Federalizem v ustavnem sistemu nove Jugoslavije (Enakopravnost narodov in narodnosti v federaciji)

Author(s): Ivan Kristan / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/1982

The author analyzes the arrangement of federal relations in the constitutional system of the new Yugoslavia from the National Liberation War in the years 1941—1945 to the present constitutional arrangement based on the constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1974. The continuity of federal principles from the second session of the AVNOJ in Jajce in 1943 onwards is emphasized and the arrangement during individual stages is assessed.

Recenzija: Studije o slovenski zgodovini in narodnem vprašanju

Author(s): Franc Rozman / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/1982

The review of: Janko Pleterski, Studije o slovenski zgodovini in narodnem vprašanju, Založba Obzorja, Maribor 1981, 439 str., Documenta et studia historiae recentioris II.

Recenzija: Slovenci in jugoslovanska skupnost

Author(s): Janez Peršič / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/1973

The review of: Lojze Ude, Slovenci in jugoslovanska skupnost. Založba Obzorja, Maribor 1972, 389 strani, 8°.

Recenzija: Primorski Slovenci pod italijansko zasedbo 1918 do 1921

Author(s): Vasilij Melik / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/1973

The review of: Milica Kacin-Wohinz, Primorski Slovenci pod italijansko zasedbo 1918 do 1921. Maribor 1972, 468 strani.

Pregled dogodkov leta 1918 in 1919 v Prekmurju

Author(s): Miško Kranjec / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/1967

Dans la région du Prekmurje, les Slovènes, avaient été de tout temps opprimés tant au point de vue national que sous l’angle social et en outre exposés à une intense magyarisation. Au cours des dernières années de la Première guerre mondiale, la situation changea tout à coup. L’éveil national des Slovènes était soutenu par la Déclaration de mai, les activités de Wilson et aussi, dans une certaine mesure, par la révolution d’octobre. Une vague de révolte se fit jour parmi la population de Prekmurje surtout à partir du 2 novembre 1918. Elle fut sévèrement réprimée par la bourgeoisie, mais en mars 1919, la situation empira en Hongrie. Le prolétariat s’empara du (pouvoir et Bela Kun devint la plus haute personnalité du gouvernement des soviets en Hongrie. Dans la région de Prekmurje, le personnage le plus influent fut le dr. Bela Obal. A Murska Sobota on constitua un directoire composé de membres du parti social-démocrate, car il n’y avait pas de communistes. Le bolchevisme au pouvoir voulait faire de la région de Prekmurje une province culturelle autonome qui n’aurait pas été rattachée à la Yougoslavie. La contre-révolution gagna le bas Prekmurje au mois d’avril-elle n’y put agir immédiatement, et en mai, une conspiration contre le bolchevisme fut organisée aussi à Murska Sobota. Le 30 mai on proclama la république socialiste de la Mura. Elle fut attaquée et liquidée en 3 jours par les bataillons ouvriers de Budapest. C’est alors seulement que se multiplièrent les organisations communistes.

Beležke o stališčih italijanskega delavskega gibanja do nacionalnega vprašanja v tako imenovani Julijski Benečiji (do leta 1941)

Author(s): Karel Šiškovič / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/1967

Dans la période qui se place avant la fin de la première guerre mondiale et immédiatement après, il faut distinguer entre les points de vue du mouvement ouvrier italien à l’intérieur des frontières de l’Italie d’avant Rapallo et le point de vue du mouvement ouvrier italo-sloveno-croate sur le territoire plus tard attribué à l’Italie. Le premier était conditionné par un Etat mono-national et le second par l’austro-marxisme. Dans la période où la tendance à la révolution allait croissant dans l’Italie d’après-guerre, la question révolutionnaire passait au premier plan et ce n’ est qu’ en fonction d’elle que se posait la solution de la question nationale.

O nekim aspektima razvitka odnosa Komunističke partije Hrvatske prema nacionalnom pitanju od 1937 — 1941

Author(s): Ivan Jelić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1-2/1967

Dans son exposé, l’auteur a seulement essayé de mettre en relief les problèmes essentiels dans la politique du Parti communiste croate à l’égard de la question nationale, et cela depuis sa fondation jusqu’ à la débâcle de la monarchie yougoslave, (1937—1941). Passant à ces problèmes très étudiés, l’auteur a tout d’abord montré la portée de la compréhension du caractère même de l’idée de la nécessité de la fondation du Parti communiste croate. Au début, cette idée avait surtout mis l’accent sur les questions d'organisation (1934), mais elle fit ensuite passer au premier plan la question nationale comme une des composantes essentielles de la fondation du Parti communiste de Croatie. Puis l’auteur constate, grâce à des arguments solides, que les chefs du Parti communiste croate ont manifesté un grand intérêt pour la question nationale; mais, justement en étroit rapport avec cet intérêt, le parti communiste croate eut à traverser une certaine crise qui se manifesta par une soumission encore sensible à l’influence du Parti paysan croate, principale force politique d’opposition croate à l’hégémonie de Belgrade. C’ est pourquoi le problème central de la politique du Parti communiste croate à l'égard de. la question nationale était l’impérieuse nécessité de se libérer de l'influence dont nous venons de parler. Lors de la réorganisation de la direction du Parti communiste croate (1939) cette libération a pu efficacement être réalisée, si bien qu’ en 1941, le Parti communiste croate, même à l’égard de la question nationale, s’était pleinement édifié en une force politique monolithe.

ХОРВАТСКАЛ ПОЛИТИКА В КОРОЛЕВСТВЕ СХС

Author(s): Silkin Aleksandr Aleksandrovich / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2003

“The issue of Croatia” was of utmost importance for the destiny of the Kingdom of SCS. The direct arena of Serbian-Croatian clashes were Croatian territories, united with Serbia in 1918. At the beginning of the 1920s, aspirations for integration of the Serbs in Croatia were directed by Svetozar Pribicevic. At the head of the Croatian separatist movement was Stjepan Radio. At the end of the third decade of the 20th century they kept the confidence of the masses but both of them altered their platforms. Once the irreconcilable opponents, they now became the collaborators. Pribicevic’s and Radic’s Union, so unexpected for their contemporaries, does not seem like that today. Since establishing the Kingdom of SCS, these “antipodes” challenged each other’s right to monopoly of representing, politically, Croatia in Belgrade and Europe but at the same time they contributed to strengthening each other’s position, knowingly destabilizing the country. At the end of the 1920s, the aspiration for revenge on the natives of Serbia, the need for finding their place while the parliament was in crisis and gradual usurpation of the power by King, forced the leaders of Croatian peasants’ party and Independent Democratic party to end their rivalry and establish a coalition named “Front of Vojvodina”. This way it was more convenient for them to lead the War against Belgrade and control the situation in Croatia.

VELIKE SILE I SRPSKO PITANJE U 19.I 20. VEKU

Author(s): Đoko Tripković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2001

The Balkans, as part of the region of southeastern Europe and the eastern Mediterranean and an extremely sensitive and important geo-strategic area, has always been the subject of interest for the great powers, one of the focal points of their rivalry and confrontations in the continuing struggle for power in this part of the world. Hence, these powers have long had a strong influence on the events in this region, and on the fate of the countries occupying it and their inhabitants. The region of the Balkans is characterized by vast ethnic and religious variety and mixture, as well as by political divisions and antagonisms, and by divergence resulting from adherence to different systems of government or by being pan of the interest sphere of one of the great powers. The present situation is the direct consequence of the actions undertaken by the great powers in the past two hundred years i.e., from the time the European powers, Austria and Russia followed by others, began the process of suppressing the control of the weakening Ottoman Empire in Europe. The so-called eastern question was opened, a complex and sensitive issue, which set off a race for supremacy among the European powers and led to many disputes and wars with varying degrees of success for all involved. One of the consequences of the global conditions in this region has been the birth of various national movements formed in different periods by the peoples of the Balkans with the desire of attaining various national ideals and aims in the specific interaction of their own efforts and the actions of the great powers. The result has been the formation of independent Balkan states, weighed down by a heritage of numerous disputes, rivalries, and animosity not only among the Balkan nations but also between the great powers. Despite the fact that the eastern question was basically resolved by the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913, certain aspects of this issue have survived to the present day. The Serb people, present in both the central and the western parts of this region, living side by side and intermixing with many other ethnic groups yet retaining a strong tradition of statehood, have, like the other Balkan nations, been exposed to the influence of powerful external factors. The interaction between these factors and those born within the Serb nation has determined the historical fate of this people. The course ultimately taken and the wisdom of the decisions has mostly depended on the ability of the Serb ruling political elite to harmonize the interests of their people and country to the interests and intentions of the leading world factors at any period in Serb history.

Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina : Discrimination and the Non-Vote

Author(s): Neven Andjelic / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

Two policemen were murdered in Sarajevo on 26. October 2018. On a rare occasion uniting the whole country, 29. October was declared a Day of Mourning in the whole of Bosnia-Herzegovina. In all other aspects, the country shows very little, if any, signs of unity. The general elections of 7. October 2018 were no exception. Thus violence, uncertainty, citizens’ lack of confidence in state institutions and criminals’ disrespect of institutions continued after the elections. In both entities, the electoral campaign was marked by mass civic protests and demands to solve the unrelated murders of two young men, one in each entity. During the protests, allegations were made that even individuals at the top levels of the power structures in the country were connected with unresolved murders.

NACIONALNA POLITIKA KOMUNISTIČKE PARTIJE JUGOSLAVIJE – DOKTRINA I PRAKSA 1919-1945.

Author(s): Kosta Nikolić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1998

The national policy of the Yugoslav communists until the end of the Second World War was focused on the struggle against the Serbian national movement. Although general conditions varied, the essential aims of this policy remained the same - to limit Serbian national interests and to favor those of the so-called oppressed nations in Yugoslavia, the Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians and all other ethnic minorities. With the external encouragement of the Comintern in the period between the wars the Yugoslav Communist Party used internal purges to get rid of those who did not comply with their political views, imitating and approaching the model of their Stalinist counterpart. The national policy of the Yugoslav Communist Party acquired its extreme form during the Second World War when it turned on the Ravnogorski movement as its main opponent. By exploiting the false accusations of collaboration with the enemy and of treason made against this movement, the Yugoslav Communist Party wished to neutralize the struggle of the Serbs and to relieve the Croats of responsibility for committing genocide. At the same time, despite the proclaimed intention of the Communist Party of restoring Yugoslav unity the country was broken up during the war and given a federal structure, once again at the expense of the Serbs. The events of the postwar period came as the logical consequence of a bad policy.

U SUSRET SA »TOTALNOM ISTORIJOM«

Author(s): Mira Radojević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1998

Povodom trotomne knjige Ljubodraga Dimića KULTURNA POLITIKA KRALJEVINE JUGOSLAVIJE 1918-1941, Beograd 1996-1997.

»SRPSKA RIJEČ« I POLOŽAJ SRPSKOG NARODA U HRVATSKOJ 1944-1950.

Author(s): Momčilo Mitrović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1995

In the first post-war years, the Serbs in Croatia appeared to enjoy the national rights for which they had fought during the war. Gradually, however, all the activities of Serbs which were publicly demonstrative of their national emancipation were reduced and then stopped. The Croatian political establishment marginalized and eradicated all institutions bearing the name »Serbian«. These institutions were removed from the centers of power but none the less their closing meant the eventual abolition of the civil and national rights of Serbs in Croatia. At the same time, rifts occurred among the Serbs which were reflected by political activities which created the illusion of equality between the Serbs and Croatians in the name of brotherhood and unity. All this clearly indicated the ultimate purpose - the expulsion of Serbs from Croatia.

RUSKA IDEJA

Author(s): Nikola B. Popović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1994

The Russian idea as a topic falls in the domain of the history of philosophy. The author has presented a specter of opinions regarding this question, from the time the term was initially used to this day. The idea revolves around the concept of the Russian people’s uniqueness and it’s characteristic course in the creation of its own civilization, different from that of West Europe. The question was initially introduced by a dispute between Slavophiles and the so-called »westerners« in the last century regarding the need for Russia to follow the Western model in its development or to find its own way based on its specific national identity. This dispute has been revived in the intellectual circles of modern Russia, arousing the attention of the public and giving rise to new viewpoints regarding the whole problem. According to N. Berdyayev, the Russian idea is in the contemplation of brotherhood among men and peoples. The essential elements of the Russian idea are to be found in the Orthodox religion, characteristic parliamentarism and spiritual communitarism. V. Solovyov held the view that »a nation’s idea is not what the nation thinks of itself in time but what God thinks of it in eternity«. Critics of the Russian idea, such as A. Yanov, declared it to be a defense of slavery, despotism and imperial expansion. It is indeed a comprehensive ethic and ideological system of thought, of political, moral and spiritual principles and a call for the rebirth of the great values of Russian parliamentarism, humanism and personal spiritual purification.

Definicije počinitelja ratnog nasilja i žrtve: sociološka analiza nasilja u koncentracijskim logorima za vrijeme rata u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Goran Bašić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 2/2018

This article analyzes the experiences retold by former concentration camp detainees who were placed in concentration camps like civilians at the beginning of the Bosnian war in the 1990s. The article aims to analyze the narratives of war violence in concentration camp as well as identifying how the perpetrators of war violence and victims are symbolically defined in stories. In these descriptions, the perpetrator is defined as a dangerous, evil, and ideal enemy. He is portrayed as a real and powerful yet alien criminal. When informants emphasize extermination and the systematization of war violence in the camps during the war, they produce and reproduce the image of violence that is organized and conducted on a daily basis. The aim of this verbal emphasis seems to be that the described acts of violence in the camps, after the war obtain the status of an organized war violence - genocide. By defining the perpetrators of war violence, the interviewed in the study implicitly point out the complementary opposition of the perpetrator - a victim of violence. The victim is presented as pre-war acquaintance, friends and neighbors of the perpetrators of violence. Victim of violence is defined as tired, dying in agony, inferior, de-humanized, stamped and helplessly left to the mercy of the perpetrators of war violence. Leading people to only one primary (deadly) collective identity exists at every place where the “ethnic identity” of people is considered more important than their personal, individual, civic, professional human identity. The merging of ethnonational identities into a completely homogeneous, massive, unique collective identity, which is substantially or (totally) different from some others – perfectly matches reproduction and the creation of new forms of violence.

ŽIVOT I SMRT JUGOSLAVIJE PO POLU GARDU

Author(s): Ubavka Ostojić-Fejić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

The author's discussion about Paul Garde’s book »Vie et mort de Yougoslavie«, published in Paris by the famous Fayard, refers to contemporary French historiography and jounalism which in dealing with the crisis in Yugoslavia founds its viewpoint on pretended historical analysis. The author has made a study, based on positive findings of Yugoslav historiography, of this singular »adventure of the spirit« written by Garde in the face of the war in Yugoslavia. The question posed in this study is whether there is truth in Garde’s statements made in the Introduction, in which he speaks of his objective and impartial approach to »all the participants in the drama«, Analysis shows that these claims are unfounded in many instances, as are many of Garde's historical reminiscences. Approximately one hundred mistakes were found among historical facts alone. In three extensive and comprehensive ports (History, Panorama and Tragedy), Garde’s historical perspective stretches from the Middle Ages to the present 1992 and culminates in his conclusion that the immediate causes of the Yugoslav tragedy are to be found in the phenomenon which he calls »la revolution culturelle Serbe« (1986), which he associates with the »Chinese cultural revolution« phenomenon and other similar revolutions in the communist world and finds its theoretical core in the Memorandum issued by the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. Garde's book, now very popular in France, shows all the limitations, resulting from lack of knowledge, of Europe's understanding of circumstances in Yugoslavia, both past and present.

ALEKSA ĐILAS О GRANICAMA »OSPORAVANE ZEMLJE «

Author(s): Nebojša Popović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

Knjiga Alekse Đilasa, naučnog saradnika Univerziteta Harvard, »Osporavana zemlja« nastavlja niz monografija о nacionalnom pitanju na jugoslovenskom tlu (G. Vlajčić, D. Pešić i dr.). Ova istorijsko-sociološka studija utemeljeno je na višestranoj bogatoj domaćoj izvornoj podlozi i konsultovanju velikog broja naslova, uglavnom, inostrane provinijencije. Kroz Uvod, šest poglavlja i Zaključak autor vodi nacionalno pitanje jugoslovenskih naroda od vremena Marije Terezije do «vrhunca jugoslovenstva« sredinom 50-tih godina ovog veka. Kako som autor kaže, on u ovoj studiji nije imao nameru da sveobuhvatno prikaže partijsku politiku jugoslovenskih komunista prema jugoslovenskom jedinstvu, već da ukaže na sociološke i istorijske činioce koji su tu poiltiku određivali.

VELIKE I MALE ТЕМЕ ZBORNIKA RADOVA »STANOVNIŠTVO SLOVENSKOG PORIJEKLA U ALBANIJI« - DRŽAVNE I ETNIČKE GRANICE NA BALKANU

Author(s): Zoran Lakić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

U bogatijoj izdavačkoj produkciji Istorijskog instituta iz Podgorice, posebno mjesto pripada knjizi Stanovništvo slovenskog porijekla u AIbaniji. To je jedan od najambicioznijih poduhvata u Crnoj Gori poslednjih decenija. Ova knjiga, u stvari Zbornik radova, rezultat je rada stotinjak naučnih radnika iz zemlje i svijeta, raznih specijalista za navedenu globalnu temu: od istoričara, etnologa, lingvista do pravnika. Okupila ih je jedna izuzetna tema - Stanovništvo slovenskog porijekla u Albaniji - sa mnogo malih, a zanimljivih tema. Ta raznovrsnost tzv. malih tema, u stvari značajnih tematskih blokova, naučno je obogaćena raznolikošću metodološkog pristupa u njihovoj istraživačkoj obradi, tj. interdisciplinarnošću. U knjizi su obrađeni najznačajniji procesi dugog istorijskog trajanja, koji se, u hronološkom smislu, mjere milenijumima.

HRONOLOGIJA О GRANICAMA JUGOSLAVIJE 1913-1992.

Author(s): Milan Vesović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

FATALNA JEDNOSTRANOST - POVODOM KNJIGE DR BRANKA HORVATA KOSOVSKO PITANJE, ZAGREB 1988.

Author(s): Branislav Gligorijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1988

Jedan omanji tekst od desetak stranica о položaju Albanaca u Jugoslaviji između dva rata, koji dr Horvat uvršćuje u svoju knjigu ,,Kosovsko pitanje”, ne zaslužuje pažnju upravo stoga što čitav problem sužava па postupke i teror vlasti prema Albancima. Svođenje istorije naroda koji su živeli na Kosovu, njihovog ekonomskog, društvenog i političkog razvoja, (ill nazadovanja) uglavnom, samo na zločine vlasti prema Albancima je nesto što je već viđeno kod nekih albanskih istoričara, u prvom redu dr Ali Hadrija, koga inače, dr Horvat nigde ne citira, a jedva navodi u spisku literature. Zašto je i on ovako postupio, saznajemo tek na kraju knjige. Odgovarajući na pitanje dr Petranovića —,,Da li znate za neki sličan primer, gde su pripadnici naroda bili izloženi takvom nasilju kao šlo je slučaj, u poslednje dve decenije, sa Srbima i Crnogorcima na Kosovu - dr Horvat odgovara: ,,Na svoju i našu, civilizacijsku sramotu, moram da kažem da sličan primjer znam. Primjer, je, na žalost, još mnogo gori. Radi se о pljački nasiljima i ubijanju Albanaca, uključivo žene, djece i stance, nakon osvajanja Kosova od strane srpske i crnogorske vojske. О tome je kao ratni dopisnik izvještavao poznati nam ruski socijalist Lav Trocki. О tome je pisao i naš domaći, srpski, socijalist Dimitrije Tucović. Postoje i drugi izvori. Nasilja su se nastavila i posle 1918. godine. Čitava sela su spaljivana. A šta je tek našim Albancima pripremio predratni Srpski kultumi klub i uvaženi akademik Vasa Ćubrilov u staroj Kraljevini, što je ona donekle i sprovela!” (179). Ovim rečima otkriva nam i ključ kosovske drame danas: ona je u zločinima i nasiljima nad Albancima u prošlosti. Njima se, na neki način, opravdavaju stradanja Srba i Crnogoraca na Kosovu, a u ovoj našoj uzavreloj, politizovanoj atmosferi u međunacionalnim odnosima, nеко će shvatiti i kao poziv na osvetu, ili pravdanje budućih nasilja nad Srbima, jer dugovi još nisn vraćeni, poravnjanja još nisu izvršena, pošto su primeri nasilja nad Albancima u prošlosti bili ,,još mnogo gori".