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The purpose of the work is to substantiate the expediency of forming consolidated information resources of social memory institutions at the level of individual towns and communities as an effective instrument for preserving the historical and cultural heritage of the regions and developing e-culture. The methodology of the research consists of general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis; the comparative-historical methods for comparing ways of preserving the historical and cultural heritage are also used. Scientific novelty. The authors consider consolidated information resource as a modern socio-communicative system; for its designing and implementation it is proposed to use the methodology and tools of socio-communicative engineering. Conclusions. Socio-communicative projects on consolidation of information resources of social memory institutions of small-scale cities, the methodological principles of which are being developed, are intended to ensure the preservation of social memory at the regional level, with their further integration into the national information resource
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The post-communist transitional period in Bulgaria became fertile soil forproliferation of conspiracy theories. The most popular among them claimed that the communist State Security masterminded the whole transitional process.The article is trying to analyze the relevance of that theory based on the history of the communist State Security. It also seeks to explore whether it influenced public and political decisions and whether the State Security officers themselves were interested in the spread of that theory.
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The region of Kosovo and Metohia is a center of Serbian history and the state formation, as well as a central territory of medieval Serbian state. This region covers 10887 square kilometers, or 12, 3 % of the whole state territory of Serbia. Looking from the geopolitical and geo-strategic aspect, so far the region of Kosovo and Metohia has been a security macro-rampart of Serbia. Even though the United States of America together with her allies has used all means prohibited by international law to seize Kosovo and Metohia, looking from political and legal aspect, Kosovo and Metohia can never exist as an independent state, due to the fact that there have never been elements present for formation of Albanian statehood on this part of Serbian territory. It was not Serbia who had defined the state borders with her neighboring states, but the international community, who did it on the basis of ethnic structure of the population and Turkish (“defter”)* books. These borders were determined on the London Conference in 1913, and after the revision they were finally confirmed on the Florence Conference in 26 July, 1926. Serbia holds legal and historical right to Kosovo and Metohia, which has been older than ethnic right. It is also supported by international law, because of the United Nations Charter’s ban on forceful seizure of territorial parts of sovereign states.
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The renewed emergence in public of the question of respecting the tradition of the Anti-Fascist struggle and recognition of the allied (Soviet) contribution to the liberation of Belgrade in 1944 spurred the interest in reconsidering the practice of naming and renaming of streets which testify about that part of our common history. Although marking of monuments and maintenance of wartime graveyards, and even naming of streets after prominent personages are only part of the promotion of history of remembrance – since in our days it can be much more and stronger reflected in the media presence or in the form of schoolbook interpretations and attractive films or TV serials – we addressed this matter in capacity of a historian and an eyewitness. From a comparative survey of how marking of something which should represent lasting values was approached in various periods of history of Yugoslavia and now of Serbia, we glean that in our territory there was more ideology and „political correctness” than desire to measure with equal measure that which should always be esteemed – shedding of blood for the liberty of the country and the people, as well as the extended friendly hand in the hour of the direst necessity. Following the need of the moment, the town authorities in the time of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia named a street after the King’s general Petar Živković, in the very year the King imposed his dictatorship. It was renamed by his former oponent Milan Nedić in 1943. Overshadowed by Živković remained many fallen heroes or those whom he condamned or with whom he did away at the trial of Thessaloniki. Thus, the city did injustice to its defender colonel Tufegdžić and took away his name from a street in 1940. During the war, under occupation, streets were deprived of the names of former Serbian wartime and political allies. After the war ideological purges of „incorrect” or „uninteresting” local and allied names followed. In only few cases names deleted by the occupying and collaborationist administration were given back. Streetnames after Russian or Soviet wartime allies were no exception, only perhaps a more dramatic illustration of the change of „remembrance” in keeping with the changed political circumstances. After 1948 the names of streets and boulevards given after Russian great men, the Red Army and toponyms made famous during WWII started to disappear. After less than ten years, they started to return, as a sign of goodwill within the framework of improvement of bilateral relations. After the tragic incident in which a Soviet marshal and several generals, liberators of Belgrade were killed at Avala, the city renamed streets which had once born their names, after them again, and even added some new ones. During the transition of 1990, there was rush to repair all former „iniquities”. However, not even the newly proclaimed criteria were observed. Generals and marshals and the Red Army were once again the target of the reform. In accordance with our own insight and engagement we showed the history behind the scene, how the personality of marshal Biryuzov and the street bearing his name was saved from oblivion in 2004.
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The “Memorial turn” actualized discussions around a number of concepts that have become established in historical science, including such an analytical category as the event. The paper considers this category in the “history-memory”, turning to the study of mechanisms of transformation of the historical fact into a symbol and an image that defines the structure of a national-state narrative. In this paradigm, the social context of the event, as well as its perception by active participants, witnesses, descendants, historians of different generations, are equally focused on, and the principle cognitive setting is to take into account the probabilistic nature of events and the subjectivity of the actors. The patterns of using the images and symbols of historical events in the politics of memory and the practice of official commemorations were determined; their characteristic features were revealed: a close connection with the political process, a surge of activity in referring to images of the past, their conscious choice, increasing their influence on the mass historical consciousness of society. It was emphasized that the limitations of the impact of professionals on mass consciousness are not least determined by the social functions of a modern historical myth.
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The present article follows the relations of the Gypsy activists from Shumen with the International Roma Union, the attempts to send representatives to three of its congresses, as well as the control exercised by the authorities on these activities in the period 1966–1981. Archival documents and narratives of the witnesses of the events or of their relatives have been used. First of all, the analysis of the documents and narratives shows that the so called Gypsy nationalism (that lead to putting under observation of the Gypsy activists and to the restriction of their attempts to maintain contacts with the International Roma Union) was groundless. The article will also show that the self-study attempt of the Gypsies in Bulgaria were actually the efforts of a small group of representatives of the Roma intelligentsia, but not an all-Roma movement.
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This essay analyzes texts of memorial plaques and inscriptions on monuments commemorating victims of political repressions of the 1920s and 1930s at Sandarmokh in Karelia and on the Solovetskie Islands. The erection of these memorial tokens on the sites of mass graves is seen as one way to approach the historical memory of political repressions in Russia. Inscriptions on monuments not only testify to the special attention given to certain social groups of victims but also create distinct hierarchies and interpretative models reflecting attitudes towards the persecution of the diverse social groups that erected the monuments. The author suggests that the practice of installing memorial plaques to commemorate the repressed is rooted in the tradition of placing memorial plaques in urban spaces. Both types of memorials are relatively easy to install (especially as compared to constructing a memorial complex) and both are transient by nature, always ready to be turned into a monument, museum, or a memorial complex— or to vanish altogether. However, in contrast with urban memorial plaques marking sites of birth, work, or major life events, memorial signs on mass grave sites refer to places of death. For this reason, creators of these commemorative texts are compelled to go beyond biographical details, such as dates of birth and death, and to articulate their attitude to the deceased’s violent death. Consequently, the memorial inscriptions at Sandarmokh and the Solovetskie Islands are less formal than the more standardized texts of urban memorial signs, bearing witness to interpretations typical of the groups that erected the monuments. The relative ease of installation explains the popularity of this particular kind of commemoration of mass grave sites. Along with influential public organizations and religious and ethnic communities, local residents also make their presence known in the memorial spaces of Sandarmokh and the Solovetskie Islands by mounting photographs of their repressed family members onto trees and crosses. As a result, the many memorial plaques all along Avenue of Remembrance on the Solovetskie Islands and at the site of Sandarmokh constitute a specific feature of commemorating Soviet repressions and illustrate the diversity and heterogeneity of this memory.
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Is presented in article methodical development of a facultative course for high school. Where are presented questions of the Holocaust, genocide of roma and life of civilians in Transnistria (1941-1944). Thise course examines Romanias consistent policy regarding to the ethnic groups living on the territory of Transnistria, the region between the Dniester and the Southern Bug, which was temporarily occupied by Romania. The main objectives of the course are to create the understanding of interethnic relations, the development of the historical thinking of the students, which implies a general understanding of the historical process in it's diversity and contradiction, the application of historical knowledge and acquired skills, the promotion of the creation of the national consciousness and the historical memory. Need of a research of a subject is explained by insufficient studying of policy of the Romanian administration to ethnic groups in Transnistria in the years of war. The realization of national policy in the region was enabled by methods of rumaniation, colonization, deportation and repatriation of ethnic groups. The subject is poorly studied in Ukraine and demands a further research which would be based on new methods of work. The current history program for grades 10-11 does not give a complete picture of the history of the Second World War and life of the civilian population during the occupation. It is due to the fact that the subject is poorly researched. The course should provide 17 hours a year, 0.5 hours per week and should be designed for pupils in grade 11. The project should consist of two special elements: the combination of the lecture course and the practical tasks that should intensify the pupil‘s interest in this problem. Lessons should encourage students to further work and research. The teachers should use documents, photos, diaries, video testimonies in their work. The teacher has to put the following questions to the pupils: what? who? why? where? whene? I am offering such types of work as: work in the archive, work with oral sources, creating interactive maps, creating cartoons, creating family albums. After working out these sources and maps you can create cycling routes to visit the places of the deportation. Develop a task for the historic quest. To find answers to the questions «Who Am I?», «What Means to Be a Person?» are very important during the offered course. Depending on these answers the person can perceive other people without any discrimination and stereotypes. Depatable problems are discussed in such a way as comparing policies to different ethnic groups in Transnistria, discussion of dilemmas «Kind of I arrived?» carrying out roleplaying games to display certain events in time, writing an essay of up to 500 words on «Your» – «Alien». Thus, the course, through different forms of work, directed to studying of history of the native land in the years of Second World War. The main idea to eat will learn to sympathize with the tragedy, to feel other culture, will learn to understand and tolerant concerns others, to objectively watch at events that are connected with a question of collaborationism.
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The methods and instruments chosen for presenting the internal conflict in the Republic of Moldova allowed the author to follow step by step 1785 real events, which played a tragic role in the country's fate, which received state independence as a result of the self-destruction of the Soviet Union.Presenting concrete facts through the recommended bibliography method, M. Melintei relies on a wide range of sources, mainly official, which confirms the author's objectivity and provides an efficient working tool both for the theoretical and practical analysis of the Transnistrian issue.This study is unique in the sense that there are no such collections of specialized documents and chronologies on the issue in question. The volume of descriptive material (over 450 pages) is impressive, as well as the fact that the study is published in Romanian and Russian.
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The article analyzes the influence of places of national memory of Ukrainians and Poles on the interethnic relations of two neighboring peoples. During many centuries of residence in the marginal territories between Poles and Ukrainians, many conflicts and misunderstandings arose, reminders of which are the places of national memory, located on both sides of the Ukrainian-Polish border. In modern history, they have become the subject of sharp controversy not only of ordinary Ukrainians and Poles, but have acquired a pronounced political color, and have a significant influence on the formation of socio-historical stereotypes and historical memory of both societies. Discussions that are held around the places of national memory, both in Ukraine and in the Republic of Poland, conflicts and acts of vandalism, which have become more frequent in recent years, testify to the actualization of the problem under investigation.
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The article analyses the features of the model of the national memory, represented by historiographycal discourse of 1920-th. Images of historical events and key personalities of intellectual Ukrainian space are considered as attempts of compromising and adaptation of the model of the national memory to the socio-political processes of the Ukrainization.
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The article suggests the study of the meaning of the sculpture «The Motherland Calls!» for the Dagestanis as a result of the symbolic politics of modern Russia. Forms of inclusion and society's reaction to sculpture and the context of its inclusion in social discourse are considered. The work contains the comparative analysis of the attitude of the Dagestanis to the mother image of Russia and the sculpture «Motherland Calls!». The author comes to the conclusion that the Dagestanis as a whole perceive the sculpture «The Motherland -Calls!» as part of the common past with the rest of Russia; the contexts of inclusion of the sculpture in the public discourse correspond to the all-Russian; it is a patriotic discourse, a memory of victory in the war.
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The article presents the activity of the so-called Bulgarian group in Moscow, founded by some Bulgarian students in the end of 50’s of XIX century. On the basis of available documents and biographical information about the Bulgarian students in Moscow are clarified the names of the persons-organizers of this group. According to the conducted analysis of the program, created by the group, on the basis of its activity and the thematically differentiating of the problems, placed in journal “Bratski trud”, published by the participants, two facts are conclude: 1) there is accordance between targets in the program and their implementation; 2) participants develop successful propaganda campaign in Russia.
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The main area of interest in this paper is the possibility of the interpretation of the past in a museum, in the particular case the Museum of Yugoslav History, as well as the possibilities of this museum to follow the ideas of patrimonialization, on the one hand, and aspects of the New Museology, on the other, considering the existing collection and visitors who have their own memories regarding the Yugoslav past. Often, people come to “reactivate” their own, personal, memories at this place, which is not strange, because the museum itself was created at first as a representation of the president Josip Broz Tito, and later on, when Tito was buried inside the House of Flowers Mausoleum, the part of the museum complex, the museum became the prominent sign of the commemoration of him. The first part of this papеr is dedicated to the patrimonialization theory, as the main process regarding the museum’s work. Furthermore, the importance of the memory for that process is being recognised, as well as, the differentiation of the two kinds of memory, according to Jan and Aleida Assman – communicative and cultural. The first is related to the personal memories that the witnesses of some historical events share, and the second represents the detachment of the memories from the “living” witnesses, and their transference on the material carriers of the past. These two types of the memory will imply the difference in the determination of the target audience and different ways of the interpreting the past. Second part of this paper is related to the history of the museum, founded in 1962 as a place to store and represent Tito’s numerous gifts. The museum was created as the part of the Tito’s propaganda wanting to emphasize his personality, alongside with other monuments, annual celebrations, etc.. The aim of this propaganda was to create the idea of unity, that remained even after his death. Over the time the museum expands its work on the modern exhibition practices, interpretation of the Yugoslavia related to the concepts of the contemporary museology, however, the problem of the balancing between the two interpretations, the visitors who come to see the resting place of Josip Broz Tito, and the tourists and youth who seek the answers to the question what Yugoslavia was, still remains. Finally, the questions of the interpretation of the Yugoslav past will be asked, mainly through the exhibition “Yugoslavia from the Beginning to the End”, and its critics, from the visitors, but from the people who work in the museum as well, and were related to the creation of the exhibition. Furthermore, the problem of the nostalgia will be introduced and the various uses of it, as well as the “real” nostalgia related to the people who worship their former president, but the “postmodern” one as well, related to the pastiche and contemporary uses of the past.
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The paper is the first part of a research, dedicated to the problem of how national identity of Kosovo is forged. It is analysed from the point of view of a particular case study – the missing persons and how their character is represented in the public discourses of Prishtina, Belgrad, and how the international community is involved.The problem of national identity building is considered in its complexity, taking into account numerous rival projects. The museum exhibition, dedicated to missing persons and cultural heritage artifacts could be regarded as case study.All the actors on the terrain apply their own ideological strategies, which could be identified in the concept of the “Missing” exhibition: how the personal memory is being domesticated and turned into history of the nation, how the transition from text to action was carried out, how memory, oblivion and history were (ab-)used as social building ideological toolkits. Particular attention was paid to the problem of the conceptualization of the recent past: how it was interpreted and attributed signs of prestige by the social actors involved in accordance to the interests of each of them.The ethnic conflict paradigm as a key concept widely used in contemporary humanities for explaining the Kosovo case as well as the disintegration of Yugoslavia is put under question. The history of the Museum of Kosovo is also involved, the debate between Belgrade and Prishtina for returning 1247 initially taken artifacts transported to Gračanica monastery and then to Belgrade in 1998 along with the withdrawal of the Yugoslav administration of the region is traced in its history and ideology, establishing references to the Kosovo myth, based on the folklore epics which were first published by Vik Karadžić in the 1820s and later became a canonized version of late medieval Serbian history.
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This paper presents the life of Dušan Todorović (1875–1963), a professor of Russian language at the Tokyo Institute for the State of Languages from 1909 to 1940, as an example of the “change” of national identity in a political turbulent period. Dušan Todorović was born as a Serb in the borderland of the Habsburg Empire, he studied the Gymnasium and the Faculty of Technology in Belgrade (Kingdom of Serbia) and went to Petersburg for further studying, as a scholarship student by the Russian government in 1894. Todorović worked as teacher of physics and mathematics at several schools for 7 years in Russia, and then came to Japan in April, 1909 to taught Russian language at Tokyo Institute for Foreign Languages. In World War I he started to support Serbia with donations through Red Cross of Japan and in interwar period he was a ‘private ambassador’ of the new country, Yugoslavia in Japan (and only one person in Japan from Yugoslavia).
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