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До многих неспоразума и потешкоћа долази у Југославији услед непознаванја ствари и прилика. Овамо спада, како ми се чини и питање словеначког језика. Пристајем уз израз словеначки, премда сами Словенци говоре словенски јер држим да је најзгодније да проводимо што више можемо и свуда правилне облике: југословенски, Јужни Словени, и Словени уопће, место Славени.
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Има једно питање које веома интересује сваког свесног Словенца у овој нашој југословенској заједници. Оно се испољава час у тихим и интимним осећајима, који нису далеко од страха и бриге, час опет у бучним, и сувише демонтративним, геслима. Стварно, проблем о којем је овде реч, постоји више у осећању и у културној свести него у одноима политичког живота. То осећање не може да се ућутка опортунистичким и утилитаристичким разлозима ≫пракичког ума≪, јер је примарно и јаче, и свакако виталније.
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The end of Cold war, contrary to expectations has brought new conflicts and forms of violence, new divisions and new relativizations of the international legal order. Taking as an example the endevours to resolve the Kosovo conflict, the author attempts to indicate the broader implications of the international effors to constitute an independent state on part of the territory of an existing sovereign state. The arguments used to justify the redefinition of the borders of the Serbian state without its consent, the moral, democratic, peace arguments, are reviewed. Particular attention is paid to the argument that Kosovo is a unique case and therefore unique rules should be applied. The author seeks to understand the deeper significance of these efforts, concluding that dismanteling the present international legal order is not only a potential danger but a possible aim.
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Whatever happens in Transnistria, great attention must be paid to the observance of human rights. In the protection of human rights, the level of activity of civil society is important, due to which the level of awareness and the quality of public dialogue on a number of unresolved issues in the field of human rights can significantly increase. Improving the human rights situation is an important step towards the development and democratization of Transnistria
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Using previously unpublished archival documents, this article provides one of the first studies on the biography of prominent Leningrad political and economic figure N.I.Ivanov. During War Communism and NEP he served as labor commissar for the Union of Communes of the Northern Region, headed the Department of municipal economy of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd/Leningrad Soviet, was was the second deputy chairman of the Еxecutive Сommittee of the Leningrad City Soviet. In the conditions of NEP he had to make compromises with businessmen and specialists from “former people”. In the “year of the great turning point”, he was fired from all posts and sent to work as a mechanic at a factory. During industrialization he was forgiven and became a director of the Lenmetallurgstroy plant. In 1937 Ivanov fell victim to the “Great Terror”, and was arrested and died. The article provides reasons for the repression of responsible Soviet business executives: it was found that effective administrators of the “ideologically vicious” NEP deviated from the strictly class line by necessity and were punished for this during Stalin’s “revolution form above”. At the same time, the factors of the deployment of massive repressive campaigns against factory directors influenced the processes of the formation of the socialist subjectivity of the builders of the new world. The article traces how in the 1930s, when propaganda extolled labor collectives as true creators of a perfect civilization, Ivanov had to deviate from the imperative principle of the collectivist worldview, and was forced to rely on the professional core of factory specialists, sometimes opposing himself to the bulk of the factory workers. This is the tragedy of the economic leader of Stalin’s time.
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The lack and the closed character of the archive material from the World War II period in the Soviet archives attracted to a great extent many researchers who study Yugoslav-Soviet relations to have a closer look at the Soviet newspapers and periodicals and some other similar sources. They are, fortunately, quite prolific, and many things were preserved and available for use. It is clearly seen from these sources that the Soviet public during World War II, and especially after the German attack on Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, maintained a close interest and followed continually the situation at the Balkans. It gave a special and important place to the antifascist struggle of the peoples and nationalities of Yugoslavia and raised them in a high esteem.
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It is essential socio-tribal dissection of a terrorist organization, as is isylic and whose existing combat composition climax does not exceed the most optimistic estimates 100,000 people. Furthermore, according to the CIA in the summer of 2015 fighting parts of the isylic account for between 20 000 and 31 000 people. It controls territory in which lives a population greater than that of Bulgaria. Not only about the repressive instruments through which they keep in subjection those approximately seven to eight million people.
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Due to analyses and interpretation of the attitudes of different schools of thought, as well as analytical review of the historical context of its (previous) development and its achievements, current problems and challenges, the author notices that the beginning of the new century is a chance for social democracy to enter a new revisionist phase. According to him, its backbone would consist of more convergent processes whose ultimate goal would be a review of up-to-now practices, rediscovery of its identity, and its revitalization. The question of identity is one of the primary outcomes and generator of a number of problems of social democracy today, while its new discovery through a distinctive and attractive political program represents a task of extreme importance. The main intention of the article is not to define a final theoretical framework for interpreting events in the modern social democracy. On the contrary, its main goal is just an indication of possible thought directions which, in the context of the current talks considering social democracy review, would (only) have the question of modern identity in its centre.
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Work starting from the conceptual distinction of identity (such as diversity) and personality (as otherness), is trying to explain the dynamism of modern society by the phenomenon of producing identity as an instrument of social control. While the identity forms an organizational basis of each order, the personality by its autonomy forms a subversive political resources on a global scale. Hence, strategies, policies and models of identity as segments of social identity protection, want to break up personality and to substitute it with identity.
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In this paper I made a review of fundamental historical, political, economical and cultural influences which preceded and influenced (and still influence) Euro-integration and directed the process of Europeanisation. Within this framework, I discussed several key issues: the construction of Europe, European cultural identity, "unity in diversity" politics, and relevant European declarations, such as "Document on the European Identity" signed in Copenhagen and "The Treaty of the European Union" from Maastricht. Therefore, I paralleled scholars’ interepretations of the EU, European concepts on culture, identity and civilisation with the EU official attitude engendered in mentioned documents in order to show the EU-integration as a "continent building process". In this respect, the paper represents a starting point for an anthropological critical reflection on European unity after the 2nd World War.
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The article investigates contemporary labour migration of Bulgarians to Italy. An important analytical instrument for drawing a complete picture of the Bulgarian presence in the host country are the research perspectives: “from above, generalized” or “close and detailed”. The sociocultural expressions of migration are interpreted on the basis of in-depth interviews, in which sharing personal experience is of major importance. The personal experience of different groups of Bulgarian migrants is viewed as a source of information for the degree of their integration and adaptation. Some comments are suggested on the peculiarities of the communication between the interviewees and the researcher. The author problematizes notions and images of the Bulgarians in Italy through the lens of employment types and through auto and hetero stereotypes that are delineated in interviews and free conversations. Another subject of attention are the questions about the visibility of Bulgarian migrants in Italian society. The results of the study demonstrate that the Bulgarians are well adapted to the living conditions in Italy. At the same time, they do not always feel presented clearly enough in the host society.
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Рехабилитација националног идентитета свој почетак мора имати изван досега и опсега појмовног започињања његове деконструкције – да- кле, само на граници оног повијесног тренутка којим је зачета његова европска модернизација. Етаблирањем комунистичког интернационали- зма као вертикалне идентитетске основе наступа гранична ситуација српског националног идентитета - радикалан слом мјеродавности важећег националног самоискуства. Отуда, данас, конзервативизам постмодерне - кога се заправо понајвише прибојавају европеизирани учитељи будућноти, јер исти пружа могућност ванполитичког и ванекономског идентитетског утемељења (које је основни непријатељ отвореног друштва) – значи ни мање ни више него метадискурзивни отклон од простора колонијалне метафизике западног идентитета. Он (овај метадискурзивни отклон) за нас може да оствари свој пуни капацитет еманципативним искораком из дискурзивног простора којим је до сада научно обликована наша будућност таквим (ванповијесним) рехабилитовањем традиције у коме, уоста- лом и почива наша Балканска (есхатолошка) деконструкција пројекта Модерне.
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The aim of the study. The article describes peculiarities of the formation processes of the Russian-Jewish intellectuals in the second half of the XIX - early XX centuries identifies socio-psychological factors of these processes. Research methods: identity theory is used to analyze the contradictory way of assimilation and emancipation of Jews in the Russian Empire; substantiation of the phenomenon of revolution, opposition and political activity of representatives of the Russian-Jewish intellectuals; the origins of the revolutionary movement in the Russian Empire, as well as the place and role of Jews in the modernization of late imperial Russia. Scientific novelty. For the first time, it was used the theory of identity in the study of the social and cultural phenomenon of the Russian-Jewish intellectuals, highlighting the factors that influenced the peculiarities of its formation and development in the second half of the XIX–early XX century. in the Russian Empire and hypothesized a crisis of identity of the Russian-Jewish intelligentsia, one of the consequences of which was the revolution of radical Russian-Jewish intellectuals. Conclusions. It has been proved, that the development of the revolutionary nature of some of the Russian-Jewish intelligent people (“assimilants”) was influenced by the social and cultural values of Gaskali, the peculiarities of the social consciousness of the Russian intelligentsia, anti-Semitism, and the situation of non-authentic Jews.
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The article explores the semantic content of the concept of «ideology» in the postmodern paradigm and analyzes ideology as an instrument of political action.It is proved that the 20th century has set the task for the European community to solve which is very difficult – to orientate and find oneself in the landscape of absolute worldview freedom, to resist the «terror of complete freedom» (Z. Bauman), because the total pluralism of postmodernity is most clearly manifested in the ideological sphere of social consciousness, where the faith of the Modern Age and the socialist-communist dogma are denied. Humanity is compelled to build its own ontological reality not only materially, but also symbolically – by word and idea. World outlook problems turn into means of political influence.This results in awareness of the need to develop the most comprehensive picture of the world, overcoming the ideological deficit, building a world outlook «foundation», which will ensure the possibility and effectiveness of public consensus, will allow the information of multiple world pictures to the generally accepted model. Humanity finds the way out of this worldview crisis in the topos of ideology, which is designed to try on the coexistence of different worldviews in the conditions of the autonomization of the political sphere.It is argued the thesis that lining around the central mythologeme, ideology is capable of implosion of other, additional, politically significant meanings, thanks to which it is possible to turn the population into an electorate.It is proved that the specificity of ideologies in postmodern conditions is that both left and right ideologies have arhizomatic nature, due to which the emphasis is made depending on the situation or on the conceptual or emotional component, they both are declared substantively equivalent in the intellectual dimension of the political sphere. That is why modern ideology often has a mystifying, illusory character (K. Manngheim), carries out a hidden, non-reflective influence, calls for romantics, and the pragmatists are the first to distribute the results of their struggle.
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Aim of investigation. The features of A. Richinskyi's cooperation with the journals of Eastern Galicia (1928–1933) are studied and analyzed. The research methodology. Used general scientific (analysis, synthesis, systematization, generalization), special historical (synchronous, comparative historical) methods. Scientific novelty. The article submitted for publication is the first scientific study, in which the collaboration of A. Richinskyi with the journals of Eastern Galicia during the appointed time was studied in a holistic, systematic and complex way. Conclusions. It is proved that A. Richinskyi, a well-known socio-political, cultural and educational, church figure, doctor, composer, ethnographer of the first half of the twentieth century. collaborated with the magazines of Eastern Galicia, the motivating factor was the difficult situation in which the Ukrainians of Western Volyn` found themselves in interwar Poland, which limited the Ukrainian-language publishing activity. It is noted that A. Richinskyi, being a conscientious Ukrainian patriot, tried, through cooperation with magazines of Eastern Galicia, to reveal certain pressing problems, to expand the worldview of Ukrainians, publishing his works in a number of popular and well-known magazines. The important role of A. Richinskyiin the popularization of the Ukrainian printed word, is noted, which influenced the formation of the national consciousness of Ukrainians in both Western Volyn and Eastern Galicia. The role and place of A. Richinskyiin the popularization of Ukrainian-language printed materials, his influence on the originality and preservation of self-identity of Ukrainians in the conditions of interwar Poland are assessed.
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The article examines the policy of cross-border cooperation in the field of culture and cultural and historical heritage of the bordering region of Petrich, Bulgaria, and Strumica, Macedonia. For centuries, until their final political division after 1944, the two regions were not familiar with the existence of dividing state border and established close economic, social and cultural relations. However, in the period after 1944, those relations were rendered difficult and for a certain time even completely impeded which led to their strong violation. The political contradictions between Bulgaria and Macedonia (until 1991 part of Yugoslavia) almost completely broke off the contacts and cooperation between the municipalities of Petrich and Strumica. The attempts at their resumption began only after the year of 2000 when the European mechanisms for cross-border cooperation started working. Focusing the attention on joint projects of the two municipalities, the article tries to answer the question to what extent the example of cross-border cooperation presented here achieve the purposes related to cultural and historical heritage and identity and set in the idea of a "Europe of the regions" and which are the main problems and failures.
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Dans cet article, l’auteur envisage la portée du constructivisme social dans le processus du développement de la politique de sécurité et de défense de l’UE. Qu’estce qui rend le constructivisme social un cadre approprié pour l’explication du processus de l’intégration européenne, et plus précisément, de la politique de sécurité et de défense de l’UE? Le constructivisme estime que le processus d’intégration européenne a une influence “transformative” sur le système européen et ses unités constitutives. Ce processus a changé graduellement, changeant en même temps les identités des Etats membres qui ont, de leur part, changé les intérêts des Etats. Le constructivisme souligne l’importance de ce changement, qui restе “invisible” dans les approches qui négligent la formation des identités et qui considèrent que les intérêts des Etats sont définis par la structure du système international. Cependant, il semble que cette approche n’est pas suffisamment utilisée pour traiter la politique de sécurité et de défense de l’UE. L’article est divisé en trois parties. Dans la première, l’auteur envisage les caractéristiques essentielles de l’approche constructiviste dans la théorie des relations internationales. Dans la deuxième partie, l’accent sera mis sur l’explication constructiviste de l’évolution de la politique de sécurité et de défense de l’UE. Finalement, dans la troisième partie, l’auteur s’efforce de présenter certaines faiblesses du constructivisme dans l’explication de la PESD.
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The proposed text does not attempt to present in detail the transformations pertaining to the Bulgarian Turks that have taken place in the state system and the society in Bulgaria since November 10, 1989. Rather, it attempts to explore a phenomenon which, at first glance, undoubtedly resembles nostalgia, but reveals, after a more thorough looking into it, the Bulgarian Turks‘ memory of the repressive party line of the totalitarian state and its culmination - the policy of forced assimilation, cynically called „revival process“. Also, the new reality of the Transition evokes a certain perception of the totalitarian regime, not in regards to its construction, normative or services, but in regards to its everyday life expressed through work realization, education, organization of public spaces, etc.
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Paper features basic classification of contraceptives according to their use, modus operandi, and distribution. Role of contraceptives in reproduction policies is discussed, alongside with using them as tools of identity construction in particular social and cultural contexts.
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The Karioti are a Greek-speaking ethnographic group from Bulgaria, a large part of which migrated to Greece in the 1920s. The hypotheses about the emergence of the migrant community in the village of General Inzovo as well as the factors influencing the emigration to settlements in Northern Greece (the Municipality of Eginio, Thessaloniki region, and the village of Trikala in Imathias) are diverse: social, economic, political and others. The new environment in which the Karioti settled had a significant impact on the community. Language, traditional clothing and cultural features are part of the external manifestations that distinguish them from other communities. By using certain specific elements in traditional clothing, the community demonstrates a desire to be distinguished among others and vice versa, by rejecting others it reflects a desire to join the urban community.The preservation of the musical heritage of the Greek-speaking communities in the three settlements has gone through several periods, which are not identical in the two countries. Contemporary folklore manifestations and the activities of the community cultural institutions in the settlements aim to preserve the local identity of the Karioti in Bulgaria and Greece.
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