Review: Анджей де Лазари, Олег Рябов: Русские и поляки глазами друг друга Иваново 2007, 167 s.
Reviewon Andrzej de Lazari and Oleg Ryabov's book:Русские и поляки глазами друг друга
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Reviewon Andrzej de Lazari and Oleg Ryabov's book:Русские и поляки глазами друг друга
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Student mobility programs grew in recent years more and more popular and, from an institutional point of view, they have been integrated in the sphere of public policies that touch the sensitive subject of intercultural education. The most popular project of this type is the ERASMUS program for students, which as well as being a part of a larger European scheme concerning the development of a labor force adapted to a flexible and globalized market, has developed over the years a certain image among the European public. This collective representation of the ERASMUS program can be summed up: the mobility experience offers the possibility of self-development (concerning personal, academic, cultural and/or social aspects) in an intercultural social space. Relying on empirical data, the present paper underlines various aspects regarding intercultural education, as it is lived by students who participate in the ERASMUS program.
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Prikaz/Review: Iver B. Nojman, Upotrebe drugog – „Istok“ u formiranju evropskog identiteta, „Službeni glasnik Srbije“ – „Beogradski centar za bezbjednosnu politiku“, Beograd, 2011., str. 292.
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The 1848-1849 Revolution was a continuation, namely, the conclusion of the great 1789 revolution. Struggle for political recognition of the unrecognized nations also determined the historical character of the 1848 Revolution, as well as its general position in the development of the national movement among the South Slavs. Тhe exclusive standpoints of the leadership of the Hungarian movement, not ready to give the nationalities the same rights for which the Hungarians themselves fought in 1848, quickly made impossible common struggle for the same social aims proclaimed at the beginning. Thus the struggle for national rights and national equality prevailed in the Serbian national movement in the form of the existence of the autonomous Serbian Vojvodovina. Since the great number of Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy lived in the territory of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, and the greatest number in the Military Border, these programme documents also required the creation of the political union between the Serbian Vojvodina and the Tripartite Kingdom (of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia). These requests were more numerous in the national petitions at the beginning of the movement. The May Assembly in Sremski Karlovci also proclaimed the political union with the Tripartite Kingdom. Since more direct cooperation with the Croats did not exist during the movement, later programme documents, constitutional drafts, did not mention the political union with the Tripartite Kingdom any more or just indicated its possibility, on the basis of an agreement.
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This paper is an attempt to display the ways in which the construction of the perception of the world as an unsafe place in which strange people with whom we share the same time and space context want to harm us actually suggests a relationship of distrust towards the world and offer the fear of strangers and the fear of trust as the only solution to the danger. The 2008 movie Taken is an excellent example for an analysis like this, and the paper considers the communicated message of the "right" perception of fear which is the basis for tackling the issue of the shared responsibility for the tragedy between strangers and victims.
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Since the beginning of the 19th century, one of the most important problems of the Ottoman Empire was the independence movements of her non-muslim subjects that developed in parallel with the idea of nationalism. The pioneers and leaders of these movements in the Greek, Bulgarian and Armenian examples were their churches, and those who influenced their nation, such as clergyman committees and teachers. One of the most important figures in bringing the Armenian Issue to the international dimension and recognition in the World public opinion for the Armenian autonomy/independence was Minas Tcheraz, an all-rounder, with his activities both in many European countries and the United States. Lived in between 1852 and 1929 and as one of the figures in the development process of the Armenian Question, Tcheraz served at first following his education as the Secretary General of the Armenian Patriarchate and then as the interpreter of the delegation sent to the Congress of Berlin by the Patriarchate. Following the Berlin mission, Patriach Nerses Varjabedian, satisfied with his efforts, sent him to England for various contacts in London on behalf of the Armenians. Afterwards, Tcheraz participated in international meetings such as the Chicago World Religions Conference in 1893 and later in 1899 The Hague Peace Conference as the “representative of the Armenians“. Another important feature of Tcheraz was the publication activities with his journal “L’Arménie", first published it in England and then in France, against the Ottoman Empire. This article aims to provide a frame of the activities of Minas Tcheraz, in particular gaining the Western public opinion, who assumed numerous duties and responsibilities during the emergence of the Armenian Question, and thus to analyze in the case of Tcheraz the views of the Armenian intellectuals of the period towards the Armenian Question.
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In the last 25 years the entire liberal democratic world witnessed a wave of electoral behaviours and flirting with them political messages that together shaped a political phenomenon. Various analysts (to mention just Ivan Krastev) called it an ‘illiberal revolution’ – a revolt against the meritocratic elites and against the principle of meritocracy itself. After the political opportunists who were first to ride this populist wave, a lot of ‘systemic’ political subjects adopted pieces of this vocabulary and entangled the issues of social justice with the rhetoric of isolationism, calling this mixture ‘national sovereignty’. This move replaced the deliberative forms of negotiating collective identities with collective myths. The question of this paper is what social anxieties and frustrations in Bulgaria got relieved by this replacement. The answer is sought through an analysis of focus group discussions and points towards a general feeling of displacement shared also by some intellectuals. Briefly: what reward do people expect for their participation in the collective myths in question, myths that turn victimhood into a source of pride? It is a relief from the feeling of delocalization. This longing for relocalisation that backs up the populist usage of patriotism, through the mechanism of projection is however resentful toward the delocalized (the migrants and minorities). This frustration and the outlined mechanism to cope with it fuel hate speech and turn the national feeling into its insulted form (to follow Isaiah Berlin) – nationalism.
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The purpose of the work is to reveal the issue of the influence of Ukrainian embroidery as an artistic phenomenon of the Ukrainian clothes on the formation of the consciousness of the Ukrainian people, on its communicative interaction, consolidation and unification in the current conditions of development of the Ukrainian state. The research methodology is associated with the use of theoretical analysis and synthesis methods. Scientific novelty. The article deals with the issues of the influence of Ukrainian embroidery on the self-identification of the Ukrainian people, its interaction, aimed at unification; ways of forming a national identity on the basis of Ukrainian ritual are analyzed; the distinctive features of Ukrainian clothes, symbolic images, embroidered ornaments and their manifestation in the mentality and national identity of the Ukrainian people are characterized. Conclusions. Ukrainian clothing is a work of art, where embroidery is an inalienable attribute and a symbol of Ukrainian folk culture, and a regulator of ethno-cultural information. The Ukrainian shirt is the main functional and symbolic element of the women's dress and attests to the degree of development and the specifics of the communicative behavior of Ukrainians, its use for social status, membership of a particular social stratum, its close connection with ethnic stereotypes, and moral norms of conduct.
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Contrary to popular belief, African populations have been able to force, through social protest, numerous changes in their societies. One such example is Ethiopia, where its last emperor, Haile Selassie I (1930-1974), faced fierce opposition in the streets during his reign, specially the one boosted by students. This study focuses on how student protests in the country have evolved since 1960, what were the causes of their development and what impact they had on the government of the Ethiopian negus. Finally, it will be analysed whether the protests against the emperor were connected with the 1974 Revolution and the military coup that provoked the coming to power of the Provisional Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia, popularly known as Derg. In order to carry out this research, a detailed review of the bibliography has been conducted as well as an analysis of the period's newspaper and graphic material related to student protests.
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The fact that Globalization has caused different identity crises cannot be challenged either by social scientists or by individuals lacking the slightest expertise in the field. But, unlike those who believe that the process of global homogenization could be the solution of these crises, we advocate, in the Gustian style of Militans Sociology, for the exploration of alternative solutions, depending on the collective mentalities of the various communities: European, Asian, African etc. So, we advance the hypothesis that these crises can have solutions provided that social sciences put them into the epistemological equation, with the specific analysis methods, techniques and tools and formulate real-time intervention solutions. Thus, besides the social sciences that have been limited so far to define the problems and make them a radiography the involvement of all social sciences is expected by formulating solutions, depending on community projects and on the specifics of collective mentalities existing in the local, zonal and national profile. Social sciences can provide qualified counselling for decision-makers, helping them to stop deciding based on impressionist opinions.
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The purpose of this article is to rationalize human rights as a prevailing tendency in the development of modern society and governance. In particular, the main aspects of the problematic in their dialectical interconnection are actualized as well as the processes of formation of the principles of social interaction in the historical retrospective are outlined. Methodology. The general research strategy is based on the methodology of public administration: on the basis of historical, axiological and dialectical methods, cause-effect relationships between social processes and phenomena have been substantiated, the result of which has been the introduction of human rights methodology, including the concept of sustainable development. Scientific novelty consists in expanding theoretical representations of multiculturalism as the most constructive approach to the prospects of civilization. The role of informational and technological influences on society and government as well as the importance of protecting the universality of the information space, its integrity and openness are emphasized. It is consistently held that human rights create a powerful democratic potential for constructive change, development, and progress of society and governance on the basis of social interaction. Conclusions. It is substantiated that interconnection and interaction of human rights and sustainable development imperatives have a significant effect on the democratization of public life and ensuring the rule of law not only at the local but also at the national and global levels of government. It has been proved that the problem and tension between the universality of human rights and the cultural interconnection of identities in a multicultural world are manifested by the crisis in the contemporary world humanitarian space and specific approaches to its solution. Far controversial understanding of human rights by societies of different continents, confessions, traditions, and cultures, which has led to the denial of the cultural conditionality of human rights, has been established.
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The purpose of the article is to define the term mental identity, to find out the difference between the concepts of mentality and mentality by tracing their etymology, as well as to examine the essence of the influence of linguistic and cultural factors on the formation of mental identity. The methodology is based on an anthropocentric approach to the problem of studying the dialectic mutual influence between language, thinking and mental self-identification of a person within certain ethnolinguistic communities. Scientific novelty lies in the definition of mentality as a subjective, implicit, often non-reflective worldview-cognitive attitude of a person determined by the linguistic and cultural background, which sometimes has a conscious, but most often the spontaneous character of manifestation, in particular through stereotypical assessments and behavioral models, latent impulses and automatisms. Conclusions. Mental identity is built by identifying oneself with the mentality of a certain ethnolinguistic community. Its construction and determination are carried out by conscious or subconscious collective creative efforts of many generations during the centuries-old historical and cultural development under the direct influence of the linguistic and cultural factors of this ethnolinguistic community.
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The language, ethnic identity and equal opportunities are important dimensions in discussions on minority rights (May 2003, 2012) and this paper focuses on how these issues are seen by informants at the schools with minority (Polish and Russian) and state (Lithuanian) language of instruction in Lithuania. The schools with Lithuanian, Polish, and Russian language of instruction are funded by state and education in national minority language is guaranteed by the Lithuanian laws. The paper focuses on how informants at the schools with different languages of instruction perceive the interrelation between school teaching language, ethnic identity and graduates’ prospects to get enrolled in the university studies. The paper is based on empirical data collected during two research projects. The first research project took place in April 2013 – June 2014 in the localities of Southeastern Lithuania, i.e. in Šalčininkai, Švenčionys, Pabradė, and Eišiškės. The second project was carried out in July 2016 – May 2018 in Vilnius, Kaunas, Klaipėda, and Visaginas. The sites where the research was conducted are multi-ethnic and the schools with Lithuanian, Russian, Polish languages of instruction function there. The interviews were conducted with members of administration and teachers at these schools. At the schools with Lithuanian language of instruction the author conducted 17 interviews, with Polish language of instruction – 9, with Russian language of instruction – 17, with Russian-Polish language of instruction 1 and with Russian-Lithuanian language of instruction – 2. The data are interpreted in the framework of the theoretical perspectives offered by Rogers Brubaker (1996, 2011), Stephen May (2003, 2012), and Will Kymlicka (2000) on the state policies and minority rights, minority-majority hierarchies and relations. The findings are contextualized in the framework of other research conducted in Lithuania on multicultural education (Saugėnienė 2003; Reingardė, Vasiliauskaitė, Erentaitė 2010; Tamošiūnas 2000, 2001 and 2003), school choice and social mobility (Leončikas 2007), and language as a key instrument in the construction of social boundaries and hierarchies between minority and majority groups (Beresnevičiūtė 2005). The author argues that informants at the schools with different languages of instruction construct different narratives on the interrelation of school teaching language and equal opportunities, and they emphasize different instruments of social inclusion. The members of schools with Lithuanian language of instruction support the policies of “nationalizing state” (Brubaker 1996, 2011) by perceiving the Lithuanian language as the main tool for inclusion, integration and social mobility. The majority of informants from the schools with the minority language of instruction emphasize the importance of state language for social integration and equal opportunities, but question it as a single tool in these processes. The informants from schools with Polish language of instruction emphasize Polish language as the main marker of ethnic identity and perceive bilingualism (competences of Polish and Lithuanian languages) or multilingualism (Polish, Lithuanian and Russian) as important for integration in different and particularly in multi-ethnic regions of Lithuania and as enabling studies in Lithuania or Poland. The members of schools with Russian language of instruction emphasize Russian language as the main tool to enable social inclusion and education for pupils from Russian-speaking families, as well as a key element of Russian ethnic identity. However, Lithuanian language is perceived as an important instrument of social mobility as well. The author argues that the perception of bilingualism or multilingualism (competencies of a few languages used by local minorities) as a positive and targeted aim should be promoted not only at the schools with minority languages of instruction, but also at the schools with the state language of instruction. This changing narrative would enable to question symbolic hierarchies among linguistic and social groups (cf. Bourdieau 1991 cited in Beresnevičiūtė 2005; Beresnevičiūtė 2005) and at the same time would address the multi-cultural and multi-ethnic composition of school communities.
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The article discusses the place and role of influence operations in the process of resolving the Moldovan-Transnistrian conflict.The experience of using by parties to the conflict this type of informational confrontation is analyzed. The features of conducting influence operations in the conditions of a frozen conflict are highlighted.
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The Convention on the Rights of the Child is the first comprehensive document establishing the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the child. By ratification, Bosnia and Herzegovina is committed to ensure that the criteria and guidelines of the Convention will guide the adoption of laws and programs.The best interests of the child are a fundamental principle for all professional fields, and especially for social workers, who directly implement the fundamental rights of children. Therefore, the empirical part of this paper sought to gain insight into the professional experiences of social workers working on the subject of the protection of children’s rights and interests, as well as their opinions and perceptions of the state of children’s rights in general in Bosnia and Herzegovina.Poor economic opportunities and rising poverty are directly linked to the violation of many children’s rights, as observed in reports from both international and domestic organizations and institutions.Results of the research show that social workers, in their professional work, encounter not only violations of social rights but also civil, cultural,educational and health care.
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During 1960s, due to major conceptual and constitutional restructuring, aimed at building the Yugoslav self-governing socialism with a human character, Yugoslavism as socio-cultural, i.e. supranational-cultural concept had been suspended and substantively revised. Its basis, since 1954, according to the Novi Sad Agreement, was to be Serbo-Croatian/ Croato-Serbian unique/unified language. Following the principles of the Agreement, the socio-linguistic reality of the so-called Serbo-Croatian cultural area, i.e. of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia and Croatia, should had been directed towards the greatest possible cultural unification. During the conclusion of the Novi Sad Agreement, members of the Serbian cultural intelligentsia dominated by number, as well as ideologically, in anticipation of the Yugoslav cultural, linguistic and social unity. Yet, realization of the desired future of the imagined Yugoslav community was endangered by discussions about language and literature, initiated in the mid-1960s by the Croatian cultural intelligentsia, which eagerly pointed out at the oppression against the Croatian national-cultural being. They revised the discourse that legitimized the current literary and linguistic policy, pointing at its unitarian essence, as well as at the existing discrepancy between the linguistic policy and its principles on one side and the social, national-cultural, i.e. linguistic realities on the Serbo-Croatian cultural area on other side. During 1960s, members of the Croatian cultural intelligentsia, referred to Bosnia and Herzegovina as to a Belgrade linguistic colony, consequently initiating discussions on its linguistic, national-cultural, and historical identity. The following text provides an analysis of the discourse of the Serbian national-cultural intelligentsia in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a discourse that, in the 1960s and early 1970s, constituted a significant segment of the discussions on the linguistic, in fact, national-cultural identity of the Central Yugoslav Republic.
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Today’s regional roundup: Russia on alert over coronavirus; Iran and Ukraine; Chechen blogger killed in France; a historic “Big Three” meeting; and Baltic crowdfunding platforms in trouble.
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Răspunsurile la Chestionarele Odobescu și Hasdeu, pentru județul Brăila, editori: Ionel Cândea, Costin Croitoru (Ion TALOȘ); Constantin Brăiloiu, culegător și editor de folclor, ed.: Nicolae Constantinescu, Mihail Adrian Șerban (Cristian MUȘA); Troițe și cimitire cu stâlpi funerari de pe Valea și din Munții Sebeșului. Repertoriu, coord.: Radu Totoianu, Călin Anghel (Andreea BUZAȘ); Folclor din Valea Sebeșului, ed. Ilie Moise (Radu TOTOIANU); Studii de etnologie. In honorem prof. univ. dr. Ilie Moise, coord. Andreea Buzaș (Ana GRAMA); Pe cărările timpului. O radiografie fotografică a satului vasluian, coord. Lucian-Valeriu Lefter (Dan Dumitru IACOB); Irmgard Sedler, Noblesse & Raffinement. Der höfische Schuh im Barock und Rokoko – Noblețe și rafinament. Pantoful de curte în Baroc și Rococo (Andreea BUZAȘ); „Musa” – implicații naționale. Folclor poetic într-o revistă manuscrisă din secolul al XIX-lea, ed.: Virgiliu Florea, Andreea Buzaș (Ioan POPA); Sebeșu de Jos – sub semnul identității, ed. Ilie Moise (Andreea BUZAȘ)
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Sinteze (1994-2008) (Ilie Moise) Maria Besse/Wolfgang Haubrichs/Roland Puhl (redactori), Lexeme care se referă la vin şi la cultura vinului: Un dicţionar cu termeni de specialitate în contextul lingvistic (Sigrid Haldenwang) Căluşul, emblemă identitară, coordonator: Narcisa Alexandra Ştiucă (Andreea Buzaş) Patrimoniul cultural imaterial din România. Repertoriu I (Ligia Fulga) Istorie, etnologie, artă: studii în onoarea lui Ioan Godea (Andreea Buzaş) Romania Occidentalis / Romania Orientalis studii în onoarea lui Ion Talos (Gabriela Panţel) Ilie Moise, Seducţia Muzeului (Maria Bozan) Vasile Ursan, Folclor din Ardeal (Cozmina Glonţa) Alina Geanina Ionescu, Icoane pe lemn şi sticlă din principalele colecţii sibiene (Constantin Necula) Carmen Banţa, Sensurile unei identităţi. Studiu de caz. Migraţia românilor în Belgia (Bruxelles) (Rodica Raliade) Ramona Preja, Tudor Jarda în Turnul de Fildeş (Zamfir Dejeu) Cibinium 2006-2008. Partea I (Anda Spânu) Publicaţiile Muzeului ASTRA (Delia Voina)
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