Mahmut Kelpetin, İslâm Öncesi Güney ve Kuzey Arabistan, Kuramer Yay., İstanbul 2016
In our work, Pre-Islamic South and North Arabia wrinting by Mahmut Kelpetin is presented.
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In our work, Pre-Islamic South and North Arabia wrinting by Mahmut Kelpetin is presented.
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At first glance, the Catholic identity of a Cardinal should not be a complicated topic, particularly if we are dealing with a person who became one of the most famous symbols of Catholic resistance against communism during the Cold War Era. In the 1950s Cardinal József Mindszenty was regarded as one of the most prominent martyrs of the Catholic Church. This reputation emerged again in the early 1970s all over the world, particularly in North and South America, but also in Western Europe, Austria, and Germany. He was arrested, put on trial in 1949, imprisoned, allegedly tortured, was freed during the revolution of 1956, and spent the next 15 years of his life as an exile in the U. S. Embassy in Budapest. He died only four years later, in 1975, in his last exile in Vienna. But József Mindszenty, born József Pehm in 1892, stood also for a very specific understanding of Hungarian Catholicism: a particularly conservative, anti-liberal, legitimist, pre-Vatican II, reactionary, traditionalist and nationalist Catholicism. In my paper, I look at the case of Cardinal Mindszenty in order to explore the most important aspects and changes of Hungarian Catholic identity during the 20th century. I want to show that, contrary to the common view, most questions regarding Mindszenty and Hungarian Catholicism are still open and require further research.
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Liberal academics and enthusiastic lay audiences hailed the public debuts of the Calvinist theologian and acclaimed orator László Ravasz as the leading representative of a new generation of modernist clergymen in the early 1910s. Much to the regret of his liberal critics, in the wake of the collapse of historic Hungary following World War I his message stemmed from a modern cult and culture of defeat and was in no way a continuation of the old school liberals of the belle époque of the Dual Monarchy. In his memoires, which were written during the 1960s, Ravasz described his erstwhile political views as “fetishes,” but defended his theological motives. This raises questions concerning a central problem of modern religious experience: how can one map the constantly evolving frontiers between rampant secularization and the no less permanent and certainly insatiable nostalgia for the sacred order of things in modern societies? By redefining what is religious, the currents of Protestant and Catholic thought in interwar Hungary presented in the following article established intellectual contexts on both sides that make not only the historical description of Christian identity but also the very notion of modernity a function of multi-layered readings. At the same time, the Catholic and Protestant rapprochement may be interpreted as a symptom of the decline of religious explanations of the world and history, because they testify to the fact that the dialectics of historical interpretation are no longer defined by the particular approaches of Catholic or Protestant theology or the differences between the two, but rather by the state of competition between universalist utopias and religious world explanations forced into the conservative camp, which necessarily bleaches the emphatic elements of Christian teachings as well.
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Singing mendicant beggars (kaliki perechozie), who, for the most part, were blind or crippled and could be found everywhere in Russia before the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, were only later, i.e. secondary, carriers of Russian religious songs (duchovnye stichi). The primary composers and performers of Eastern-Slavic religious folk songs were mediators between the Orthodox Christian Church and the people. Mendicant pilgrim beggars in Old Russia regarded themselves as those among the few selected by God. They practised their vocation of begging alms with approval from Jesus Christ. They “were baptized into Christ and clothed themselves with Christ”. From this, it follows that treating beggars to a meal or giving them alms was the same as treating Christ and giving the alms to him. The holy beggars of Old Russia were pilgrims: mendicant icons of Christ. With their life, they were meant to encourage others to purify their own icon-like quality received from God, and thus become similar to Christ.
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The present article is an attempt to reconstruct the story of the man-eating Kalmasapada and the Bodhisattva Sutasoma in Old Turkic. It forms a part of the vast collection of avadanas called Dasakarmapathavadanamala which has hitherto only been partly published. The investigation of newly identified and placed fragments allows for an appraisal of the uniqueness of this narrative within this particular story cycle.
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Ethnological and religious studies point to differentiation in the status of men and women, which eventually results from cultural conditions, and not from biological differences. Many researchers indicate asymmetry connected with the gender, which also refers to the religious sphere. The nonliterate peoples consider life to be the fundamental value and that is the reason why their cultural and religious traditions put emphasis on woman’s biological functions and see procreation as her main vocation and task. A woman performs the role of a native doctor and healer among many African peoples, since the basic medical care takes place within the family. In Africa older women after menopause perform priestly duties to a smaller degree. Researchers of the African peoples emphasize that spirit possession takes place more frequently in the case of women than men, which they consider a reaction to the inferior status of women in the social, political and religious life. Both men and women are diviners among many African peoples. Among some peoples of Eastern and Southern Africa women control the Earth fertility and they are renowned rainmakers. Women belong to secret societies in some African peoples. Both men and women can be sorcerers and witches, although among many African peoples it is more often older women who are accused of witchcraft, which is explained by social and economic inequality and the desire for power.
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The Jewish pilgrimages in Hungary belong in the context of expansion of the 18th century Chassidic movement of the Ashkenazic Jews of Poland. The differing forms are connected to the charismatic figures of the communities, to the so-called righteous men. Pilgrims visited them at the time of individual crises or at major feasts. The news of their travels attracted thousands of pilgrims. This pilgrimage could be repeated for their funeral and on the anniversaries of their death. Places of pilgrimage with very large areas of attraction arose. Societies and Talmudic schools were often associated with these persons, which became the germs for the organization of virtual communities forming again after the Holocaust. Today these graves are important mnemotechnical places for the Chassidic virtual communities, and the pilgrimages are mnemotechnical occasions and compensatory rites. They can provide new knowledge for history of mentality studies of the religious practice of rural Jewry, and for research on sacral communication, the organisation of virtual communities and on pilgrimages.
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The special relationship between religious and national identity is being scrutinised in the present paper. The fieldwork lasted from March 2004 to April 2005 and took place in the city of Szeged in Hungary. A Krishna devotee new religious community called the Hungarian Bráhmana Mission was targeted as this group has a unique combination of the two types of identities. It is postulated that the close relationship between religious and national identities even in new religious groups can be interpreted as a typical phenomenon in post-communist Central European countries, which is justified by the research. The Geertzian, interpretive, hermeneutical method is used during the fieldwork.
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This article is a transcript and French translation of the chapters 6 to 8 of Book 1 of the Latin manuscript by the Jesuit F. X. Eder on the missions or reductions in the Amerindian nations of the Moxos and Baures. It is the continuation of the two first articles entitled Lima, Peru, and their inhabitants in the 18th century and Jesuit missions in the now Bolivian Amazon basin in the 18th century.
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This paper concerns a local Bengali deity named Dharmaraj, whose worship in eastern India was quite extensive in medieval times. Today, however, ritual performances in his honor are confined to three contiguous districts of West Bengal. This decline in worship is partly due to the co-optation of a predominantly lower-caste deity by Brahmins. The degree to which “Sanskritization” has altered the practices associated with the deity shall be explored in both historical and ethnographic contexts based on medieval Bengali literature and anthropological fieldwork. The aim is to understand how the deity can be manipulated ideologically over time to serve the interests of different caste groups. I wish to sketch the dynamics of how Dharmaraj is currently constructed, interpreted, and understood in one small village – Goalpara – located in Birbhum District, the center of the deity’s worship. To do this, I will present data pertaining to annual puja, or ritual performance, for the deity. Ritual data will be supplemented with exegesis provided to me by a cross section of individuals belonging to various castes within the village. I intend to conclude by suggesting that the deity serves a mediational role in the village by resolving conflicts resulting from caste hierarchy. Moreover, his annual puja, although not levelling social status, displays a strong sense of Turnerian communitas, which allows for a temporary form of egalitarianism in which members of all castes gain access to the deity.
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The main religious lay-leader of the Hungarian Calvinists living in Carpathian Ukraine was the peasant-prophetess, Mrs. Mariska Borku (1910–1978). Her higly important work, the so-called “Third Testament” is a manuscript, written under the influence of the Holy Spirit. It was considered by Mrs. Mariska Borku and her followers as a holy text, a part of the Bible. These almost 800 biblical “quasi loci” were spread in hand-written copies and were read aloud at religious meetings in the Hungarian villages of Carpathian Ukraine, even 10–15 years after her death. Beside the biblical paraphrases, religious songs and prayers, one fourth of the text consists of her visions. The prophetess never explained these visions and the Holy Spirit’s “verbs” to her followers – only announced them. Recently the largest religious community of her followers, mostly women over fifty, exists in the village of Dercen. Its lay-leader, Miss Ida Balla, can explain the Words of the “Third Testament”, and the visions of Mrs. Borku on the occasion of their private religious service Sunday afternoons. My study offers a short survey of the historical and political situation of the area between 1920 and 1995, in which the emphasised folk religion played a very important role in the survival of national identity and in strengthening the faith of the Hungarian inhabitants living in a very often tragic minority status. I illustrate my presentation with original visionary texts of the “Third Testament”, and their actual-political exegesis given by the recent lay-leader of Mrs. Mariska Borku’s followers.
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II codice lat. DXLIX (1597) della Biblioteca Marciana di Venezia, celebre come “Codex Cumanicus”, reca il lessico persicum et Comanicum per alfabetum (PCA). Esso fu dedicato (A. D. 1303: 1330?) (Ad honorem dei et Beati Iohannis euangeliste» (intestazione, f. 1r, l. 4). Un frasario tedesco-turco cumano fu aggiunto a PCA in età incerta. Una copia del codice fu eseguita da un anonimo amanuense su committenza di J. H. von Klaproth (c. 1824), primo editore del “Codex Cumanicus”. Tale apografo, ms. Ashburnham 1584 della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze, è rilevante per il confronto paleografico e l’integrazione della lettura dell’antigrafo.
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In the First Epistle to the Corinthians, the Apostle Paul responds to the unsatisfactory religious and moral status of the local church community. He also responds to the Corinthians’ questions about marriage and the unmarried status. The apostle prefers the ideal of a life without a wife, as this visible world is not definitive and cannot deliver adequate life fulfilment. Paul gives himself as an example of a person who, without family responsibilities, can devote himself to service of God. He, however, encourages believers to get married and lead intimate lives in marriage. In accordance with Jesus’ teachings, Paul considers marriage to be indissoluble, but permits individuals to leave an unbelieving partner if that partner prevents the believing partner from the life of faith. This is the basis of the future canon law regulation known as the Pauline privilege. Paul also allows the second marriage of widowed persons. Although Paul’s treatise on marriage was originally an occasional text, the history of this excerpt significantly influenced the future religious concept of matrimonial canon law.
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This article presents a phenomenon of the Afro – Brazilian religions which developed in Brazil within the African slave trade (16 – 19th. century) and at the beginning of the 20th. century, like: candomblé, macumba and umbanda. The study of these religions is focused on the historical, terminological and ethno – religious dimensions. Nowadays umbanda seems to be the most popular and developed Afro – Brazilian religion in Brazil. The dynamic development of the Afro – Brazilian religions is one of the challenges for a research and for the Church as well.
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The article is an attempt to present a very interesting history of work and life of Ursulines of the Agonizing Heart of Jesus in Wrocław. In 1686 Ursuline sisters settled there and since then their lives have become an integral part of the history of the city, both before the second world war and after it, as they ran a well recognized and appreciated school for girls. Grey Ursuline sisters - one of the youngest and specifically Polish branches of the Ursuline sisters – came to the Lower Silesia in 1959 and at the beginning of the 1960s they started to work in Wałbrzych, Gryfów Śląski and in Wrocław itself. Their first base in Wrocław was a “small house” at St. George parish at ul. Biegła 2. There three sisters worked since September 1962 till July 2010. The first superior was sister Teresa Vogt, the last one sister Jolanta Ziółkowska (the house was closed on 31 July 2010 after 48 years of work). Since 2010 the sisters have worked at St Boniface parish. Writing the house chronicle the superiors left rich material, which allows us to reconstruct the life of sisters in Brochów parish We can find there the description of events which form three layers. The fist one is the life of the universal Church, the second one – of the local Church, the third one – the perception of the religious congregation through the perspective of the mother house and small communities in the Lower Silesia which are gathered around the convent in Sieradz as the central house. The spirituality of saint Urszula Ledóchowska, which has been so transparently present in the lives of the sisters during their time of service at St George parish, has remained in the hearts and minds of the ones that the sisters educated regardless of their age, level of education and sex. For them that Ursuline perception of God which is full of joy, laughter and love remains valid. This article is a tribute and acknowledgement to all grey Ursuline sisters, who have served the Church and the faithful in Wrocław.
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The review of: - „Otrzymała od Ducha Świętego wielki charyzmat”. Św. Urszula Ledóchowska i Urszulanki Serca Jezusa Konającego, red. s. Małgorzata Krupecka USJK, ks. Wojciech Misztal, [Seria] Duchowość Klasztorów Polskich: Przekaz i Komunikacja, t. V, red. ks. Wojciech Misztal, Kraków: Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II, Wydawnictwo Naukowe 2012, ss. 224 115 - Św. Urszula Ledóchowska, Kobieta w Kościele i społeczeństwie, red. s. Małgorzata Krupecka USJK, ks. Wojciech Misztal, [Seria] Duchowość Klasztorów Polskich: Przekaz i Komunikacja, t. XI, red. ks. Wojciech Misztal, Kraków: Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II, Wydawnictwo Naukowe 2015, ss. 202
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On the threshold of the outbreak of the First World War Łódź was one of the biggest industrial centers of the Russian Empire. In 1911 512,5 thousand of people lived there including 267.1 thousand Catholics. For many decades of the second half of the 19th century the Catholics, who amounted to over 160 thousand by the end of the century, had only two parish churches: the church of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross and of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary and a filial St. Joseph church. In the period just before the outbreak of the war Łódź was not only a great workshop but also a great construction site. In this period five churches and Catholic chapels were erected or their construction was started. This construction work was stopped for the war period. The article presents the history of those constructions and the efforts preceding them.
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The time of the First World War was not easy for Łódź. The destruction due to Łódź Operation was accompanied by economic issues caused by the crash of potential customers market. It lead to the pauperization of city dwellers. The clergy of the Roman Catholic Church got involved in aid activities organized by the city authorities or they initiated similar activities themselves. At the parishes they organized on a large scale: cheap kitchens, children’s shelters and distributed basic necessary goods. A unique phenomenon in Europe is the activity of St Stanislaus Kostka Shelters Association which arranged a widespread aid and ran shelters for orphans, nursing homes for adults, shelters for children and the only nursery for orphans in Łódź as well as a school for deaf and dumb.
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The author considers the role of a woman by refereeing to the paradigm created by Michael Foucault in The History of Sexuality and based on the principal of passive and active sexual attitude as a key to analyse the social relations. Taking this paradigm to a higher level of generality and applying it to the analysis of the role of a woman in the Roman religion the author came to a conclusion that gender was not the reason for discrimination or diminishment of the role of women in the sphere of the public religion. It was merely a criterion for assigning women certain roles within the frames of which their actions were routine and their rights the same as that of men. The author thinks that considering the links between religion and politics in the ancient Rome, an attempt should be made to redefine the role of women in a spirit of affirmative humanism by demonstrating that if potestas belonged to men, potentia, which characterised women, allowed them significantly greater participation in the religious and political life of Rome than it has been so far presented in the literature.
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