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U knjizi Imaginarne zajednice: razmišljanja o porekla i širenju nacionalizma (1983), Benedikt Anderson daje uticajnu definiciju nacije kao “imaginarne političke zajednice”. Iznijansirana verzija Gelnerovog određenja nacije kao tvorevine nacionalizma i temelj narednih studija o procesu izmišljanja/stvaranja nacija, Andersonova definicija opisuje naciju kao sistem kulturnih predstava koji jednoj osobi omogućava da se poistoveti sa širom zajednicom tako što usvaja imaginarno zajedničko iskustvo. [...]
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The author analyzes ways in which the collective designative and semantic structure of the Vukovar events have been formed. By examining the designative structure, the author concludes that the events in Vukovar still do not bear other designators than those of a conventional, tautological and documentary nature. Therefore, he concludes that the Vukovar drama is not yet designated within the collective Croatian remembrance. In the process of analyzing modes of semantic field formation, the author suggests two types of opposition. In the first type of opposition changes permitting the opposition to be transformed into the domination of the stronger side are being developed. Due to this mechanism, Vukovar is semantically defined as the town-victor, town-judge, town-hero, and finally as the town founded on reversible history, in which all damage is rectifiable.
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In this paper the author writes about the motive for establishing a concept of standard language policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1970s in the past century, the character of proclaimed principles, their application and the results of the application in the period extending to dissolution of the common standard language of Bosnian, Montenegrin, Croats and Serbs to specific standard languages. Within the frames of the mentioned contents he clarifies the linguistic situation in the area which was covered by a common standard language, the theoretic approaches to the standard language itself as to a language of nationally un-homogeneous community, the tendencies of unification and differentiation in its norm on the general level and the endeavor to preserve the common standard language with a norm suitable to all its users, established on the conjunctive principle. According to the author, the concept of standard language policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina was permeated by a democratic ideal in all its manifestations - the equality in communication for all its users in the standard language communion, so the results did not fail to come. In the nineties the application of this concept stopped not because of its weaknesses but due to the change of social reality in these areas. The author considers that the period of functioning of this concept was aurea aetas of the science in language in Bosnia and Herzegovina, concerning both the orientations which permeated it and the achieved results as well.
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The Croatian National Day was a manifestation organised by the emigrant Croatian Peasant Party, which began to be held in 1946 in the southern part of the Canadian province of Ontario, where it also represented the largest concentration of Croatian emigrants in Canada. The manifestation was launched so that Croatian emigrants could socialise and entertain each other, but also took on a political character, gathering funds for ‘Dr Vladko Maček’s Fund for the Freedom of Croatia’, which was headed by the Main Committee of the Canadian Croatian Peasant Party and at the disposal of the party’s president, Vladko Maček. Starting in 1950, manifestations also began to be held in northern Ontario and Belgium. The organisation of manifestations soon spread to the Pacific coast of North America, so that Croatian National Days were held in Portland from 1953 to 1964 and in Vancouver from 1958 to the end of the studied period. Significant Croatian National Day events were also held in Cleveland from 1962 to the mid-1980s. Croatian national consciousness was expressed at the manifestations, which was highlighted in the Peasant Party’s promotional activities before the manifestations, but also at the manifestations themselves, when holy masses were served for the June victims, Archbishop Aloysius Stepinac, and the Bleiburg victims. National consciousness was promoted by displaying flags with Croatian national symbols and promoting Croatian traditional clothing as well as a cultural-artistic programme carried out at the manifestation itself. Peasant Party members also used the manifestation for spreading their political messages, demanding a free and independent Croatia, at the same criticising the Yugoslav regime as Communist, undemocratic, and dictatorial, and claiming the people were prisoners in their own homeland. The political character of the manifestation was also apparent in the presence of guests, who were mostly Croatian émigré politicians and local politicians, who held their speeches during the official part. Apart from Croatian national consciousness, Croatian emigrants in Canada and the USA expressed their loyalty and respect towards their new homelands, holding manifestations on their respective Independence Days. As regards the number of attendees, one can presume that tens of thousands of Croatian emigrants from Canada, the USA, and Belgium participated at the manifestations in the 1945–90 period.
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Review of: Monika Palmberger, How Generations Remember: Conflicting Histories and Shared Memories in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina, London: The Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.
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It is promising, however it is not easy to present the issue of minorities in the Austrian constitutional regulation between 1848 and 1867. It is tempting, interesting and significant, since the main problem concerning the survival of the state of the multinational Habsburg Monarchy was the national minority issue. The question raised seems difficult, multi-layered and partly contradictory, since there were numerous constitution drafts and law proposals came into effect during the period between the Revolution of 1848 and the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and different starting positions were expressed in them. The general motivation of the civil-democratic movements was emancipation and political participation. Their claims were drafted based on the constitutional rights. Complying with constitution was in the forefront. The need for the recognition of the non-German and non-Hungarian inhabitants’ linguistic and political rights was in close relation with these requirements. In the focus of the Individual demands and programmes were self-governance and the autonomy of politics of the nationalities. At the same time raison d'être of the multi-national Habsburg Monarchy also emerged. The role of the Slavic nationalities in the Monarchy only emerged as a marginal issue.
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The article seeks to research the propaganda narratives of the Russian Federation in Europe. The Russian Federation has a long “successful” history of creating propaganda narratives since Soviet times. Even today, it spreads national and grand narratives to influence the external and internal audience. The narrative method is used to analyse both the content and the structure of the stories. The author makes the conclusion that the main purpose of Russia’s propaganda narratives is to convince its citizens and the whole world of Russia’s indomitable greatness and power, as well as to demonstrate the degradation of Europe and the West in general. To form the image of an invincible fighter for Christian values, the only outpost of stability, development, security (at least in Europe), Russia promotes a grand narrative, which is disseminated through daily disinformation, fakes and propaganda messages. The article finds out how the EU counteracts these destructive influences, specifically owing to the activity of the EUvsDisinfo site.
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The purpose of the research was to analyze the image of the LGBT+ community in nationwide Catholic weeklies published in Poland, in particular in the context of patriotism, homophobia, and intolerance. Equality marches in 2019 constituted an important framework of the analysis. The author’s intention was also to determine which of the attitudes towards the principle of equality of each person before the law regardless of sexual orientation (acceptance vs. criticism) dominated in the individual press titles. The research material consisted of printed versions of four Catholic weekly magazines: Niedziela, Gość Niedzielny, Idziemy and Tygodnik Powszechny. The analysis covered texts about the LGBT+ community, which contained at least one of the following keywords: LGBT; Equality march; Equality parade, which was published in the period between March 31st, 2019 and September 30th, 2019. The author used the method of press content analysis and the method of qualitative discourse analysis. The results of the analyses showed that the LGBT+ community had an important place in Polish Catholic weekly magazines. Niedziela, Gość Niedzielny, and Idziemy have explicitly criticized LGBT ideology and have portrayed LGBT+ persons as intolerant, and their opponents as patriotic. Tygodnik Powszechny has distanced itself from attributing intolerant attitudes to the LGBT+ community, while imposing a homophobic attitude towards its opponents. The research has shown different press images of people belonging to sexual minorities in Catholic right-wing conservative weeklies and those press titles which represent the so-called open church. The different understanding of the sacred/profane categories, religious symbols as well as cultural dimensions of sexual revolution, found in the analysed press titles, along with different uses of mediatization metaphors for the critics of LGBT+community, contributed to the bipolarity of the narratives explored in this article.
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The paper provides an analysis of political relations of Bosnian Muslims (officially Bosniaks since 1993) and Serbs, lasting for almost a century. Firstly, the author deals with their relations in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1941, all the way through World War II from 1941 to 1945, then in the Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1990, followed bythe period after the break-up of Socialist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, when Bosnia and Herzegovina became sovereign state, and, finally,with their current relations We believe that the main cause of the dispute is that Bosnian Muslims historically always abandoned Serbs at critical times and sought the support of other states and nations for their state-building goals. In wars, they supported their enemies, often forming alliances with other states or nations. As religious idea among the Bosnian Muslims grew from 1918, so did their numbers as well as their aspirations for Serbian territories. Similarly, as the number of Bosnian Muslims grew, so did the interest of great powers and political parties as well as their military support. Most importantly, with the rise of numbers of Bosnian Muslims, their policies and their stance towards the state changed. Hence, when they became majority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, they wanted to turn the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina into their national state.
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Перша світова війна стала каталізатором пришвидшеного національного усвідомлення населення периферійних територій. Одним із таких теренів став Карпатський регіон, в якому окрім українців / русинів, мешкали поляки, словаки, угорці, румуни, євреї, німці. Оскільки війна завжди призводила до комплексних чи часткових змін у різних сферах життєдіяльності тих чи інших держав, соціумів, етнічних спільнот, мета пропонованої статті полягає у дослідженні впливу військових дій 1914–1915 рр. на етнополітичне становище українців / русинів Карпатського регіону. Вказані трансформаційні процеси видозмінювали первинну соціальну, політичну, господарську, культурну і етнічну структури, що раніше не було предметом окремої студії та складає новизну дослідження. Перша світова війна для українства стала переломним моментом на шляху до колективної політичної мобілізації і визначеної групової етнічної ідентифікації. Джерельна база і методологія. У статті на основі широкого кола джерел комплексно, у порівняльному ключі, проаналізовано етнополітичне становище українців/русинів Карпатського регіону та охарактеризовано вплив військових дій 1914-1915 рр. на місцеве населення краю. Значна увага у публікації зосереджена на аналізі етносоціального і політичного рівнів життєдіяльності місцевого населення регіону в часи військового протистояння між Російською імперією та АвстроУгорською монархією. Основний акцент у розвідці зроблений на впливах етнополітики австрійської військової та російської окупаційної адміністрацій на українців/русинів (лемків, бойків, гуцулів) Карпат у вказаний період. Висновки. У публікації показана кореляція впливу фактору війни та відповідних військових зіткнень 1914–1915 рр. у Карпатському регіоні на різного гатунку дискримінації карпатських горян як на соціально-економічному, так і політичному рівнях. Водночас констатуємо, що обидві воюючі сторони вдалися до переслідувань українців/русинів краю за політичними та етнічними мотивами. Такі дії військових антагоністів остаточно розвіяли міфи в українців/русинів Карпат про роль визволителів і захисників, ворогів і союзників, своїх і чужих. Це вагомо вплинуло на зміни, які відбулися у сфері свідомісних саморефлексій. Так, у свідомості місцевого населення розпочалися трансформації щодо координат сприйняття воюючих сторін за принципом «свій-чужий» у наступні роки.
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The article highlights the preconditions and peculiarities of the birth of the Ukrainian public movement of Bukovina in the 60s of the 19th century. The research methodology is based on the general scientific (analysis, synthesis, systematization, generalization), as well as special-historical (synchronous, comparative-historical and historical-genetic) methods. Scientific novelty. This article is the first comprehensive study of the origin of the Ukrainian public movement in Bukovina in the 60s of the 19th century in Ukrainian historical science. Conclusions. The reasons for the backwardness of the Bukovinian Ukrainians in terms of creating of the national movement organizational centers, from Galicia and the Dnieper Ukraine, were: the lack of strong ties with other Ukrainian lands, where the revival had begun earlier; the conducting of assimilation policy by Romanian circles; the negative attitude of the Austrian authorities to the manifestations of national life; the lack of religious separation of the majority of the Ukrainian population from the Romanian one; the low national consciousness of Bukovinian Ukrainians. The author also identified the preconditions of the emergence of the Ukrainian public movement in Bukovina, namely: the providing a legal basis for the functioning of public organizations through the legislation liberalization in the Austro-Hungarian Empire; intensification of national life in Galicia; the dissemination of national ideas and literature from the Dnieper Ukraine; the appearance of prominent cultural figures in Bukovina; the reaction of the Ukrainians of the region on the Romanians national revival and their struggle for the separation of Bukovina from Galicia in 1860-1861; the religious struggle between the Romanians and the Ukrainians; the rise of various societies and organizations in the region; the readiness of Ukrainian local intelligentsia to create their own center in the late 60s of the 19th century.
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The paper presents a previously unknown doctoral dissertation prepared in the 1970s in Polish by Abdullah Jalal Fatah under the guidance of Polish sociologist Józef Chałasiński. The thesis, entitled ‘Development and Dissemination of the Kurdish Culture in Iraq’, bears the mark of communist ideology but also of Polish heritagisation, in which culture and intellectuals became an important driving force in the process of nation-building and in seeking international recognition. Following David C. Harvey’s definition of heritage, and focusing primarily on its intangible aspects, we suggest that Fatah’s thesis can be read today as an interesting document of Kurdish heritage-making inspired by Polish experience and academic tradition.
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This article examines identity salience among members of a Kurdish Muslim migrant community in England. The study, in contrast to previous research on the Kurdish diaspora, focuses on religious identity in a small-city context, with recently arrived migrants, predominately from Iraqi Kurdistan. In-depth interviews highlight how ethnic repression within sending nations results in greater politicisation of ethnicity and in turn salience over all other identities, even within a non-Muslim setting. As such, findings did not demonstrate growing salience of religious identity over ethno-national identities, in order to close ranks with other Muslim minorities in a local context, as described in literature on ‘Islamic diasporas’.
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This obituary outlines the life and work of Kadri Yıldırım, a prominent Kurdish scholar and the first professor of Kurdish studies in Turkey. It focuses on his early life and medrese education and highlights his contribution to the field of Kurdish studies and his scholarly and political efforts for the Kurdish language to become a language of education in Turkey.
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The author analyzes the difference between Hegel’s and Deleuze’s notions of ‘the difference’. Hegel’s heterogenous and non-identical difference dissipates in a speculative movement of thought and becomes a moment in a whole that is identical with itself. Deleuze, on contrary, tries to pull the difference out from a dialectical embrace of the notion and to affirm it as a transcendental quantity, or as a condition of possibility of empirical differentiations. There¬fore, he forwards transcendental empiricism in opposition to the Hegelian identity of difference. There is a sharp contrast between these two conceptions of the difference, but they both, in their specific manner, possess strong practical/political charge and both can be used as explanatory models for understanding today’s condition in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the region, as well as in the much wider context.
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Since the beginning of the Republic of Sakha, many activities have been undertaken there to preserve the cultural distinctiveness of the Yakuts and strengthen their identity. This was to be achieved, among others, by granting the traditional Ysyach festival the status of a national holiday and attempts to create the Yakut national religion. Its basis is the so-called ajyy doctrine, developed by representatives of the Yakut national intelligentsia. In the article I show in what spheres of functioning of today’s Ysyach its influences are visible and what is the significance of the holiday for its promotion.
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The article analyzes the Mashpee Wampanoag Nation’s fight for recognition as a tribe and the recent attempts by the US federal government to take their land out of trust. Mashpee’s 1977-1978 lost court case was famously described by James Clifford in a chapter of his book, The Predicament of Culture (1988). The text looks at the continuation of their legal struggle, their recognition as a tribe under the Code of Federal Regulations in 2007 and their recent legal battle to keep their lands. Mashpee’s case is illustrative of the changes in the general perspective of tribal nations’ identities and histories which have taken place in the United States since the 1970s, as reflected in the legal documents analyzed. It also shows that the change in perspective and law itself does not necessarily guarantee sovereignty to tribal nations. Thus, the article takes a legal anthropological approach to the issue of their subjectivity and legal status.
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The role of Britain in the cultural and political space of Byzantium during the High Renaissance epoch The purpose of the article to determine the position of Britain in the cultural and political sphere of the life of Byzantium in the era of the late Middle Ages. The research methodology consists of the application of methods of analysis and synthesis, systematization of facts, comparison, and generalization of research results. Scientific novelty. For the first time, the problems of relations between Byzantium and Britain in the era of the late Middle Ages are investigated, and a hypothesis is put forward about the colonization of a part of the Crimean peninsula by English Varangians over several centuries, cultural and political interaction between the Byzantine Empire and Britain at the turn of the XIV-XV centuries is considered. Conclusions. Byzantium was the center of Christianity and the eastern outpost of Christendom, which stimulated British interest in Byzantium. The conquest of Great Britain by Normandy in 1066 triggers crisis and emigration processes, as a result of which some of the British find refuge in Byzantium. During the same period, the Byzantine army became increasingly dependent on the services of mercenaries. By the end of the XIIth century, the British constituted the main contingent of the foreign mercenary army, personally loyal to the emperor. The British, who were part of the personal guard of the Byzantine emperor, and recreated a colony called "New England" on the territory of the Crimean peninsula, continued to identify themselves as British without losing touch with the culture of their people. The last visit of the Byzantine emperor to London in 1400 did not bring significant political dividends for the empire but promoted cultural exchange between the two countries. In the last decades of the empire's existence, these contacts were fading.
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Algirdas Patackas rašė: „Praėjusio amžiaus šeštame ir septintame dešimtmetyje būrelis jaunų žmonių, neapsikentę jau pradėjusios pūti sistemos tvaiko, susibūrė į bendriją. <...> Vienam jų, Mindaugui Tomoniui, žuvus ar nužudytam, įvykdė jo priesaką – pradėjo leisti pogrindžio kultūrinį žurnalą Pastogė ( Pastogė skiriama tiems, kurie nori laisvai kurti), o jį užspaudus tęsė pradėtą darbą, išleisdami rinkinį Ethos .“ 1 Atrodytų, šiuose dviejuose sakiniuose sutelpa tuometė A. Patacko ir pogrindžio bendražygių kovos retrospektyva. Vėliau nuo režimo nuketėjo ir pats A. Patackas: 1986 metais KGB suimtas ir, jo paties žodžiais tariant, „nuleistas į rūsį“. Iš pogrindžio Pastogės į KGB rūsį... Kodėl Pastogė ? Pogrindis juk turėtų telktis po grindimis, rūsyje ar bunkeryje, kaip kad partizanai slėpėsi. Pastato aliuzijos kontekste pasirinkimai iš tiesų galimi du. Tiek rūsio – po grindimis, tiek pastogės – virš lubų erdvės iškrenta iš prozinio namų pasaulio. Ten žmonės paprastai negyvena, o vyksta paraleliniai, uždengti nuo kasdienio namo gyvenimo dalykai.
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