A multietnikus nemzetállam
Szarka László: A multietnikus nemzetállam. Kísérletek, kudarcok és kompromisszumok Csehszlovákia nemzetiségi politikájában1918–1992. Pozsony, Kalligram, 2016, 376 p.
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Szarka László: A multietnikus nemzetállam. Kísérletek, kudarcok és kompromisszumok Csehszlovákia nemzetiségi politikájában1918–1992. Pozsony, Kalligram, 2016, 376 p.
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László Öllös, political philosopher, associate professor, president of the Forum Minority Research Institute speaks about his professional trajectories, the communist regime, events of the 1968 revolution in Czechoslovakia, opposition activities, the Velvet Revolution in 1989, political transition in the CEE countries. He also details his public activities, theoretical and research work focusing on human rights, national rights, ethnic minority rights, constitutional issues, national identity, civil society. Among his special spheres of interest belong issues such as Slovak–Hungarian reconciliation, national division, European identity, political community, constitutional value system.
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Bordering Afghanistan and China, the Tajik region jealously guards its relative independence from the central government.
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The article aims to display and analyze the nature of the attitude of the multi-ethnic population to the settlement of disputes and conflicts in the judicial system of Latvia. The goal is attained through the analysis of the significance of ethnic differences:1. in influencing people’s ideas about the judicial system in Latvia, the principles of fair justice implemented in it;2. in assessing the importance of the judicial system in resolving conflicts that are not directly related to the ethno-cultural identity of the parties to these conflicts; 3. in assessing the importance of the judicial system in resolving conflicts that unfold over the public manifestations of collective ethno-cultural identities.As an empirical base, the author used the data of sociological research conducted by him in Daugavpils in 2014, as part of an international research project under the guidance of Professor of Warsaw University Jacek Kurczewski.
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Problem of setting. On the modern stage the problem of authentication of man acquires the special actuality, as values are changing, morally spiritual constituents of the world view field of man, the traditional forms of communication are transformed. Recent of research and publications analysis. The results of analysis testify that the evolution of problem of identity is traced both in works of classics of foreign philosophy, psychology and sociology and in works of modern oversea and domestic researchers. At the same time, without regard to the present theoretical base of the probed phenomena, their reflection in the conditions of informative society needs clarifications taking into account new informatively technological processes. Paper of objective. The purpose of the article is an attempt of comprehension of phenomena of moral authentication of man in the conditions of informative society. Paper main body. In the information society becomes relevant to the human desire to avoid public relations, which is due to her instability as an element in the structure of society. Its main determinants are the processes of individualization and personalization, which arise as a result of changing conceptual orientations that give rise to the formation of semideterminate the subject who feels the need to establish new boundaries of their existence. The information society is unlimited space for semiconstrained personality, on the one hand, expanding the space of identification, and, on the other, narrowing the identity by choosing an increasingly narrow cultural gaps for identity. The paradox of the information society is also expressed in bipolar interpretations of the phenomenon of "loneliness", which is one of segments of identity: on the one hand, Informatization of society brings people together, and with another – more transformerait it in society total solitude. Interaction between people in society is superficial because the real communication is supplanted by the unreal, virtual. Information processes, forming an eclectic, fragmented social space, transformerait ideological paradigm, and at the same time, contribute to the development of creativity and the changing horizons of individual existence, determine the information the identity of a person. In the information environment one is confronted with multiple identity types, which are subject to positive and negative changes under the influence of information and communication technologies. Chief among them are two types of identity: ipse-identity (sense of self) and idem-identity (a more formal identity depends on the context, environment and situation). An important role for the development of human moral identity in the information society communication. It is in the process of interpersonal communication it receives additional information about yourself, and comparing yourself with a lot of other people, people can understand themselves, to realize what it really is. Conclusions of the research. The problem of human identification in a changing ideological paradigm of the information society is important and requires elaboration on a philosophical level settings, which help the individual to maintain their identity under the influence of intensive information flows. The basis of moral identity is the identity, that is, a look into their inner world and find himself at any time, so the individual reflexive refers to himself with the purpose of understanding the self.
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Problem setting. The national security system of the state is a single complex of military-technical, informational, economic, social-political, spiritual and other factors. In particular, the spiritual security of society is the basis for preserving the statehood and prosperity of the nation in the global competitive struggle. In such conditions, the role and significance of the spiritual security of society is of particular importance for state-building and nation-building processes in modern Ukraine.Recent research and publications analysis. The issue of spiritual security has become the subject of scientific research in various paradigmatic measures. Thus, V. Baranivsky emphasizes that spiritual security is an important factor in the existence of a nation and a state, and neglect of it can lead to the collapse of the country. The scientist V. Klyus reveals the essence of threats in the spiritual sphere of society, classifying them into two groups: threats that endanger the spiritual world of man and threaten the stable functioning of all forms of social consciousness and mentality. A number of researchers, G. Sitnik, L. Belovetska, B. Bukrinsky, V. Stepanov, S. Ponomarevsky, and others, offer their own interpretation of the essence, functions and classification of national values as the basis of the spiritual security of our people at the present stage of the national state-building.Paper main body. Spiritual security of the society is directed at the protection of national values and development priorities, the mentally-civilized basis of the existence of the Ukrainian people, and the preservation of its cultural identity in the global processes of the present. According to V. Krutov, today Ukraine needs a fundamental and effective theory of ensuring national security through the prism of spirituality as regards individual citizens, people, society, and the state as a whole. Solidifying with the thoughts of the previous author, we note that in our time, any state should be prepared to withstand negative external influences, in particular, information attacks aimed at the spiritual sphere of society's life. According to experts, the first group includes the danger of the destruction of the spiritual world of a person threatening the formation of her consciousness, ideological foundations, freedom of thought, beliefs, intellectual activity. The second group is a threat to the well-established functioning of all forms of social and mass consciousness and mentality.Conclusions of the research. The spiritual security of Ukrainian society is the key to preserving the national identity of our people, an important factor in building a modern democratic, European state. The spiritual security of Ukrainian society is based on national and universal values and aimed at protecting the national and cultural subjectivity of our people.
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For the first time in the modern era, the most powerful state in the world – which is supposed to become China – will not be one of the West and will be one with very different civilization roots. In the West, there is a widespread assumption that as countries modernize, they also westernize, but on the Chinese case, this is an illusion. At the same time, there is an assumption that modernity is a simple product of competition, markets and technology. But that’s not the case. Modernity is equally shaped by history and culture. China is not like the West nor will it become like this. It will remain fundamentally different in many aspects. The question is how can we try to understand what China is? In this regard, the problem we face in the West is that there is a conventional approach on China by which we understand it through western terms, using western ideas. What is clear is that using western concepts we cannot understand anything about this state. The world can be understood and interpreted only within particular cultural and linguistic framework. Each state owns specific lenses through which it perceives the world and so is China. We need to be very objective and seek getting a sense of the shades which make China being Chinese. There is a specific Chinese identity and strategic culture we need to discover and try to understand it in order to make clear what truly represents the nowadays Chinese doctrine and also how the future may be shaped.
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The paper is investigating the cultural sources of the identity characterizing the eastern part of the European continent. After defining the concerned geographical region, which is usually called Central and Eastern Europe, its historical evolution is analyzed in order to see where the break-up point between Central and Eastern Europe occurred, somewhere during the communist rule and the post-communist era. As an illustration of this, the Romanian political relation with Russian is chronologically presented. Then, the current perspectives for a certain Eastern European identity in the region are presented. The conclusion is that, at present Eastern European identity is very much related to Russia, under the influence of geopolitical disputes, although some cultural elements are still present in countries which oppose Russia’s current Eurasian regional project.
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The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has been developed by the European Union (EU) since 2004 to avoid the emergence of new dividing lines between an enlarged EU and its neighbours, and instead strengthen the prosperity, stability and security of all. The ENP framework has been proposed so far to 16 of EU’s closest neighbours covering the Eastern and Southern borders of the Union, from Belarus in the North-East southwards through the Black Sea, and further southwards and westwards through the Eastern and Southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea all the way down the Atlantic coast of Morocco. European prosperity and security are tightly intertwined with those of ENP partners turning the EU neighbourhood into an area with strategic significance.
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The party system of Bosnia and Herzegovina is complex and consists of several levels of interaction and party competition. Because of the politically relevant cleavages, researchers have claimed that party competition is centered withing the ethnically defined segments of Croat, Serb, Bosniak (and multiethnic) parties, but there has been no empirical evidence to back that claim. By analyzing election results for the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina 1996–2014, and by measuring the volatility among party segments, the author identifies four (or three and a half) ethnically defined party subsystems with almost non-existent voter fluctuation among them. At the same time, there is a significant volatility within these segments. The empirical analysis confirms the claim that the political party competition in Bosnia and Herzegovina exists solely inside the four segments of the party system among parties with the same ethnic label.
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This study examines the activity of Twitter users (twitter.com) who participated in the debate regarding the quality of service provided by Serbian ombudsman Saša Janković, which (having lasted from January to May of 2015) later developed into a discussion about his personal past. The research problem is to identify and compare online discourses, strategies and techniques used by pro and anti-government participants of digital debates in a political context such as that of contemporary Serbia, in which the public sphere is still mainly shaped by traditional media even though digital discourses are influential. The aim if the study is to a) examine online communication strategies utilized by the ruling parties in their attempt to maintain hegemony over public debates; b) analyse the methods used by government opponents through which they attempt to mobilize public support online; c) compare communication strategies of the opposing sides. The purpose of this study is to provide fresh empirical findings regarding the political role of new media in weak democracies, as previous works have mostly concentrated on the political role of social media in developed democracies and authoritarian regimes. The results confirm that ’networked authoritarianism’ is successful in hindering anti-government discourses and online activity, as it polarizes the ’digital public sphere’, but the findings also indicate that anti-government strategies of ’networking’ and ’raising awareness’ play an important role for opposing the government online.
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The aim of the paper is to identify and analyze the contribution of Annex 8 of the Dayton Peace Agreement and the work of the Commission to Preserve National Monuments in affirmation of the role of cultural heritage in preserving collective identities and their linking to the identity of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a plural society.
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This article deals with development of the population of Kladanj administrative areas from the beginning of the Ottoman rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina until the present day. The author made an insight into available lists of inhabitants that were conducted during the Ottoman and Austrian administrations over Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as during the first and second Yugoslavia. Some Ottoman censuses of the population that have not been translated or translated but not yet published in Bosnian language, have been used. The author compared the results of the census to gain insight into the demographic and religious changes in this area
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Security has always been an important issue of European agenda, however, recently it has become even more topic for discussion as EU faces difference challenges related to its security and security on its borders. This paper analyses these issues, explaining what are the current perceptions and understanding in the EU.
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Nationalists continue to grumble as leaders move to end almost 30 years of bad blood
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Football is more than mere entertainment; it does not boil down to competition but is frequently embedded in current politics. Victories and titles become important for collective memory and build a sense of community and national identity, especially at major turning points in history. The depiction of important sports events, whether in documentaries or feature movies, has a long tradition. Football films (Fußballfilm) are an exceptionally interesting phenomenon here, exemplified by dozens of such films. The theme of football can be combined with highly diverse genres, including social drama, satirical comedy, war movies and so on. The film by German director Sönke Wortmann, The Miracle of Bern (Das Wunder von Bern, 2003), is an interesting example, as it combines a handful of different genres: a family drama from the post-war period, embracing a significant comedy theme and a sports film (which does not virtually exist in a pure form). The Miracle of Bern is a reconstruction of events of 1954 when the German football team won the World Cup in Switzerland, becoming one of the foundation myths of the Federal Republic of Germany; it has also been associated with the so-called economic miracle (Wirtschaftswunder). The return to the myth of the victory in Bern was important for the so-called Berlin Republic at the time of Gerhard Schröder’s government. This study attempts to answer the question of what esthetic measures were used by the director to construct the dramaturgy and message of the film, and to what extent the director followed the political sentiments of the time.
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The city is the place of multiple meanings subjected to social performances. This article questions the static perception of the city which is seen as the given and urbanistically completed set of meanings and discusses the ways in which the city adjusts to the demands of human imagination – cultural, social and political. The article observes the ways in which political imagery, be it discursive or concrete, is inscribed and embedded into the city. Here the article uses the concept of Svetlana Bom (2001) and her discussions on the ‘embedding’ of the imagery into the physical body of the city. This article specifically deals with the ideologically motivated yearnings which were embedded in the urban landscape of the town of Sisak in the negotiations of socialist and post-socialist ideology. Using the example of the ways in which socialist monuments were treated in the last seventeen years, which were seen as the period of the strong re-symbolization, the author pointed to the processes of remembrance which were efficiently modified through public discourse. The socialist symbolic capital of monuments was questioned though the linguistic practices of neglect, aggression and hate and materialized in the ways the space was used.
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Бијаше 1990. 23. април. Бијаше и прође. Бијаше и 24. април. Биjaшe пa прође. И бијаше и 25. април — па и он бјеше и прође. Ништа се није посебно догодило, а требало je да се нешто догоди, требало je да се макар нетко сјети како су се прије 20 година, баш у те дане, доносиле врло важне и далекосежне одлуке о књижевнојезичкој политици у Босни и Херцеговини, које и данас имају своју непроцјењиву вриједност и важност у нашој вишенационалној средини, посебно у школама, у штампи и у издавачкој дјелатности. Требало je да се с поштовањем и поносом сјетимо тих хисторијских дана када cмо објективно и трезвено исписивали веома важне странице не само своје културно-политичке хисторије него и своје заједничке егзистенције у садашњости и будућности. Требало je, али ето заборависмо на то. Не знам зашто.
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