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‘Antiquization’ and the Macedonian National Identity: Three Examples one Explanation

‘Antiquization’ and the Macedonian National Identity: Three Examples one Explanation

Author(s): Petar Atanasov / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2011

To talk about the national identity of one nation it means to talk about its present connected with its past. Unarguably, the identity of the nation is crucial for its future regarding ist existence and prosperity. The paper will try to analyze the ‘antiquization’ in the Republic of Macedonia as parallel process of national identification and international promotion of the country. The thesis of the paper is that the effect of non-recognition of full Macedonian national identity, especially vis-a-vis Greek objections, directly influences and reinforces the shift towards the ancient ethnogenesis of the Macedonian nation. The search for antique roots of the Macedonian national identity is the third wave of defence after the successful establishment of first, the federal state and, second, an independent nation. ‘Antiquization’ as a phenomenon is a defence not an attack but will certainly have longer impact on perceptions of national identity in the Republic of Macedonia.

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‘Optimism against all odds’: Polish National Identity in Jerzy Passendorfer’s War Films

‘Optimism against all odds’: Polish National Identity in Jerzy Passendorfer’s War Films

Author(s): Mikolaj Kunicki / Language(s): English / Issue: 49/2017

Using archival sources, movie reviews, secondary sources and films, this article examines the cinema of Jerzy Passendorfer, the founding father of action movies genre in People’s Poland, but also the staunch supporter of Władysław Gomułka’s ‘Polish road to Socialism’ and General Mieczysław Moczar’s ultranationalist faction of the Partisans in the Polish United Workers’ Party. It demonstrates how Passendorfer’s blend of mainstream cinema and propaganda legitimized the party state and contributed to the construction of a new ethos, identity, and politics of history that enforced historical amnesia and syncretized past and present. It also argues that Passendorfer’s promotion of nationalist and authoritarian state ideology, militaristic patriotism and Polish-Soviet alliance, commissioned by the regime, sat well with mass audiences, precisely because of the use of popular genres adopted from the West and the quench for optimistic visions of nationhood. Although Passendorfer’s patriotic actions flicks faded away with the fall of Gomułka’s regime, they constitute a model, which can be still emulated.

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“He flew on wings of Slavonic feeling to Serbia to help the Serbs in 1915”. The symbolic instrumentalization of M.R. Štefánik and Slavonic community against the background of the inter-state relations of the time
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“He flew on wings of Slavonic feeling to Serbia to help the Serbs in 1915”. The symbolic instrumentalization of M.R. Štefánik and Slavonic community against the background of the inter-state relations of the time

Author(s): Peter Macho / Language(s): English / Issue: 5/2016

The study analyses the symbolic instrumentalization of the national hero M.R. Štefánik in the context of the modified form of Slavonic community in the 20th century. In the inter-war period, the symbol of Štefánik was used to strengthen the Czechoslovak – Yugoslav alliance on the basis of Slavonic brotherhood. The political representatives of independent Slovakia and Croatia during the Second World War refused to build their inter-state relations on the basis of Slavonic community. From the point of view of Zagreb, Štefánik appeared pro-Serb and pro-Yugoslav, so he was an undesirable symbol for the Croats. Emphasis on the strong Slavonic and Serbophil identity of Štefánik became an instrument for Slovak opposition oriented circles to articulate their resistance to the Ľudák regime and the Slovak state.

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“I’m in and I’m in to Win”: The 2008 and 2016 Internet Announcement Videos of Hillary Clinton for President

“I’m in and I’m in to Win”: The 2008 and 2016 Internet Announcement Videos of Hillary Clinton for President

Author(s): Nichola D. Gutgold,Johnna Purcell / Language(s): English / Issue: 17/2018

It is well known that a first impression may indeed set the tone for an entire relationship. In politics that first impression is likely to be the announcement speech. Hillary Clinton had a more complicated relationship with that first political impression than most politicians because she had been in the eye of the international public long before she ran for President of the United States. This article compares her two presidential announcement speeches – from 2008 and 2016 – in an effort to gauge what impressions she was trying to make in the hearts and minds of the United States voters, even though they no doubt had already formed an impression of her from her many years as the First Lady, the Senator from New York, and after the 2008 election as the Secretary of State.

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“Neither Here Nor There.” The Experience of Borderless Nation in Contemporary Dominican-American Literature

“Neither Here Nor There.” The Experience of Borderless Nation in Contemporary Dominican-American Literature

Author(s): Karolina Majkowska / Language(s): English / Issue: 6/2017

Discussing migrant identities, critics very often focus on the state in-between, the state between the borders, or being neither here nor there, and a migrant group that seems to epitomize this in-between condition is the Dominican-Americans. Consequently, the article seeks to examine the experience of in-betweenness, of being suspended between the boundaries and borders of two countries in selected texts of contemporary Dominican-American writers: Junot Díaz’s novel The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Waoand a short story “Monstro,” and Angie Cruz’s Soledad. It aims to analyze how the texts discuss the experience of in-betweenness through hybridity (for instance intertextuality and magical realism) with the use of tools offered by the neo-baroque esthetics.

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„TAUTŲ SUSILIEJIMAS“: LIETUVOS TOTORIŲ VAIKŲ TAPATYBIŲ DAUGIALYPIŠKUMAS
MIŠRIOSE ŠEIMOSE, 1940–1990

„TAUTŲ SUSILIEJIMAS“: LIETUVOS TOTORIŲ VAIKŲ TAPATYBIŲ DAUGIALYPIŠKUMAS MIŠRIOSE ŠEIMOSE, 1940–1990

Author(s): Inga ZEMBLIENE / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 97/2018

The goal of the article is to determine how Tatar children who come from mixed families identify themselves. In this respect attention is paid to the characteristics of national politics of Soviet Union and the assimilation of Tatars in Soviet Lithuania. The article explores national politics of Soviet Union, ethnically mixed marriages in Soviet Lithuania, Tatars in Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic and identity (identities) of descendants of mixed Tatar families. The analytic, interpretational and historical comparative methods are employed to research the ethnographic materials. Field research was conducted in 2014–2015 and 2017–2018 in Vilnius, Kaunas, Klaipeda, Panevezys and Alytus districts. 75 respondents participated in the survey, however, only 41 respondents provided knowledge about the Soviet times. The chronological boundaries of the article cover the years 1940 – 1941 when Lithuania after it had lost its statehood became part of the Soviet Union, then the years 1944–1990 and the first years after Lithuania had restored its independence (till 1995).

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„Te małe Ukraińce”. O traumie wysiedlenia, stygmatyzacji i jej konsekwencjach w relacjach potomków Ukraińców wysiedlonych w ramach akcji „Wisła”

„Te małe Ukraińce”. O traumie wysiedlenia, stygmatyzacji i jej konsekwencjach w relacjach potomków Ukraińców wysiedlonych w ramach akcji „Wisła”

Author(s): Olga Solarz / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 3/2018

The presented excerpt of the study is an outline of the problem of trauma of Ukrainians displaced as part of the Operation Vistula in 1947 and effect it had on the next generations (children and grandchildren). The stigmatization and repressive actions that affected this community both from the state apparatus and local communities have taken their toll and forced them to adopt a range of protective measures. One of them was assimilation, another mimicry. Ukrainians who wanted to preserve their own national, religious and cultural identity often chose the “way of success”. They dealt with sense of inferiority, sense of threat, injustice and regret with the need to achieve higher social positions and wealth that gave comfort in an uncertain times. Education, wealth, and social position were meant to help overcome fear, strengthen self-esteem and let them feel equal to Poles. In families who chose the silence strategy, the way to achieve safety was to forget.

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„Trnavské dilemy“ a Daniel Krman

„Trnavské dilemy“ a Daniel Krman

Author(s): Svorad Zavarský / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 2/2018

This article identifies and explores one important phenomenon of the intellectual history of Slovakia in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. This phenomenon, referred to by Daniel Krman the younger as Dilemmata Tyrnaviensia (the Trnava dilemmas), is here discussed against the broader backdrop of its sources and influence. The article is a contribution towards a better understaning of the impact of religious controversies on the intellectual, societal and political development of Slovakia around 1700.

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„Ucieczka od wolności” – kryzys zaufania do demokracji liberalnej. Zjawisko przejściowe czy długotrwała tendencja?

„Ucieczka od wolności” – kryzys zaufania do demokracji liberalnej. Zjawisko przejściowe czy długotrwała tendencja?

Author(s): Tomasz Dobrowolski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 4/2017

This article is an attempt to answer the question, why there has been a recent crisis of trust to the liberal democracy in European states belonging to the Western circle of civilisation and how it could be overcome. According to the opinion of the author, the main reason for that crisis is an instrumental approach of a large part of citizens of those countries towards this form of government. They accept and trust it only as long as it provides them with prosperity and a sense of security, which is currently – up to them – not working properly. That is why, in order to change that situation, fulfilling their needs and aspiration on acceptable level must be again possible within the framework of this form of government. In order to achieve this goal a number of conditions must be met, including, restoring trust of citizens in the government and faith in the electoral process, taking vigorous actions to counteract rising social inequalities, increasing measures to successfully combat and suppress international terrorism by various countries – although with respect to liberal and democratic values as well as human rights and freedoms – and a real integration of immigrants from other civilisation circles, first of all, Muslims. At the same time, politicians and the media are supposed to return to the discourse based on the values upon which political systems of European states belonging to the Western circle of civilisation were founded.

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„Więcej Europy” jako przykład strategii antykryzysowej – próba oceny efektywności

„Więcej Europy” jako przykład strategii antykryzysowej – próba oceny efektywności

Author(s): Marek A. Cichocki / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2017

The author examines the role and effectiveness of the “more Europe” approach to the crisis in the general area of politics (in wide terms), and in relation to the crises in the European Union (in narrow terms). Assuming that the crisis is a perceived situation (coming from the field of perception), and not an objective and scientific set of data, the author tries to assess the actions of policy-makers and show what effects they cause. Referring to the postfunctionalist theory, it is shown in the article that “more Europe” means a strong politicization of the EU, which leads to the polarization – on the one hand, a stronger EU jurisdiction (based on output legitimacy), and on the other hand, the strengthening of national identities. Hence, the logic of technocratic and rational EU mechanism collides with the competition with pre-material values of the logic of identity. This is why the eurozone crisis, which was initially compatible with the logic of economic theories turned into a struggle for identity – with a role of the nation state and democracy in the background. The author concludes that the proponents of the “more Europe” approach do not realize the recently emerged conditions and contexts. Paying attention to the perception unveils that the strategy of “more Europe” can be counter-productive, because the decisions made under the pressure of the crisis may lead to even greater uncertainty and insecurity of those people affected.

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„Освобождение“ и „държавно изграждане“ в българските идеологически парадигми

„Освобождение“ и „държавно изграждане“ в българските идеологически парадигми

Author(s): Nikolay Krastev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2019

The objective of this paper is to analyse the transformation of the political conceptions of “liberation” and “state building” in the ideological paradigms in Bulgaria. At the background of the genesis of the concepts in the classical ideological systems, using the comparative method, the paper reveals the contradiction between their classical reading and that of the Bulgarian political actors. We conclude that the “Liberation”, a traditional liberal concept with a negative definition is opposed by the Bulgarian liberals to “freedom” and is given positive meanings while the Bulgarian left and nationalistic right tend to prefer the liberal understanding of the term to the traditional positive socialist ones.

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Із досліджень формування регіональної ідентичності сучасної України

Із досліджень формування регіональної ідентичності сучасної України

Author(s): Viktor Trojan / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 1/2012

The aim of the article is an analysis of the problem of forming of regional identity in contemporary Ukraine, with the special consideration of the process of forming the national identity. The main task of the article is to set forth many experience categories, such as: region, regionalization, regional and national identity, and also the analysis of the regionalization in the process of forming the Ukrainian state system. The author tried to describe the present regional development of Ukraine status as well as scientific prognosis of her directions of development. In reflections are used primary sources as well as literature of object.

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Јавност: медијски дискурс, култура и моћ

Јавност: медијски дискурс, култура и моћ

Author(s): Milena Pešic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2008

Basic theoretical orientation of this article is observation of the notion of public as socio-cultural space, and as specific temporary way of social communication and organization. Observation is organized in such way that can include analyzes of particular aspects of relation between public and media audience, and relations between public and culture. In this article is incorporated, and connected with notion of public, specific interpretation of discourse and social power. Controversy related to this problem is theoretical depart in basic approach of the social power of the public, on one hand (Habermas observation of power related to public discourse) and to the power relation in public communication, dominant discourse in public sphere, on the other (M. Fukos s observations of discourse power). We have also incorporated theoretical approach of V. Price, which is focused in connection of two level of analyzes: individual and collective processes of cognition and decision making/ formation of public opinion, in kontekst of analyzing process of social communication.

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ХУДОЖНЄ ОФОРМЛЕННЯ МАСОВИХ СВЯТ КИЄВА РАДЯНСЬКОГО ПЕРІОДУ: 60–80-і роки ХХ ст.

Author(s): Iryna Maslova-Lysychkina / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 1/2014

In the article are researched peculiarities of mass celebrations setting in 60-80's of the XX century in Kyiv. There is established that mass celebrations in Kyiv had mainly state and official character of the period. In this regard the setting of celebrations (posters, banners, portraits, stands, musical accompaniment and theatrical performance) subordinated to the ideological content and had propagandistic trend.The article outlines that the Soviet past of Ukraine further largely continues to define our mentality, mode of life, pattern of behavior in society. One of those Soviet "remnants" in Ukrainian society is some mass celebrations. It is states that in general the phenomenon of mass celebrations is an important part of social and cultural realities of our time and used as a communication technology, as a method of consolidation of various communities and way of broadcasting a variety of social ideas.The aim of the article is the study of specific setting of mass celebrations in Kyiv during Soviet period in 60-80 years of the XX century.The most developed in domestic scientific researches is ethno-cultural aspect of holiday phenomenon (V. Borysenko, M. Havryluk, M. Zakovych, S. Zubkov, O. Kurochkin, P. Sokolov, I. Sukhanov). Holiday as a social phenomenon studied Y. Belousov, D. Genkin, K. Zhyhulskyy, A. Mazaev, E. Kaverina, A. Nekrylova, O. Nemyro, A. Piotrowski, V. Propp, S. Turin, D. Uhrynovych, N. Hrenov, O. Shcherbynin, and L. Shumikhina. Specificity of holiday as a symbolic form of culture reveals O. Popravko. In scientific studies of T. Gayevska and J. Slutskaya holidays analyzed as a part of Soviet culture. Some aspects of mass celebrations setting in Eastern Ukraine in the 60's and 80's of the XX century studied O. Penkova.At the beginning the article proved that mass celebrations played an important role in Soviet culture. Besides the entertainment function they had ideological significance. Soviet ideologists V. Lenin, N. Krupska, A. Lunacharsky and others emphasized the importance of consolidation official and national celebrations as a part of cultural state development and ideological activities. Since the early 60's of the XX century began a new stage in the development of mass celebrations, which were caused by profound political changes in the Soviet Union after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party. According to the O. Penkova’s research in this period, "the state returns to human beings at the first time". However, mass celebrations in the USSR kept its state and political character. The state established official holidays and was trying to turn them into public tradition. According to the Decree of the USSR Supreme Soviet "About the holidays and memorable dates" from the 1st of October 1980 to the category of nationwide celebrations were included the anniversary of the October Revolution – on 7–8 November, V. Lenin's Birthday – on 22 April, International Day of Worker's Solidarity (Labour Day) – on 1–2 May, Victory Day of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945 – on 9 May, USSR Constitution Day – on 7 October, National Day of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics – on 30 December, Day of the Soviet Army and Navy – on 23 February, International Women's Day – on 8 March.Then the article passes to the statement that the state established official holidays and was trying to turn them into public tradition. The special feature of these key holidays was a clear organization that carried out by apparatus structures of the Communist Party. Commissions were engaged in preparation for the holiday, which were created in all steps of the party vertical. The trade unions, The Young Communist League (komsomol), the administrations of enterprises and institutions also carried out decisions of the party apparatus. The basic forms of the mass celebrations were meetings and demonstrations during the 60-80's of the XX century in Kyiv. Together with parades of various kinds (military, sports, etc.) they were the main forms of expression festive aesthetics of the Soviet era. Involvement to the celebration of state holidays began with early childhood. The main form of mass state holidays in Kyiv were demonstrations of workers that took place on the 7th of November and the 1st of May. The celebration of the 1500th anniversary of Kyiv in 1982 became a significant mass celebration in Kyiv in the Soviet period as well.In the conclusions is revealed that setting of mass celebrations is closely associated with ideological content of the Soviet period (the 60-70's of the XX century). In Kyiv such mass celebrations as Victory Day, May Day, Day of the October Revolution and others necessarily were held in the form of meetings and demonstrations. At the time of the events constantly were used state symbols, portraits of leaders and senior communist party leaders, Heroes of the Great Patriotic War and the Socialist Labor. In order to ensure solemnity and emotionality in the setting of mass celebrations were applied large stands depicting the Kyiv emblem or symbols of Kyiv enterprises. Banners with slogans, posters, music of patriotic character, elements of theatrical performances involving athletics and choreographic groups were also widely used.

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ЧИНИОЦИ НЕГОВАЊА НАЦИОНАЛНОГ И КУЛТУРНОГ ИДЕНТИТЕТА У ВОЈВОДИНИ

ЧИНИОЦИ НЕГОВАЊА НАЦИОНАЛНОГ И КУЛТУРНОГ ИДЕНТИТЕТА У ВОЈВОДИНИ

Author(s): Dragan Kokovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1-2/2003

This article considers the most important factors of national affiliation and cultural identity cherishing among the largest nations and national minorities in Vojvodina, the north Province of the Republic of Serbia. The consideration is based on the empirical data's collected thru wider research of multiculturalism in the mentioned region. According to the polling, the most frequent factors of the national affiliation sense cherishing are "to observe tradition and custom" and "education of children in the spirit of national culture", while in the case of cultural identity preserving they are "formal education" and "family education of the children". Explaining the characteristic attitudes of the questioned citizens, the authors are of the opinion that the collected data's are strongly pointing on the rise of traditionalism in vojvodinian/serbian society, which needs further studies and new theoretical explanations.

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Читалища, селищни общности и фолклорна култура през Възраждането
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Читалища, селищни общности и фолклорна култура през Възраждането

Author(s): Stela Nenova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2018

The author studies the first years after the introduction of the chitalishte institution when these cultural centres appeared and established themselves in the dynamic sociocultural context of the local communities – first in some of the well-developed Bulgarian towns and later in many of the Bulgarian villages. Chitalishte is a cultural and educational institution and is thus studied in the context of the modernization, educational and nation building ideas pertinent in the 1860s and 1870s. At that time the institution developed its specific features (its local nature, complex functions, autonomous social form of governance). The article presents the decisive moments certifying for the institutional activity of the chitalishta with an accent on these issues which show close relations to the folk culture, which was as a need and as a type of communication dominant in the local culture.

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Човешката несигурност
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Човешката несигурност

Author(s): Georgi Fotev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 2016

Prof. Georgy Fotev is a Bulgarian sociologist. His scientific works are in the areas of theory and history of sociology and the disciplinary fields of modern sociology. The focus of the research interests of G.Fotev is the nature of sociology as a multiple paradigm science. Another major theme in the works of Georgy Fotev is the dialogue as a base and horizon of multiple paradigm sociology. Georgy Fotev has publications in the fields of historical sociology, sociology of politics, ethnosociology, the crisis of legitimacy, sociology of values, etc. His books "The long night of communism in Bulgaria" and "Bulgarian melancholy" throw light on the dramatic fate of the Bulgarian national society. Georgy Fotev was Minister of Education and Science (1991 - 1992). He is professor emeritus of New Bulgarian University. In 2003 he was awarded the Distinguished Service Award from the American University in Bulgaria. Mankind is shaken by a multitude of uncertainty. There is an increasing perception that uncertainty becomes permanent. The focus is on the existential, social, political, economic, global and other basic varieties of human uncertainty. The author explores the fundamental conditions of human uncertainty and the main forms of her manifestation and experience. The phenomenon is seen in the light of the new science of chaos and complexity in the context of the risky society/world, in terms of catastrophic consciousness and the conditions of crisis types. Particular attention is paid to trust as a fundamental social attitude and condition against decadent attitudes and nihilism.

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ЭКЗИСТЕНЦИАЛЬНЫЙ ВАКУУМ И КРИЗИС ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ

ЭКЗИСТЕНЦИАЛЬНЫЙ ВАКУУМ И КРИЗИС ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ

Author(s): Eduard Anatoliyovych Kalnytskyi / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2017

It is shown that on way of forming the meaning of life the existential vacuum can get, mechanism of getting out of which must be sought in the service of an important cause, love for another human being, self-realization of man. Noted that it is necessary to demark it from the concept of «happiness» to analyze the meaning of life. In this context, it is necessary to indicate what goals we want to achieve when we talk about the realization of the «meaning of life», and also to determine conditions that are worthy of greater pride or admiration, as well as the values that determine them.Emphasized that the opposite concept of nihilism arises when we try to isolate the meaning of life and determine its characteristic features. Pessimism is often associated with extreme pessimism and radical skepticism. Nihilism aims at the destruction of moral, religious and metaphysical beliefs and can fuel an anthropological crisis. And falling into an existential vacuum – to find there fertile soil. Various types of nihilism are considered, such as: political nihilism, which is based on the belief that the destruction of all existing political, social and religious institutions is an indispensable condition for any further improvement of the political system; Ethical nihilism or moral nihilism, which rejects the possibility of absolute moral or ethical values (it is considered that it is not possible to distinguish between good and evil, because their demarcation is nothing more than a product of social and cultural context); Existential nihilism, which postulates the idea that life has no intrinsic meaning or value.Asserted that humanism confirms our ability to self-realization of the individual and responsibility for the sake of the common good for all people. The happiness of an individual is inseparably linked with the well-being of mankind as a whole, in part because we are «social animals» and develop in a «cultural context». Losing the meaning of life leads to a psychological crisis, internal conflict, loss of self-identity, which leads to a new crisis – the identity crisis. The crisis of identity is actualized against the background of the disorientation of its social role, continuity as a result of conflicting expectations and un- certainty about itself and its role in society. The identity crisis is generated by many factors, including economic instability, negative images in the media, as well as the lack of role models, clear ideological programs and blurred values.Reported that in the context of the developed multiculturalism in the globalization world, the question of the hierarchy of values and the system of personal identification becomes particularly difficult, since in recent years the identity crisis, instigated by social divisions, economic difficulties, cultural ill-treatment and political oppression, is becoming an actual problem requiring Attention. The various moods that arise in society, and emotional upheavals provoke an identity crisis in large-scale structures. By personal self- identification, it is suggested to understand the idea that people create meaning through social interaction with other people-that is, the position of symbolic interactionism, in which the individual’s identity acts as a social product formed as a result of social interactions within specific social contexts.

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تجزیه و تحلیل عوامل مذهبی، قومیتی، جغرافیایی و اقتصادی مؤثر بر نابرابری درآمد در ایران

تجزیه و تحلیل عوامل مذهبی، قومیتی، جغرافیایی و اقتصادی مؤثر بر نابرابری درآمد در ایران

Author(s): Naseraddin Alizadeh / Language(s): Persian / Issue: 2/2017

This study examines the effect of belonging to Persian and non-Persian ethnic groups, Shia and Sunni religious sects of Islam, living in border or non-border provinces and being oil and natural gas producer province on the income inequality in Iran. The results show there are a significant relation between ethnicity, religion and the location of provinces and inequality; regarding income per capita belonging to Persian ethnicity and Shia religion along with locating in the center of Iran are advantage while existence of oil and gas resources in a province do not bring about high income per capita. A comparative analysis of changes in income per capita of provinces or province groups with the oil revenues attests on low impact of oil incomes fluctuations on income inequality in Iran.

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تعايش الثقافات والهوية الوطنية في المجتمعات الخارجة من الحرب: الموصل نموذجا

تعايش الثقافات والهوية الوطنية في المجتمعات الخارجة من الحرب: الموصل نموذجا

Author(s): Waleed Salim / Language(s): Arabic / Issue: 1/2018

Establishing coexistence and reconciliation, and then integration into divided societies and post-war ones cannot be achieved if there is no valuable peace in the cultural structure of community. The sustainability of peace requires a pre-culturally valuable psychological preparation to relinquish and resist hatred, extremism, and violence, and to re-engineer the values of community peace, and the engineering of community memory, which dedicates the state of peace, specifically since the value-based peace rooted in the culture of community means that hatred, extremism and violence are extraneous emergency for that community. The research starts from the ground that the personality and cultural structure of the community of the city of Mosul can coexist and integrate, and that since its inception, and till today, its history has not witnessed any civil conflict or violence among its various components.

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