Просветното дело и „културната революция“ в модернизационната политика на Българската комунистическа партия спрямо туркините в България

Author(s): Georgi Burnaski / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 6/2019

The post-war situation confronts the Turkish population in Bulgaria with the challenges of both the strained relations between Sofia and Ankara and the assimilation-led policies of the communist ideology against the minority. This publication examines the attempts of the Bulgarian Communist Party to build a new view of life among the Turkish women in Bulgaria through the mechanisms of education and culture. By pursuing its goal of depersonalizing the influence of religion at the expense of emancipatory perceptions of women’s active participation in social and political life the state harnesses totalitarian propaganda in order to change the value orientation of the Turkish women. The striving for modernization of the life of the Turkish women is also in compliance with the specific tasks and problems of the simultaneously pursued minority policy in the country.

Първичните избори от 1 юни 1996 г.: д-р Желю Желев срещу Петър Стоянов

Author(s): Asen Tyutyundzhiev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2018

The article examines the primary election within the democratic community in Bulgaria on 1 June 1996 that aimed to nominate a united opposition candidate for the forthcoming presidential election in the autumn of that year. Bulgaria became the first country outside the USA to have adopted such a procedure which had the purpose to avoid the split of the right vote. Then Bulgaria was in dire straits – the socialist government headed by Zhan Videnov seemed to be unable to overcome the hardships that faced the country suffering the most severe economic and financial crisis in its recent history. The majority of the Bulgarians lived in poverty and only a few months later their discontent escalated and the country was on the verge of a civil war. The democratic opposition was in dilemma as it was divided between the incumbent President Dr Zhelyu Zhelev, supported by the People’s Union coalition (PU), made up of the Bulgarian Agrarian National Union (BANU) and the Democratic Party (DP) on the one hand, and the candidate of the Union of Democratic Forces (UDF) Petar Stoyanov. The latter was a young lawyer, MP and UDF deputy chair who was not very famous by that time but was able to win the popular vote with his energy and charisma. The author of the article thinks that Zhelyu Zhelev made a serious mistake by participating in the primary election since he relied on his popularity from the past as a dissident and an emblematic figure of the Bulgarian transition period to democracy. He underestimated the UDF which was the biggest and strongest opposition organization having enormous resources and structures in the whole country. For Dr Zhelev the loss of the election meant an end of his political career while his opponent won the presidential election in November against the candidate of the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP). For the UDF, headed by Ivan Kostov, the victory in the presidential election was a stepping-stone for the seizure of political power after the parliamentary election in April 1997.

Пътища за никъде: eвропейски политики за социално включване на ромите

Author(s): Elena Marushiakova,Veselin Popov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2017

In the last years, the “Roma topic” attracts an increasing interest and takes a fopemost place in the public sphere of united Europe; hence, the Roma policies become a significant challenge on national and European level. Before analyzing the contemporary political discourses about the integration and the social inclusion of Roma, however, it is obligatory to know very well the previously existing state policies toward the Gypsies from the time of their arrival in Europe in the Middle Ages until today. Since a great number of the Roma population continues to live in the countries of Eastern Europe, the policies of the states which formed the “socialist camp” after World War II are very important. The analysis of the existing main political discourses about the Gypsies/Roma (and mostly of their results) should be the basis for the analysis of the contemporary national and European discourses about the Roma policies. Based on this, the achievements and the failures of those policies may find explanation and some prognoses about their results (or the lack of such) could be made.

Пътят към социализма? Първият петгодишен план за развитие на българското селско стопанство

Author(s): Pencho D. Penchev,Pencho D. Penchev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 3/2018

The author of the study aims to answer the question whether before September 1944 in Bulgaria there were tendencies and political practices that lead to the establishment of socialist economic and social model. For this purpose, an analysis of the 1941 Five-year agricultural plan has been made. The main conclusion on the basis of the Five-year plan is that the establishment of a socialist economic model in Bulgaria was by no means a surprise, and that the basic characteristics of this model were supported even by people who are not political socialists. The Five-year plan is an illustration of the gravitational forces towards socialism in Bulgarian society, which has the potential to accelerate this movement through its policies.

Пътят на север и намирането на дом

Author(s): Mila Maeva / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2017

The article examines the movements from Bulgaria to Norway and is based on anethnographic fieldwork. Using the methods of the oral history, the article analyzes the road to the north and the settlement in an almost unknown and cold country. Th epersonal stories of the Bulgarians present their visions of the road, their views onNorway and the founding of home as a personal experience in the context of the complexmigratory situation there. The specifics of the Bulgarian settlement in Norway predetermine the understanding of home and road. The successful and relatively fast realization, the high standard of life, the social model and the opportunity for quicklybringing together the separated families transform the migration to the north from amovement into a fixed way of life. For the Bulgarians, the new home in Norway has different aspects – it is the heart of the family, of calmness, cosiness and security. For the emigrants, the road to the north is both a road and a way back to the “native” andthe “Bulgarian” which could be seen in the founding of a “Bulgarian home” by different emigrant institutions and organizations. The new transnational and transcultural home of the Bulgarians in Norway becomes their comfort zone.

Разплата. История на Отон. Пратеничество в Константинопол. Разплата. История на Отон. Пратеничество в Константинопол

Author(s): Liudprand Liudprand of Cremona / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 2015

This modern translation of all the surviving literary compositions ascribed to Liudprand, the bishop of Cremona from 962 to 972, offers unrivaled insight into society and culture in western Europe during the "iron century". Since Liudprand enjoyed the favor of the Saxon Roman emperor Otto the Great, and traveled to Constantinople more than once on official business, his narratives also reveal European attitudes toward the Byzantine Empire and the culture of its refined capital city. No other tenth-century writer had such privileged access to the high spheres of power, or such acerbic wit and willingness to articulate critiques of the doings of powerful people. Liudprand's historical texts (the Antapodosis on European events in the first half of the 900s, and his Historia Ottonison the rise to power of Otto the Great) provide a unique view of the recent past against a genuinely European backdrop, unusual in a time of localized cultural horizons. Liudprand's famous satirical description of his misadventures as Ottonian legate at the Byzantine court in 968 is a vital source of information on Byzantine ritual and diplomatic process, as well as a classic of medieval intercultural encounter. Readers interested in medieval European culture, the history of diplomacy, Italian and German medieval history, and the history of Byzantium will find this collection of translated texts rewarding. A full introduction and extensive notes help readers to place Liudprand's writings in context.

Ратови сјећањем у бившој Југославији

Author(s): Đorđe Vuković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 18/2019

The culture of remembrance that dominates national communities and states that emerged after the civil war and disintegration of the former Yugoslavia is an area of daily conflict, and different and mutually exclusive interpretations of events from the past testify that Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and other ethnic groups that share a common history remember and interpret it in completely different ways. Selective recollection, relativisation and fabrication of the past, reversal and forgetting, and falsification of facts about individual and group roles in contemporary history result in political conflicts in the present and could potentially lead to future misunderstandings and conflicts, making the Balkans even more unstable and without any perspective

Роль еліт у формуванні культурної ідентичності

Author(s): Olga Rafayilivna Kopiyevska / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 1/2015

In the article the interaction of state and culture in the context of political cooperation and creative elites. Actualized problem productive interaction of all stakeholders’ cultural life of the country. It is noted that Ukraine is a European orientation requires a gradual alignment of the democratic system in the country, the functioning of all spheres of public life on the basis of culture and law. Defined and analyzed in the article the problem of the national political elite, which is associated with the lack of what is called long planning horizon, the ability to create scenarios for the future, to choose the most appropriate, given the characteristics of internal and external circumstances, and develop strategic direction, build their models implementation. The article argues that from the contradictions that exist between the political and creative elite depend not only the fate of national culture and art, but also the fate of the political elite. In the context of the research attention paid to politics of identity in view of the importance of not only its practical implementation, but conceptualizing how important area of scientific knowledge, including cultural. Characterized terminology, historical reflection. We analyze the subject matter of identity politics, including cultural, that are functionally associated with the formation and reproduction of national, civic, regional, ethnic and religious identities. It is noted that the basis of identity politics is history and culture and formed on the basis of the concept of historical and cultural memory, which allows you to use all the resource potential of value-moral, historical and symbolic and emotional content. The study examined the article description also serves institutional mechanisms for the formation, preservation and transformation of identity through the cultural world view and value system of ideological and political views. Thus, it is noted that the mechanisms of identity politics should provide different social, ethnic and other groups that defend the right to their own identity in the community the opportunity to be different, but not alien or hostile and thus prevent xenophobia. Thus, the article examines subjects that affect identity politics. The latter is characterized as belonging to the different branches of government and civil society. Determine their role and importance in the implementation of national cultural identity. In particular, it is noted that identity politics has gained urgency in the European territory in connection with the creation of the European Union and its further expansion, which raised the question of the territorial identity population in different regions. The article also identifies the main challenges of cultural identity among which is focused on creating information and communication channels of distribution of state doctrine to identity formation and reproduction system of norms and values shared ideas on the prospects of social development. The role of cultural institutions, along with public television and radio and fulfill this role. The policy of cultural identity is seen from the perspective of ongoing state social ethnic, professional groups, practice formation (construction) identity that allows you to integrate cultural and educational practices significantly affects the formation of cultural environment determines the atmosphere in society and contribute to the spiritual development of the people; in response to one of the challenges of globalization – increased conflict between people who feel they belong to a global world, and people whose identity is inseparable from their authentic, local culture. Special attention is focused on the politics of cultural identity models, namely the conservative (or traditionalist) and innovation. It is reported that in the first model is the key "Conservative moralism" expressed in unambiguous interpretation of history, literature, historical and cultural heritage and is supported by an established set of symbols and rituals relevant. In turn, innovative model of cultural identity is an important resource of the country, the region and focused on meaningful intercultural dialogue in which basis tolerant, friendly attitude towards people of other ethnic groups, multicultural groups, and religious denominations. The opinion notes that effective and meaningful policy of cultural identity is the transition to a new phase of the relationship of the state and culture must be based principles of dialogue and civic participation in the formulation and implementation of cultural policies participatory, public-public-private partnership and civil solidarity. It is noted that it is common productive activity contributes to a positive consolidation that will resist the negative influence of popular culture, to prevent the erosion of national and cultural identity and formation, especially in young people a sense of responsibility for the fate of the country.

Роль интеллигенции в сохранении культурной памяти советского социума о революции 1917 года

Author(s): Igor Vyacheslavovich Sibiryakov / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 2/2018

The article considers the formation of cultural memory of the Soviet society, analyzed are the activities of the state institutes of the USSR and the Soviet intelligentsia for creation of the “correct” image of the Russian revolution of 1917, and studied is the formation of a revolutionary theme in the Soviet art culture.

РОЛЬ МАС-МЕДІА У ФОРМУВАННІ ПОЛІТИЧНОГО СВІТОГЛЯДУ ТА ТРАНСФОРМАЦІЇ ВИБОРЧИХ СТРАТЕГІЙ ПОЛІТИЧНИХ ПАРТІЙ АВСТРІЇ

Author(s): Parlyk Vladislav Igorevich / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2019

Problem setting. Evolution of media led to the fact that in addition to their main functions, they began to perform certain functions of political parties, namely political socialization and mobilization. Therefore, one of the central places in the election campaigns of political parties is occupied by the media, and their participation acts as an independent institution of democracy. The Austrian media system represents special model of functioning of media which has an impact, both on political outlook of the Austrians, and on transformation of the electoral strategies of political parties of Austria.Recent research and publications analysis. The topic of the influence of the media on political orientations of electorate, political communication and strategies became a studying subject for scientists. (D. Dubov, D. Farrell, N. Garmash, O. Gruber, K. Kholodkovsky, Z. Komilova, M. Lettner, S. Lisova, A. Nazarbetova, P. Norris, F. Plasser, G. Plasser, P. Ulram and other).Paper objective. The article analyzes the stages of the evolution of election campaigns and the development of a political communication system in the Republic of Austria. The purpose of the article is to show, with the example of the evolution of the Austrian media system, its influence on the transformation of the political world outlook and electoral strategies of the Austrian political parties.Paper main body. A modern democratic society needs politics and political mass media. On the other hand, politics needs the society itself (voters), which, in turn, is sufficiently achieved only through the media.In the development of the political communication system in Austria allocate three stages (according to F. Plasser and P. Ulram): 1) between 1945 and the middle of the 60th of the 20th century - “domination of party with the newspaper”; 2) the middle of the 60th - the beginning of the 90th of the 20th century - “television” phase; 3) since the beginning of the 1990th years till today - “multimedia diversity”. Thus, the perception of politics occurs through various media channels, which leads to the fragmentation of political communication.Owing to social changes and technical progress, the struggle to retain their dominant position in the Austrian party system forces political parties to look for new methods to attract the electorate, hence their election campaigns become more professional. Analysis of election campaigns in the period 2006-2017 allows you to highlight the elements of their “Americanization”, “personalization”, “negativization”. In turn, the strategies by which candidates and parties attract votes within the election campaigns are also influenced by factors such as the configuration of political institutions and the structure of the media system. A specific feature of the Austrian media system, which belongs to the democratic corporatist model (according to the classification of D. Hallin and P. Mancini), is the relatively late realization of the dualization of the television market and strong monopolistic media structures at the national level.There are four types of Austrian voters using political information and media: 1) traditionalist, the information-conscious, politically-involved (largest Austrian People’s Party voter share); 2) established, the information-interested, politically close (largest Social Democratic Party of Austria voter share); 3) modernity, politically distant, not interested information (votes for the Austrian Green Party more often); 4) unprivileged, dissatisfied with the policy, moderately informed (a high proportion of voters of the party “Alliance for the Future of Austria” and the Freedom Party of Austria).Conclusions of the research. Traditional media are an important and primary source for political information and decision making in elections, which leads to a trend of politicization of the media. The research conducted by the author allows to come to a conclusion that changes in political agitation, as a rule, need to be considered as reaction to the previous changes in a media system and electorate, and from features of modern Austrian election campaigns it is possible to allocate orientation to television and media.

С. ЖИЖЕК О БЕССОЗНАТЕЛЬНЫХ ПРЕДПОСЫЛКАХ ИДЕОЛОГИИ

Author(s): Boris Dmitrievich Golovanov,Olga Volodymyrivna Frolova / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 2/2019

Problem setting: The meaning of ideology in modern society does not need any validation, but the question of its forming remains extremely relevant. XXI century realia pushes to find new interpretations in traditional approaches. Views of S. Zizek unconscious preconditions of ideology are worthy of special analysis.Recent achievents and publications analisys. The problem of correlation between conscious and unconscious in symbolic activity has been repeatedly brought up in the works of authors who chose postmodernism as a methodological paradigm in their research. Many of them had continually undertook attempts to deconstruct the ideology phenomenon. The originality of S. Zizek research is in the use of Lacan’s version of psychoanalysis as an instrument for his research.Paper objective. Main objective of the following paper is to uncover the possibilities of uncounscious in phenomenon of ideology realization.Paper main body. In the following paper the establishing and functioning of ideology in the perspective critical to Marxism ideology is examined. The use of psychoanalytical approach as a methodological guide becomes extremely popular in many fields of knowledge. The works of S. Zizek make readers see the problem of ideology from different viewpoint, constructively criticize the established approaches, and detect heuristic possibilities of psychoanalysis use in this field.As opposed to methodological orientation of postmodernism, Zizek in his analysis ensures consistency with Marxism and German classical philosophy; he even states the necessity to rehabilitate Hegel and his dialectics. He believes that psychoanalytical interpretation of ideology reestablishes the concept of thinking to be a real process, without concentration on the world of subjective individual. He sees Marxism as a teaching to study and explains fetishistic forms of consciousness, categorizing ideology as its intellectual variation. Ideology is something bigger than a false reflection of reality. In the case of ideology, reality distortion is possible only because human individuals in their practical work unconsciously create and cultivate this kind of distortion. The mere existence of social reality is based on the fact, that individuals to reproduce this reality are not fully aware of the content and consequences of their actions.Psychoanalytical interpretation of ideology studies social practices and socially sustained beliefs as something derivative from subjective inner appetence of an individual. The most important objective of psychoanalytical criticism of ideology is to bring the ideological consciousness to the point where it can distinguish distorted products of projective activity in its own life. Psychoanalytical criticism of ideology should answer the question of what the symbolic order should be. It should be social reality constituting to save body and spirit health of individuals creating this reality.Conclusions of the research. The psychoanalytic interpretation of the phenomenon of ideology reveals that the connection between the values postulated by a particular ideology and the scientific argumentation used to substantiate these values is purely formal and optional. Scientific constructions, which are used by ideology, only «hide the excess pleasure inherent in any ideological form». The ideological construction is intended to hide behind rational arguments a thought that is destructive for the entire social system, that the goal of ideology is ideology itself, that the purpose of authority is authority itself. All rationalizations are only a by-product of the ideology’s desire for self-sufficiency. The conclusion is absolutely obvious: it is senseless to approach the analysis of any ideology from the side of its content. There will always be a gap between the declared values and the nature of the ideological form, which cannot be overcome by any rational analysis.

Светът на мегамитовете

Някои политически и историографски митове на XX век

Author(s): Plamen Tzvetkov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 2008

Myth and mythology may be defined as an attempt of the human being to put some order in the way of perceiving the surrounding world that appears as chaos. However, those who want to justify their absolute power by a simple and self-evident explanation can easily manipulate this longing for myths, the more so as myth is also a kind of fairy tale. On the other hand, a lie is never hundred percent untrue: it is a combination of obvious facts with half-truths and with sheer untruths.

Ситон Вотсон о српској политичкој елити

Author(s): Aleksandar P. Rastović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 18/2018

During his career, professor Robert Seton-Watson devoted considerable attention to studying the past of South-Slavic peoples. Although he supported the preservation of Austria-Hungary at the beginning, and its reorganisation on the trialistic basis, the outbreak of the Great War caused him to change his views. Embracing the principle of nationality, he became the proponent of the creation of the great community of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, which would be organised on the federalistic principle. He expressed his most clear views in this regard in the Memorandum of 1 October 1914. As regards the Serbs, he esteemed them as a people, but constantly criticised their political elite. His sharpest objections were addressed to Nikola Pašić, whom he considered a symbol of centralistic-unitaristic conception of the organisation of the joint state of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians. Inclined to the widespread stereotype of Serbia and the Balkans as a wild corner of Europe, Watson saw Pašić as guilty of propagating the Greater Serbian policy and fostering the old and obsolete Orthodox-Byzantine tradition. He also lambasted Pašić’s associates (Stojan Protić, Mateja Bošković). In his public appearances, works, newspaper articles, he did not spare the Karađorđević dynasty and king Aleksandar either, although he was not even closely critical of him as he was of Pašić. On the other hand, he esteemed Jovan Jovanović Pižon, Slobodan Jovanović, Ljuba Mihailović, Mihajlo Ristić.

Словеначки књижевни језик

Author(s): Matija Murko / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 05/1922

До многих неспоразума и потешкоћа долази у Југославији услед непознаванја ствари и прилика. Овамо спада, како ми се чини и питање словеначког језика. Пристајем уз израз словеначки, премда сами Словенци говоре словенски јер држим да је најзгодније да проводимо што више можемо и свуда правилне облике: југословенски, Јужни Словени, и Словени уопће, место Славени.

Словенци и Југословенство

Author(s): B. Borko / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 08/1932

Има једно питање које веома интересује сваког свесног Словенца у овој нашој југословенској заједници. Оно се испољава час у тихим и интимним осећајима, који нису далеко од страха и бриге, час опет у бучним, и сувише демонтративним, геслима. Стварно, проблем о којем је овде реч, постоји више у осећању и у културној свести него у одноима политичког живота. То осећање не може да се ућутка опортунистичким и утилитаристичким разлозима ≫пракичког ума≪, јер је примарно и јаче, и свакако виталније.

Смрт, страдање и сећање: Прилог проучавању политичке употребе смрти, страдања и колективног памћења на примеру српско-бугарских односа после Првог светског рата

Author(s): Ivan Ristić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2017

The Serbian-Bulgarian relations, which were often marked by political and diplomatic conflicts and wars, culminated in the World War I. After the war, the Bulgarians became deeply rooted in the collective memory of the Serbs as an “arch-enemy” and the most hated nation. This could also be seen in the way the common recent past was interpreted. The aim of this paper is to show the ways the publicly and officially treasured memory of the recent past of Serbian-Bulgarian relations can be used politically, and the way the war sufferings and calamities, historical dates and events, were used in the internal political and ideological discourse.

Современный Терроризм Как Политический И Психологический Феномен: Актуальные Аспекты Интерпретации

Author(s): Alexander Shirinyants,Vladimir Gutorov / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 10/2017

W artykule poddano analizie podstawowe kierunki interpretacji zjawiska terroryzmu we współczesnej nauce o polityce oraz filozofii politycznej. W świadomości społecznej terroryzm jako jeden z najważniejszych czynników współczesnej polityki traktuje się, na ogół, bardzo powierzchownie. Wiele współczesnych interpretacji terroryzmu, przy całym ich pozornym zewnętrznym obiektywizmie, w rzeczywistości stale odtwarza szablonową logikę historyczną, opartą na czysto zewnętrznym pojmowaniu terroryzmu jako akcji wywrotowych jednostek i niewielkich grup, kierujących się przeróżnymi motywami politycznymi. Dana tendencja stale posługuje się środkami masowej informacji, utrwalającymi w pamięci politycznej szablonowe obrazy terrorystów i tym samym fałszywe pojmowanie zarówno rzeczywistych celów, które starają się oni osiągać, jak i realnych struktur korporacyjnych, które finansują i ukierunkowują ich działalność. Powszechnie występujące dylematy w zakresie interpretacji aktywności terrorystycznej w wielu regionach świata wiążą się z panowaniem we współczesnym dyskursie politycznym praktyk przemocy, braku swobody i sytuacji nadzwyczajnych, stale zasilających retorykę „wojny z terrorem”. Praktyki te same z siebie nakładają ograniczenia na subiektywną swobodę opinii, sprzyjając formowaniu struktur „władzy dyscyplinującej”, której podstawowe mechanizmy były swego czasu wszechstronnie przebadane w filozofii politycznej M. Foucaulta. W artykule sformułowano tezę, zgodnie z którą, wbrew stabilnym stereotypom liberalnym, terroryzm państwowy należy rozpatrywać w planie teoretycznym w charakterze uniwersalnej zasady lub „matrycy”, podczas gdy inne formy terroryzmu indywidualnego i grupowego, niezależnie od ich orientacji socjalnej, klasowej lub ideologicznej, jawią się jako wywodzące się z tejże podstawy. W artykule zauważa się, że adekwatne naukowe określenia terroryzmu sprzyjają zburzeniu niektórych koncepcji historiozoficznych, które w ciągu ostatnich dziesięcioleci przekształciły się w stabilne mity polityczne.

Спомени и рефлексии за всекидневието на българските турци по време на тоталитарния режим

Author(s): Nadezhda Zhechkova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 6/2019

The proposed text does not attempt to present in detail the transformations pertaining to the Bulgarian Turks that have taken place in the state system and the society in Bulgaria since November 10, 1989. Rather, it attempts to explore a phenomenon which, at first glance, undoubtedly resembles nostalgia, but reveals, after a more thorough looking into it, the Bulgarian Turks‘ memory of the repressive party line of the totalitarian state and its culmination - the policy of forced assimilation, cynically called „revival process“. Also, the new reality of the Transition evokes a certain perception of the totalitarian regime, not in regards to its construction, normative or services, but in regards to its everyday life expressed through work realization, education, organization of public spaces, etc.

Српска културна баштина на Косову и Метохији 1999–2017: између европске праксе и политичке злоупотребе

Author(s): Mirjana Menković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 7/2017

A report of one of the first or the very first expert mission coming to Kosovo and Metohija to investigate intentional destruction of cultural heritage, by A. Herscher and A. Riedlmayer – “The Destruction of Cultural Heritage in Kosovo 1998–1999: a post-war survey”, stands out by the seriousness of its implications, as it was supposed to contain information for proving criminal liability for the destruction of heritage in Kosovo and Metohija in the armed conflict. It is the gravity of possible consequences triggered by this Report that drove the experts to pay attention as well as to be obliged to assess the applied methods, the authenticity of information and the validity of interpretations and views. With the aim of collecting the material for the report (03024863-03024873), which aspires to deal with the catastrophe and destruction of the complete cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija in an objective, unbiased and highly professional manner, the authors Herscher and Riedlmayer spent eighteen days on the field gathering data for 230 objects, out of which they individually visited less than half, and not a single one together. For ten facilities there are no records as to who visited them, and for the completion of documentation they used testimonies of non-qualified reporters (media, medical staff, refugees, priests and politically non-independent experts) devoid of the critical view of the author, in the sense that they discarded some information as incorrect. Lack of validity of these sources (incomplete photo documentation, unreliable reporters and limited time) was not diminished by the contact with current (Serbian) experts and institutions, nor by pertaining bibliographical sources, quite the contrary. This resulted in an arbitrary attribution of the labels cultural site / (categorized, recorded) protected cultural site, as well as a number of “smaller” errors (mismatching a photo and facility, etc.). The Report witholds the facts related to the destruction and devastation of Serbian cultural heritage (referring to the investigations carried out in October 1999 and enlarged by further data in October 2000 and March 2001); in spite of the fact that it has been pointed out that all religious sites equally belong to the cultural heritage and that their purposeful damaging is not allowed, when a Serbian Orthodox site is in question, it is stated that those are modest or newly built churches, and acts of vandalism are interpreted as a revenge for the desecration of Albanian heritage. With a view to this, an issue of special importance is the attitude of the Hague Tribunal, as an indirect comissioner of this report, considering that none of the international documents contain the right to retaliate and provisory assessment of the character and weight of guilt leading to retaliation. On the other hand, when it comes to Islamic heritage, there is no data regarding the damage done after the military intervention with the intention of replacing old and authentic with new or inexpertly reconstructed buildings (in Peć and Rogovo). Moreover, care has been taken to point out that the present damage points not to the repercussions of air bombing (for which NATO would be responsible) but to shelling and other land operations, which were carried out by domestic army and police. Attributing the towers (‘kula’), stone houses for habitation, widespread throughout Western Balkans during the decline of the Ottoman Empire, to Albanian construction heritage is erroneous and tendentious. At the same level there is the attribution of bazaars, urban units used for the purpose of trade, to the Islamic religious tradition. Nevertheless, the most malicious act was the exclusion of towers (‘kula’), mansions (‘konak’), monasteries (‘manastirska vinica’), mills and houses of Serbian Orthodox architectural heritage and its limitation to churches, monasteries and graveyards, as though the Orthodox Serbs had not lived there and created material culture, but had only prayed and died. As regards expertness, thus, the Report is methodologically ill-founded, and in particular places contradictory and unsystematic. What causes most concern is the fact that throughout the report, starting from the definition of what constitutes the immovable cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija (cultural monuments, territorial cultural-geographical units, archeological sites and historical sites) and its dating, continuing with the description of the actual damage, and ending with an account of probable causes, one can consistently witness its superficiality, tendentiousness and bias. The greatest failures as regards protection are the implementation of inconsistent and unprincipled criteria in the selection of sites to be reported on, lack of critical thinking in selecting sources and, fi nally, a total absence of suggestions for operationalization and financing projects for conservation and reconstruction of heritage. Apart from that, none of the reports dating from 1999–2003 was accompanied by an exceptionally important document that would deal with institutions, that is, the relations between the institutions of temporary self-governance and their authorizations in the field of protection of construction heritage as well as the relations between the said institutions and the UNMIK Administration. Even the UNESCO Report of 2003 failed to provide satisfactory institutional proposals for resolving problems with the protection and conservation of endangered multicultural heritage. Contrary to the article 9 of the Declaration from the Conference on human habitation (Vancouver, 1976), which emphasizes the inalienable right of every country “to be with full sovereignty the owner of indigineous cultural values that are the fruit of its whole history” and the Convention on the protection of cultural goods in case of armed confl ict (The Hague, 1954), a precedent has been made in that a temporary UN Mission, without justification, interprets the international Convention in such a way that it “ignores the interpretation of an authorized organization and in a situation in which the said conduct leaves a permanent testimony to the devastation of a country’s cultural heritage”. As the SE experts firmly stated, there are no grounds for transferring the authorization to some other country, ethnic or religious community, as opposed to the accountability, which the authorized body may confer, and which all those who deal with heritage take on themselves. With regard to that, the authors of this Report are par tially responsible for the interpretation according to which the devastation of Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohija is ‘just’ an act of retaliation for previously desecrated and destroyed Albanian heritage, which provided the lay public with a justification for later, greater destruction, especially that of March 2004.

Страх од науке и страх од нацизма у америчком жанровском филму

Author(s): Bojan Žikić,Vladimira Ilić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2018

Fear of science features frequently as a motive of genre films. This kind of fear is most visible in science fiction and horror movies. It is culturally constructed and mediated, as well as based on the fact that certain scientific knowledge or technological innovations could be used not for the benefit of mankind, but in quite the opposite way. The characters practicing science for the disadvantage of humanity are usually individuals fitting the description of the cultural notion of a “crazy scientist”. There is no “crazy scientist” more dangerous than the practitioner of Nazi science. In films where such scientists possess advanced knowledge and produce results superior to the actual state of art in real-life science, fear of science is associated with the fear of Nazism as a political, and a social movement which is seen as a threat to Western civilization and to the human world in general. The fear of science appears, then, as a fear of Nazi science and we discuss it as presented in “Boys from Brazil” (1978) and “Nazis at the Center of the Earth” (2012).