemporaryyoung people in Western societies reach adulthood at a later age than previousgenerations. This phenomenon is generally perceived as a temporary misstep on thepath todefaultpatterns of transition establishedin the 1950s and 1960s. Giventhecurrent societalcontext, should the transition to adulthood today really conform tothat model? This paper provides an historical analysis of transitionsto adulthood toenqui re whether the post-war model canstill be considered a meaningful referencetoday. Were routes of transition similar or different in earlier times, or hasthemodel always existed? To answer this question, the paper looks at demographicsin two case countries, Finland and France, in three periods: the nineteenth andearly twentieth centuries, the 1950s–1970s, and the early twenty-first century.The paper argues that the post-war generation’s rapid patterns of transitionw ere unique, resulting from a sustained period of economic growth in developedsocieties. Thishas generatednew pathways of transition and a model of adulthoodstill used as a standardpoint today, even though the current socio-economic contexthaschanged. Transitions to adulthood are not static. They have always evolved,mirroring the wider historicalcontext within which individuals operate.
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This paper focuses on the life orientations of youth living in postcommunist countries. Although a large part of them function today withinthe same global organism, their political past still differs them from the othercountries, defining in a special way all the socialization space the youth grow upin. The analyses undertaken in this paper try to argue that this is not only theproblem of the political heritage, but much more complicated interaction betweentransformation and globalization processes, that can be described in terms of glocalspace, where nothing is the same, starting with socialization process, through lifeopportunities, and ending with political significance of youth. Empirical basis arehere existing data collected in an international project covered Poland, EasternGermany, Latvia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Russia, China and Vietnam. Theanalyses show life orientations of youth – representatives of the first generation,who have grown up intellectually within the new system – as an important drivingforce of changes, on the one hand, and equally serious source of social and politicaltensions, on the other, possible especially where the “aspiration gap” (the distancebetween what young people aspire to and what they can achieve) is large andconcerns considerable part of youth.
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Migration abroad has become a significant part of the life experiencesof a growing number of Bulgarian youths, since the regime change in 1989. In thispaper we explore the effect of migration on the life transitions of two generationsof young Bulgarians – the ‘Transition’ generation o f those who had their formativeyears in the 1990s during the country’s transition from state socialism to amarket economy and the ‘Accession’ generation of those who grew up after thecountry joined the EU in 2007 in a somewhat better economic situation. Takinginto consideration the impact of the social context in the sending country in twodifferent historical periods (before and after 2007) a nd in the receiving countrieswe focus on the differences of the transition paths of lower and higher skilled femalemigrants within the two migrant generations. The paper draws on a data baseof 42 qualitative interviews with Bulgarian migrants living in EU countries thatwere conducted in 2017 and an in -depth analysis of the life trajectories of fourwomenbelonging to the two migrant generations. Our findings suggest that facingdifferent structural constraints in their countries of departure and reception, youngpeople employ diverse st rategies of settling down, achieving success and attaininghappiness. In the process they transform their social ties and national identities.
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This study introduces a novel methodology for measuring,exploring and describing the pro cesses of party nationalization and localization.The key component of this approach is using electoral volatility as a baselinemeasure for computing party localization indices. For the purposes of this study,conventional definition of localization as non-uniform territorial politicalresponse (Caramani, 2004) is redefined as non-uniform, but spatially contingentresponses of territorial units to national political forces. Using network analysis,the authors introduce quantitative approach for studying spatial and dynamicalaspects of party systems and demonstrate its usefulness and applicability in casesof two post-communist systems: Serbia and Croatia. The results demonstrate thatdifferent components of party systems (new versus stable parties) exhibit differentlevels of nationalization and localization, which has been overlooked in previousstudies. In line with previous research (Bochsler, 2010c; Golosov, 2016; Schakel,2017), this study confirms that the Croatian party system is less nationalized thanSerbian, but there are some similarities between the two countries in terms of thedistribution of electoral volatility. In the discussion part of the study, limitationsof new methodology are explained and directions for its further development areoutlined.
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The article builds upon the current political context in Bulgaria, where the politicians and mass media openly disseminate hate speech against Roma people and Roma quarters blaming them for many social issues. However, the article argue that this is not a “Romany culture” but “a culture of poverty” and in the first part draws parallels both in the spatial features and in the social deviations with many other slums, shanty towns and “ghettoes” in Brazil, France, Germany, Spain, UK and USA. The second part discusses the history and origins of the segregated ethnic neighbourhoods in Bulgaria, starting with the Ottoman urban planning principles, through the socialist ethnic policies to the recent days secondary segregation and the paradox of exodus: what you try to escape the ghetto, soon you realize the ghetto moves with you. The conclusions are rather lessons learned and relate to two positive examples of tackling urban segregation, coming from the town of Kavarna and Stara Zagora city, where the proper urban planning breaks both the prejudices and the circle of marginalization.
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The purpose of the article is to reveal the dynamics of the functioning of cultural and ethnic identification on the Ukrainian border in the modern period. The methodology of the study is to use theoretical, historical, cultural, artistic, and scientific approaches, which allowed us to reveal the interaction of trends represented by the phenomena of multiculturalism, as well as the relationship between ethnicities, regions, and countries in our time. Scientific novelty. For the first time, the article focuses on the dynamics of the development of cultural and ethnic identification in the Ukrainian border territories. Conclusions. It is noted that social changes are taking place in the Ukrainian border territories, namely, opening new opportunities for their residents, developing cooperation in the social, economic, and cultural spheres, etc. It is proved that the theoretical substantiation of the issue of cultural and ethnic identification contributes to the development of national interest, awareness of which is a necessary component of the development of Ukrainian society. Identity and identification processes in similar areas occur on a symbolic level. According to K. Shestakova, in our time, transboundary regions are formed with their own identity, in which local or regional identification dominates over others. At the same time, in ethnically mixed territories (the factor of interethnic contacts is extremely strong here, almost the main one), the set of several identities in which the ethnic aspect is most pronounced is traced. Thus, the relationship between global and national factors of the contemporary historical process in Ukraine is diverse, complex, and contradictory. They can contribute to the development of integration of a country into the world community or slow down this process. The interaction between the specificity of ethnic and cultural identity on the Ukrainian border is a pressing issue today.
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Identity is often treated as a possession of a person or a human collective. It is a time-honored and time-consuming preoccupation of the human species to discuss what it is they have that others lack, what constitutes that specific identity that makes chem into what they are. Since the goal is ostensibly to penetrate to the core of a person's or a collective's existence-to the heart, soul, roots, raison d'etre-these debates are always versatile, colorful, and also highly serious affairs. [...]
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The area of today’s Vojvodina in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was the scene of the development of quite dynamic social and political ideas for the purpose of ensuring a better-quality approach to the constitutional and national questions. After the Decision on the accession of Vojvodina to the Kingdom of Serbia and subsequently the Decision on the unification of Yugoslavia, issued by the Great National Assembly on 25th November 1918, the national zeal was gradually replaced by realistic political ideas with the intention of finding the social identity of Vojvodina in the newly-created Yugoslav circumstances. In the 1918-1929 period of parliamentarism, these ideas had an exceptionally dynamic course and were directed towards democratic tolerance, but after the introduction of the 6th January Dictatorship in 1929, the political and party life was forbidden. Due to the new constitutional circumstances and political consolidation, Alexander Karađorđević, certain of the success of his state politics, tacitly allowed the restoration of the party life. The Sombor Resolution as well as the Novi Sad Resolution, both enacted in 1932, played the role of the moderator of the party and political life of the opposition parties with an extremely active attitude towards social circumstances dominated by the state party.
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Arab-American women’s literature has emerged noticeably in the early years of the 21st century. The social and political atmosphere in post-9/11 America encouraged the growth of such literature and brought it to international attention. This diasporic literature functions as a means of discussing the Orientalist discourse that circumscribes Arab American identity and its effects in determining their position in the wider American society. As such, this article investigates the extent to which Edward Said’s discourse of Orientalism is employed by Mohja Kahf in her novel The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf (2006) to project the stereotypes and misrepresentations that confine the identity of Arab and Muslim characters in the US society. This article suggests that post-9/11 Arab American fiction serves as a literary reference to such stereotype-based discourse in the contemporary era. The arguments in this article, while employing an analytical and critical approach to the novel, are outlined within postcolonial and Orientalist theoretical frameworks based on arguments of prominent critics and scholars such as Peter Morey, Edward Said, and Jack Shaheen, to name just a few.
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Review of: Keith Davies - Mawby, R.C., Worrall, A. (2013): Doing Probation Work: Identity in a Criminal Justice Occupation. Abingdon. Routledge.
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In 2020 Bulgaria started a feud with North Macedonia with the reproach of falsifying its own and Bulgarian history. Threats to block the start of EU membership talks with the Western Balkan countries North Macedonia and Albania followed.The article fact-checks the Bulgarian arguments: Since the 1950s a distinct Macedonian standard language exists. The regional history of Macedonia of the 19thand early 20th century can be told as a spill-over of Bulgarian nation-building to the region then still belonging to the Ottoman Empire and later to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. It can also be narrated from the perspective of the local population among which a Macedonian identification developed before 1944– as indifference and/or resistance against the increasingly violent nationalisation attempts from Belgrade, Sofia and Athens and the internal colonisation after the Balkans Wars. “Shared history” does not mean a one-sided, forced adaptation of Macedonian narratives to the Bulgarian ones, but to take a multi-perspective approach.
More...The Case of a Political Advertising Campaign in the 2019 European Parliament Elections in Cyprus
This research explores the political advertising campaign of Niyazi Kızılyürek, who was a candidate for the 2019 European Parliament election with the left-wing Progressive Party of Working People (AKEL) in Cyprus. It aims to uncover the content of political ads by focusing on the emotive character of the campaign language. Adopting a multi-method approach involving visual and qualitative content analysis of fifty-five ads, I examined the characteristics of communication materials distributed prior to the election. I looked at the type of tone, theme, language, music, visuals, and emotions these ads displayed. The main findings of the study are the following: (1) Kızılyürek’s political stance, which favors a solution to the problem of Cyprus based on creating a federation with Greek Cypriots, is literally reflected in each ad; (2) issue-based ads that underline political issues in the country were preferred to image-based ads that highlighted the personal qualities of the candidate; (3) both emotional appeals (associated with feelings such as hope and enthusiasm) and logical appeals (which tended to promote rational information processed by the conscious mind) were employed in the ads; and, (4) the overall tone of the ads was positive in nature, while negative emotions were completely avoided in this campaign.
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The 2019 European Parliament (EP) election in Lithuania was a second-order event significantly affected by domestic political developments and agendas. As with all previous EP elections, it attracted a minimal level of public attention in Lithuania, creating challenges and opportunities for Lithuanian political groups to effectively reach their electorates. This article focuses on the emotional display patterns of the campaign messages of political parties during the 2019 European Parliamentary campaign in Lithuania. To this end, it applies Lasswell’s model of commu-nication to assess printed media- and social-network-based campaign materials. Findings confirm that emotional messages dominated the communication of the political groups to their voters, and show the extremely broad spectrum of political messages that were used to arouse emotions. The study indicates that the concept of Europe remains distant and abstract to voters in Lithuania. Politicians’ messages to voters overwhelmingly appealed to the European context when addressing domestic agendas, thereby exploiting the emotional aspects of domestic political discourses in Lithuania and the perception of the EU in the country. Finally, the study demonstrates that the personification of political strategies involving politicians’ charisma, public image, and expressivity were key elements in terms of the election outcome.
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Pjetër Bogdani remains one of the leading and influential figures in the history of Albanian culture, in the history of Albanian identity and literature. In this study I have discussed the cultural and spiritual profile of Pjetër Bogdani, the significance of his work and the impact that his book has had on the historical and later historical currents. Also, in this study I have analyzed the importance of his work in attempting to protect the Albanian people from foreign influences and rulings; the religious and social situation in Kosovo according to Bogdani's historical correspondence, then Bogdani's collaboration with Cardinal Gregorio Barbarigo to publish the great work "The Prophet's Cache", the historical, cultural and spiritual values of this literary masterpiece. Thus, his work is a cornerstone in the history of Albanian culture, as it is a major work fought for the liberation of the Albanian people from double bondage: ignorance, darkness, primitivism, through religious and national awakening, as a precondition for self-awareness.
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The present paper is an attempt to investigate and throw some light on J. M. Coetzee’s celebrated novel Disgrace (1999) in South Africa’s postapartheid in order to indicate the ramifications in the aftermath of apartheid in which with the subversion of the white authority, and the change in power structures of the society, the once dominant ideology presupposing the white superiority over the black fades away. Through identity crisis, mimicry and violence, the white hegemony shatters and a new power structure comes into being. Hence, David Lurie, the protagonist along with his daughter Lucy are taken as representatives of the whites that suffer both physically and psychologically and go through an identity crisis which leads them to a kind of awareness regarding their current situation in the postapartheid period. Having endured and suffered some pains that are going to be presented in the subsequent sections of the current study, David and Lucy draw a conclusion that there is apparently no way but co-existence and compromise between the two races. Apartheid, indeed, leaves a wound for both the black and the white through conflicts and collisions between them. Therefore, Lucy can be regarded as the symbol of redemption and reconciliation between the two races. In what follows, the word apartheid will be first defined and elaborated on, then applied to Coetzee’s selected novel in order to examine and demonstrate its overarching effects on both the white and the black.
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Based on digital and conventional ethnography, this paper discusses how Bosnian refugees utilize digital technologies and new media to recreate, synchronize and sustain their identities and memories in the aftermath of ethnic cleansing and genocide and in the contexts of their new emplacements and home-making practices in the diaspora. In addition to discussing representations of displacement and emplacement in the “digital age”, the paper also aims to make a contribution to the understanding and application of digital ethnography as an emerging method of inquiry in anthropology and related social science and humanistic disciplines. While some researchers see digital ethnography as a form of research based exclusively online, it is also crucial to understand the online world in the context of the real world – made of real people, places and social relations.
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The review of: Vasiljko Vukoje: Zabranjena zaborav, Vlastita naklada, Smederevo, 2019., 98 str.
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