2.00 €
Preview
We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
In the light of Manifesto social responsibility is not only an informal promotion of systemic, i.e. requisitely holistic behavior, aimed at overcoming the current crisis and becoming a new socio-economic order, replacing the monopolistic neo-liberalism as soon as possible for humankind to survive and avoid the 3rd world war. It is also a tool of power-holders aimed at preventing the pending new socio-economic order and at keeping their privileges and benefits.
More...
Ancestor masks (imagines maiorum) played an important role in public representation of the Roman aristocracy in republican epoch. While analyzing the extant written evidence and comparing it with archeological material the author has gathered that there were two different forms of imagines: those used during funeral processions and the cereous images (busts) preserved in Roman aristocrats’ houses. Moreover the paper explores the origin of the tradition of ancestor images honouring. The author discovers its beginnings in the 5th century BC when appeared the first mentionings of the tradition of ancestor images honouring. At the same time the Etruscan and Greek influence obviously played an important role in elaborating different types of images. In the second half of the 4th century BC, when the nobility emerged, the patrician tradition of ancestor images spread to plebeian part of the new aristocracy. Also it is most likely that just at that time the technique of posthumous masks making was borrowed from Greece. In the paper special attention is given to socio-political role of ancestor masks during the period of classical Republic (3rd 2nd centuries BC). Studying some evidences of ancient historians the author has come to a conclusion that apart from ritual meaning ancestor images were one of the essential instruments of influencing the masses and election campaigns in the Roman republic. Finally, this traditional form of justification of the proper right to have special position in the society came back in favor also at the time of the principate. The role of ancestor masks demonstration during the funeral ceremonies of principes from the Julio-Claudian dynasty and their kin is traced in the paper on the basis of the extant written evidence of the ancient authors. In the final part of the article the author comes to a conclusion that ancestor masks of the princeps were gradually replaced from emperor’s funeral rite by other forms of images. As a result with the Flavian dynasty came into power this tradition got left, while the image of the dead emperor took the main place in the emperor’s funeral rite.
More...
The article proposes an explanation of the social conditions of and thepolitical effects from widespread conspiratorial discourses in Bulgaria today. The approach is based on a generalization of Moishe Postone’s use of Marx’s critiqueof political economy to articulate a critical theory of modern antisemitism. My main argument is that it is possible to deploy Postone’s thesis, regarding the personalization of abstract domination in modern capitalism, more generally, that is without limiting it to the analysis of strictly antisemitic conspiratorial discourses. What interests me in particular is how to adapt Postone’s theory of antisemitism to explain narratives about “the Backstage of the Transition” in Bulgaria today, understood as the secretive force, derailing the nation fromits “natural” historical course. The concrete empirical focus of the article is the parliamentary debates around the adoption of amendments to the Judicial System Act from 2016. The amendments’ stated goal was to limit influences of “secret societies” in the judicial system; during the debates the imagined “Backstage of Transition” was personalized in the figure of “the free masons”.
More...
The paper analyzes the media and political reactions in Bulgarian online media to the Government's Annual National Security Report, subsequently approved by the Bulgarian Parliament, for the period September 2017 – November2017. References to the report were subject to content analysis according to the timeline of the reactions and the intensity of their occurence, according to the different categories of institutional and non-institutional speakers, as wellas according to the basic messages they were carrying. The findings show a strong disproportion in the representation of different opinions and the lack of public debate on the subject. Since the beginning of the period, there is a visible disparity between the reactions to the Report and their media coverage.The passages in the text of the Report that describe the role of Russia for the Bulgarian national security focus almost all of the media attention and were the most debated political issue on this topic. With a great deal of certainty it can be speculated that the next national security topic that will get great coverage will revolve around the state of security in the Black sea.
More...
Међународни научни скуп „Тито: вођења и тумачења“, Београд, 7–9. мај 2010. године / International Conference: “Josip Broz Tito, views and interpretations”, Belgrade, 7 to 9 of May 2010
More...
«Парадокс ограниченного выбора» (англ. “bounded choice paradox”) был выявлен в ходе проведения в 2007-2008 гг. научного исследования «Теория и методология анализа международных консультаций». Основанием для обнаружения парадокса стало несоответствие индексов технологической и индивидуальной эффективности (сокр. ИТЭФ и ИИЭФ) консультационных процессов в международных межправительственных организациях (НАТО, ОВД, ОБСЕ, ШОС, СНГ) при сходных условиях функционирования указанной формы международной социально-политической коммуникации. Анализ уровня совокупной эффективности международных консультаций показал высокие показатели ИТЭФ (достигающие 95-100%, что значительно выше нормальных значений совокупной эффективности в 55-60%) при достаточно низких показателях ИИЭФ (в пределах от 1 до 10%) и низкой психологической удовлетворённости участников кон-сультационных процессов их итоговыми результатами (не более 15%) в консультативных и исполнительных органах НАТО, ОВД и ОБСЕ. В то же время низкие показатели обоих индексов отмечались в консультативных структурах ШОС и СНГ.
More...
Ends the period allowed for the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals in the 2000-2015 biennium, including the purpose and the number 3 -. The achievement of gender equality. Results and prospects of the development of mankind in the context of gender equality in an article.
More...
The purpose of the paper is to study the existing international legal backgrounds of readmission, as well as to analyze bilateral and multilateral treaties in the sphere of migration for compliance with the essential human rights and freedoms. Special attention is paid to implementation of the readmission mechanism towards foreign citizens and stateless persons, who have valid fears of returning to their state of origin. Under these conditions, they fall under the principle of non-refoulement as potential refugees or asylum seekers. Special procedures are established to recognize their status. It is revealed that model treaties on readmission do not specify anything about guaranties for illegally staying foreign citizens and stateless persons, who are sent back by the host state to their states of origin. These treaties also do not comply with the essential human rights and freedoms associated with migration, such as the right to personal security, family reunion/unity, administrative disputes, social and medical services, recourse, applications for assistance of international organizations. Readmission procedures imply simplified solution to the problem of stopping illegal staying of migrants, but they do not accomplish the main purpose of controlling illegal interstate migration. The conclusion is made that the international legal instruments for preventing illegal migration should be combined with the full respect for the universal standards of human rights, which must be reflected in readmission treaties.
More...
This paper suggests a new methodological approach to measuring the amount of soft power a country has at its disposal. This approach investigates the origins, contemporary manifestations and perspectives of soft power in bilateral international relations. The article begins with a thorough discussion about the theoretical background behind the concept of soft power and currently existing methodological approaches to its measuring. The author states that the term “soft power”, which is becoming ever more popular in political science and international relations, was first mentioned in 1990 by Joseph S. Nye, who later defined it as the ability to influence the behavior of others to get the desired outcomes not by using force, coercion or payment, but through attractiveness. Nye also determined three main sources of a country’s soft power: its culture, political values and foreign policies, but, as argued in this paper, neither Nye nor any other author has provided any methodological instructions on how to quantitatively measure the amount of this resource a country has at its disposal, which is a major drawback of this concept. In order to provide evidence for this point, the author proceeds with an in-depth overview of existing literature, reflecting on the most well-known indexes and researches, and pointing out to their strengths and weaknesses, as well as a serious lack of practical use for policy makers. The next part of this article is dedicated to explaining and arguing for a new methodological approach to observing and quantifying soft power in international relations. The author’s main argument is that the hallmark of soft power is not uniformity of application, but its variation. In practice, this means that some elements of soft power that are useful for Russia in its relations with Belarus, or for USA in Mexico, might not be equally effective between Russia and Ukraine and USA and Canada. Therefore, the investigation and measurement of sources of one country’s soft power should be conducted on a case-by-case basis by observing specific elements of soft power and their concrete application in bilateral relations. In other words, to be able to give firmly grounded policy recommendations, one needs to know the answer to a key question – what matters for members of a particular society. Ideally, this can be achieved through conducting an opinion poll among the citizens of the country of interest. This opinion poll should address all three aspects of soft power, as defined by Nye. Since all of these aspects can be further divided into separate sub-elements, the questions should ideally address all of them. The dependent variable in this research would be the people’s opinion about a certain country (whether it is favorable or unfavorable), while the independent ones would concern different elements of soft power. Depending on the obtained data, methods that could be used to analyze them would be either an optimal regression model, or a chi-square test, which would assess the influence of different soft power elements on determining the opinion about other countries. The final part of the paper is dedicated to the possible application of this methodology in a case study of the Russian soft power capabilities in Serbia. The author provides arguments that Russia is the most popular country among Serbian citizens, although due to many facts this might seem a bit odd. Therefore, the argument goes, this case is an interesting one to research since this means that there are elements of the Russian soft power that matter to Serbs more than what could be expected to negatively influence the image of Russia in this country. The author then provides a clear overview of this research and instructions about what the structure and the contents of the questionnaire that could be used in this research should look like in order to answer the key research question of why Russia is so popular among the citizens of Serbia.
More...
Subject of research work related to reconstruction activities in migration processes on demographic development in the territory of Vojvodina, which is traditionally the immigration area and a region with highly heterogeneous ethnic composition of the population. The time period that is treated refers to the end of the 30’s and 1941, including the results of colonization between the two world wars, 1919–1931. Results of the census of 1921 аnd 1931 indicate a population increase in compensating the period after World War II. This period is characterized by planning and settlement of population in relation to agrarian reform started in the 1919. The cause of this immigration was the peace treaty between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and Hungary entered into Trijanonu 1920. According to estimates of the number of colonists to the area of today’s Vojvodina in the period of 1919–1929 inhabited 20,000 families (100,000 colonists). At the beginning of the Second World War Vojvodina was divided into three administrative-territorial totality: Backa was attached to Hungary, Srem was annexed by so-called Independent State of Croatia, Banat was under the direct administration of German military. Based on the memorandum of the Hungarian government in April 1941 on the most important tasks to be solved in the re-conquered the southern end, terminating the agrarian reform carried out in Backa and the land becomes the property of the Hungarian state, including the expulsion of Serbian population populated since 1919–1930 in Serbia and concentration camps Sharvar, Nagykanjiza and Barcs. (expelled around 56,000 people and over 10,000 Sebian colonists and the Jews were taken to camps). In the villages from which they were expelled Serbs occupied the 15,593 Hungarians from Bukovina and Transylvania, and 1681 from Bosnia. From Srem is in 1941 to Serbia expelled about 50,000 Serbs. According Poll Committee of the Assembly of AP Vojvodina, ,,Truth about events in Vojvodina during the 1941–1948“ has killed 70,890 people as civil victims (42,106 victims of Serbian nationality, or 59.40%). On 1941, was 7,813 civilian victims of war and Serbian victims of the prevailing (4,832) and Jewish ethnicity (2,274).
More...
The main theoretical elaborations on migration pressure have been analyzed in this article and its working definition has been offered. The migration pressure to Europe applied along the Eastern Mediterranean migration route, passing alternatively through Greece or Bulgaria, is considered. It was concluded that this is a main migration route to the EU and for the period 2009 – 2014, 32.7 % of the registered illegal immigrants in the EU have passed along it. The main countries of origin are Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq. This fact determines the type of the illegal immigrants in Bulgaria. Out of 39492 people that sought asylum in Bulgaria for the period 1993 - 2014, the applications of 15774 people have been granted or 39.9% of all applicants. A prognosis has been made that during the period 2015 - 2025, considering the expected increase of the working age population in Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq with another 16 million people and the difficulties of the national economies to create a corresponding number of jobs, a new surplus labor force will be created, which will increase the migration pressure on the Eastern Mediterranean migration route. This in turn will lead to continuing the trend of appearance of new identities in Bulgaria and the Balkans.
More...
Cet article traite de l’ essence, les implications idéologiques, historiques et politiques du phénomène culturel et historique La jeune Bosnie, mouvements de jeunesse surtout des intellectuels serbes de (r) evolutionnaire, qui agissent non seulement en son temps, mais dans ce dernier jusqu’à aujourd’hui, pour être libératrice et constructive, cependant, provoqué des controverses et des désaccords au sujet de leur mission historique, le but de la stratégie et de l’action. De son philosophique éclairage profond et complexe historique ici est d’essayer un aperçu comparatif dans l’esprit des conditions historiques différentes observées caractère et la valeur de ses diverses formes et l’interprétation historicisation comme l’un de ses traditions et le patrimoine mémorables et impérieuses épris de liberté .
More...
Although they were considered the ideologists of Yugoslav identity before the First World War, the members of Young Bosnia were not united regarding this issue. This is illustrated by the attitudes of the two main ideologists of the movement Vladimir Gaćinović and Dimitrije Mitrinović. Contrary to Mitrinović, who was one of the most eager promoters of the idea of the unity of the South Slavs, Gaćinović was distrustful of this idea. He understood it as the “pouring Croatian water in Serbian wine”. Both of them had a big number of followers in students’ revolutionary organizations, and these Serb-Croat and Yugoslav organizations were responsible for the Assassination at Sarajevo.
More...
The one of the reasons of such a huge number of political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina is the division of society. Society is divided along ethnic grounds.“The electoral system in any modern state is part of the general political and constitutional system, it expresses the basic constitutional principles and the political form of a society.“ Certain parties often conclude alliances among themselves, the so-called coalitions in order to gain power, or to at least participate in government. Citizens are primarily familiar with the political parties, coalition members, and after that with the entire coalition. State power is constituted on the basis of the political parties' achievements in the entities which often leads to the merging of the program goals of the Coalition members. To lead to coarsening of the political scene, Bosnia and Herzegovina will need to come to the realization of certain factors. This primarily involves the harmonization of political strategies of parties like the program objectives, then defining the social, economic factors and the development of the electoral system in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
More...
(за Трудният разказ. Модели на автобиографично разказване за социализма между устното и писменото. Съст. А. Кьосев, Д. Колева)
More...
The prayer breakfast is an important political and religious event. The fact that it is a political event is of common knowledge. But the other one, that it is religious too, is not clearly marked in the Serbian political and social science. This is due to the fact that our society is secularized and educated for longtime that religion is dying and can not affect politics. The prayer breakfast is evidence that it is not true. Because prayer breakfast as religious manifestation affects the political life of the United States. On the other hand, U.S. politics affects the rest of the world. That is why the National Prayer Breakfast is significant foreign policy institutions.
More...