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“Dragulji doneti iz ropstva”: crna muzika i politika autentičnosti

Author(s): Paul Gilroy / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 62.8/2001

U savremenim debatama o modernosti i njenom mogućem pomračenju, kojima smo se bavili u prethodnom poglavlju, muzika uglavnom biva ostavljena po strani. To je neobično budući da je moderna diferencijacija istinitog, dobrog i lepog direktno izvedena u transformaciji javne upotrebe kulture uopšte i sve većem javnom značaju svih vrsta muzike. Izneo sam stav da su kritike modernosti koje je artikulisao sled generacija crnih intelektualaca zasnivale svoje rizomorfne sisteme propagacije u stalnoj blizini neizrecivih užasa iskustva ropstva. Izneo sam i mišljenje da je ova kritika animirana dubokim osećanjem postojanja saučesničkog odnosa između rasnog terora i razuma. [...]

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“Enemies of the People” in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea: The Political Meaning of Human Rights Violations Against Them

Author(s): Eunwon Yi / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

Over the last several decades, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK)’s government has repeatedly produced a number of “enemies of the people.” This article contends that the “enemies” in the DPRK have been produced by political decisions in the name of popular sovereignty, based on post-colonialism and socialism. The principal goal of this article is to identify the political meaning of violations against the “enemies of the people” and to shed light on the problems of “politicized human rights.”

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“GIVE AND TAKE”: REPRESENTATIONS OF THE POST-SOCIALIST “NEW BOURGEOISIE” IN MUSIC VIDEOS

Author(s): Ondrej Daniel / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2018

This article explores the critical question of how music videos portrayed the “new bourgeoisie” in early post-socialist music videos. Additionally, it tackles two side issues: the depiction of criminal groups and foreign countries. Unlike the “new class”, post-socialist new bourgeoisie emerged as a class that was entirely economically defined by its own material interests. Several values attributable to post-socialist “new bourgeoisie” can be discerned from the music videos: an interplay of ambitions and hedonism, cosmopolitanism as well as of patriotic narratives, and the aspiration of the new bourgeoisie to assert its culturedness vis-à-vis the “intelligentsia”.

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“Independent Kosovo” in the Context of the Declining American Hegemony

Author(s): Tahir Mahmutefendic / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

This article analyses short-term and long-term aims which US led international community wanted to achieve by recognition of Kosovo’s independence. Short-term goals could include releasing the political pressure from the Bush administration, establishing military bases in Kosovo and building a pipeline through the Balkans. In the long-run the recognition of Kosovo’s independence has a strategic goal to encourage secessionist movements in China and Russia, two the most likely challengers to a declining American hegemony. This is part of the extension strategy, whose aim is to postpone for as long as possible the decline stage of the American hegemony. In a wider context of the life cycle of civilizations, which is much longer than the hegemony cycle, it could also be part of the extension strategy to postpone the decline stage of the Western civilization.

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“White Terror and Ghosts of Kenya”: Postcolonial, Socio-Political Imagery and Narratives of Kenyan Diasporas

Author(s): Radoli Lydia Ouma / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

“White Terror” (2013), a BBC documentary details colonial atrocities in Kenya and thereafter state of emergency. I argue, ghosts (memories) of the atrocities still haunt a few remaining colonial survivors. Socio-political colonial structures were inherited in post-independence Kenya. The documentary based on Harvard’s History Professor Caroline Elkins (2005) research was evidenced in a legal suit of five colonial survivors against the British government for torture. Post-2007 ethno-political conflicts in Kenya can be linked to misappropriations in the 1954 Swynerton land tenure reforms. British occupation of native land sparked an insurgency that resulted in a state emergency (1952-1960), and later turned into struggle for independence. To Kenyans, Mau Mau (largely Kikuyus) were freedom fighters, but inhuman savage terrorists to colonial agents. Geographical annexing of land placed the Kikuyu, a dominant ethnic group close to the colonial capital, while the rest of the tribes were disbursed in the peripheries. In postcolonial Kenya, political and economic disparities herald power struggles between dominant ethnicities, in the case of Kenya; Kikuyu, Luo and Kalenjin. Postcolonial theory was a result of colonial experience, “the testimonies of the third world countries and discourses of minorities within geographical and political divisions of “East and West”, “North and South” (Bhabha 1994). First generational Kenyans survived colonialism, but retain narratives of the struggle over colonial domination. Using a postcolonial and discourse theoretic qualitative methodology for documentary and interviews analysis, this paper traces narratives of postcolonial Kenya and impacts on present day social political challenges.

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„Az olaszok nevében.” Silvio Berlusconi és Giuseppe Grillo politikai karrierjének kezdete

Author(s): Sára Lafferton / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 22/2017

In this paper I study how populism gained political weight in Italy in the past decades. I argue, partly in opposition to rationalist political science, that the underlying logic of populism is intelligible, and that ultimately, this logic is the articulation of the complex phenomenon in which the realm of politics stops reflecting the social realm. I address this problem through the study of the early political careers of the four times Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and the Italian politician appearing in the second half of the 2000s Giuseppe Grillo. First, I reconstruct the political and social background in relation to what the two paths become meaningful. Then, I briefly compare and contrast the mainstream and the leftist literature on populism, according to the following points: their approaches to the concept of populism; the modus operandi of the populist leader; the exact context that animates populism; and the terms in which the relation between populism and democracy can be understood. Finally, using the theoretical tools of the leftist literature on populism, I analyse the context in which the two politicians started their career, the politics they argued in favour of and the democracy they proposed. I finish my argument by concluding that if we take the crisis articulated by the populist logic seriously, we must adjust the realm of politics according to the needs of the social realm, and not the other way around.

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„Bratstvo i jedinstvo" u političkom govoru jugoslovenskih komunista 1919-1945. godine

Author(s): Drago Roksandic / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

The language practice of the Yugoslav antifascism between 1941 and 1945 was symbolically best recognizable in two phrase slogans: „Death to fascism - freedom to the people!" and „brotherhood and unity". None of them was a subject of scholarly research so far. This paper historiographically opens the problem trying to make a critical contribution to reflections on this form of the antifascist heritage. Whereas the slogan „Death to fascism - freedom to the people!" came into being in the years of the fascist ascent on the eve of WWII and was no Yugoslav specialty and disappeared gradually after the war, the slogan „brotherhood and unity" is of much more complicated origin and of longer duration. The subject matter of this paper is the concrete historical contextualization of the slogan and its appropriation by the Yugoslav communists in the time before 1945 when it doubtlessly became one of the legitimizing principles of the FPR/SFR of Yugoslavia. The personal contribution of Josip Broz Tito to the formulation of the „brotherhood and unity" slogan in the late 1930s during the People’s Front strategy of the Communist International and redefinition of its relation towards Yugoslavia is in the focus of the author’s attention. The slogan reached the peak of its mobilization and emancipation potential in 1943/44 in the People’s Liberation Movement and the formation of the AVNOJ Yugoslavia. Further appropriations of the „brotherhood and unity" principle however conducive to the development of the Yugoslav federalism, were limited by one-party and mandatory nature of the political system and the charismatic status of Josip Broz Tito that were instrumentalized by the Yugoslav communists, even to the level of political repression, and thereby its negation.

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„Druga Tita rodila je vila". Kako se pevalo (o) Titu

Author(s): Ana Hofman / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Article addresses controversies of Tito’s musical persona in public discourse by examining two dominant narratives lines: the representations in the socalled Yugoslav folklore - the most important official genre for creating his mythical image and the representations of Tito as multisided musical persona particularly in the realm of popular music. Based on the analysis of songbooks from the period of World War II and those published after it, the paper deals with the ways in which the Tito’s public persona is created in accordance with the dominant narratives about the new socialist popular culture. Through analysis of their textual and musical content, it examines the ambivalent narratives in the creation of his public image: while the „institutionalized folklore" was seen as a appropriate genre for his representation in the public sphere, its commercial version, newly-composed folk music is not Tito's image of the classless, timeless and mythical figure is also used as a link between the mediating figure which provides the desired harmony between „new" and „old", tradition and modernization, but still strongly associated with the „elite" genres and established artists.

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„I posle Tita – Tito”. Održavanje i rušenje Titovog kulta u Srbiji 1980-1990.

Author(s): Kosta Nikolic / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

The Yugoslav political system was an attempt to create a new reality in virtue of the principles of „communist philosophy of history" (scientific socialism), shaping it and managing it The one-party power of CPY/UCY was the result, but also Tito’s personal power. His cult in Serbia was part of the political identity and no-one questioned itutil mid 1980s when political processes that would lead to the break-up of Yugoslavia started. A historical phenomenon occurred in Serbia at that time where the ruling political oligarchy still respected the „person and the work" of Josip Broz, but transformed it in keeping with its political tenets, using only those elements of the cult that were useful at a given moment. At the end of that process, Tito’s cult in Serbia was completely abandoned but Serbia still remained a typical ideocratic state, because the ideology of class was substituted for the ideology of nation.

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„KŁIR” I OBRAZ SŁABY W FILMIE HAIR MARKA PIWOWSKIEGO

Author(s): Justyna Jaworska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 32/2019

The text is an analysis of Marek Piwowski‟s documentary film Hair (1971). Full of comical failures, the report from an international hairdressing contest has become a pretext for the director to expose disrupted communication between the authorities and society. The ironic tone and the use of the “week image” allowed him to queer sabotage of the official message. The author uses a polonised term “kłir” to distinguish the style of Piwowski from the camp aesthetics and to fix the document not only in the paradigm of “art of failure”, but also in the social context of PRL.

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„Konflikt začal v Sarajevu a zde i skončí“ historický kontext tzv. reintegrace hlavního města po válce v Bosně a Hercegovině v roce 1996

Author(s): Ondrej Žíla / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 3/2018

The study aims to analyse the controversial and so far, not sufficiently explored circumstances which preceded the re-integration of Sarajevo after the end of the Bosnian conflict at the beginning of 1996 and its specific consequences (especially the flight of Bosnian Serbs from Sarajevo). The facts on the ground that caused the majority of Serbs to leave their homes have still not been thoroughly analysed and in many cases remain unclear. Empirical evidence has been gathered from extensive field research based upon the qualitative interviewing project (in 2016 and 2017) and written texts of the fragmented media scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main focus of the paper is to analyse the internal and external causes that initiated and influenced the flight of Serbs from Sarajevo.

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„No bo tym się żyło”. Podział gminy Dobrzeń Wielki w narracjach jej mieszkańców

Author(s): Monika Baer / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 4/2018

In this paper I analyze the dynamics of narratives related to a planned takeover of a couple of villages of the Dobrzeń Wielki commune together with the Opole Power Station by the city of Opole (PL). In this context I focus on politics and ethics of emotions, feelings and affects which marked the discursive space and brought varied types of affective togetherness in the field of “political.” Because discursive practices of commune’s inhabitants were shaped by anticipations of uncertain future, they evoked the “ethics of probability” and the “ethics of possibility.” While the former embodied fears connected to the planned division, the latter expressed hope for “good life.” They both inspired various forms of social protest. However, because concepts of “good life” usually relate to discernable ends and strategies, changing circumstances result in different politics and ethics of emotions, feelings and affects.

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„Samooslobođenje“ kao nenasilna agresija – uz prevod Šarpove knjige Samooslobođenje

Author(s): Nenad Kecmanovic,Tijana Kecmanovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 6/2013

Koautori analiziraju strategiju nenasilnog rušenja dikatatura iz pera Džina Šarpa. Njegovi kratki priručnici poslužili su kao uputstvo za akciju pokreta Otpor u Srbiji, a da javnost dugo to nije znala. Poslije svrgavanja Miloševića u oktobru 2000, Šarpove brošure prevedene su na sve svjetske jezike i postale biblija „Obojenih revolucija“ u Istočnoj Evropi i „Arapskog proljeća“ na Bliskom Istoku. Koautori, zatim, ispituju teorijsko i istorijsko porijeklo Šarpovih ideja, sponzore njegovih operativnih projekata, pomoćne metode rušenja režima itd. I na kraju traže odgovor kome i zašto sve to služi.

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„VARLIK VERGISI“ – и политика турске владе према грчкој националној мањини у Другом светском рату

Author(s): Vasilios Hronopoulos / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2012

The paper deals with an important segment of the policy of neutral Turkey during the World War II its policy regarding the minorities that, with its tightening, aggravated the position of the non Muslim communities. Among various repressive measures, the special tax varlik vergisi, introduced in November 1942, is especially significant. Under the pretext of preventing making illegal profits, tax liabilities much higher than those imposed on the majority population were imposed on Greek, Armenian and Jewish businessmen, both Turkish citizens and foreigners. Failure to settle these liabilities within short deadlines would result in seizure of property, internment and forced labour in remote areas. The official justification of this openly xenophobic measure provided by the authorities and their media reflected the influence of the ideas that were coming from the Axis countries and were supported by some in Turkey, including a part of the political elite. The author considers this phenomenon in the light of war events and the position of Turkey as a neutral country, focusing on its relations with the exiled Greek government and the UK.

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„Великосрпска хегемонија“ и тешка судбина „несрпских народа“ у Краљевини СХС/Југославији: од докумената Коминтерне до савремене руске историографије

Author(s): Aleksandar Aleksandrovich Silkin / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

In the USSR, the totalitarian ideology predetermined dogmatism of scientific ideas in both local and world history. Throughout the Soviet period, the present and the past of “all countries” including Yugoslavia were considered in the light of the quasi-religious messianic doctrine. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia was assessed as an element of “imperialistic Versailles system” and the result of “cruel suppression of revolutionary mood of the masses”. The wrong research paradigm led to the inability to conceptualize the past, to comprehend and set out distinctly the logic of interwar Yugoslav history. Therefore, the reliable reconstruction of events and identification of all their participants remained an infeasible task for the Soviet historiography.

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„РАДИКАЛНА СОЦИОЛОГИЈА“ И „СОЦИОЛОШКА ИМАГИНАЦИЈА“ СВЕТОЗАРА МАРКОВИЋА

Author(s): Milojica Šutovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: Sp. Iss/2012

Looking in a retrospective way, Serbs do not have, nor have canonized sociological “classics” of them. But, to be able to acknowledge on which way is sociology established in the Serbia, it is necessary to see the way of its self-constitution in a building of connections with the history, organic development and the whole culture of our own people. Without that connection it is impossible to make sociology of any people. By that, in the following its way of developing, for its principle and the focus of interests I am taking “radical sociology”, “engaged intellectual” and the famous Serb of 19th century Svetozar Marković, as the first Serbian thinker for whom is the ordering of society, by himself, most significant question of the society.

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„Чикаго – българският град“ – поглед отвън и отвътре

Author(s): Dilyana Ivanova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2016

By using the methods of the ethnological research, the present article presents the dynamic of the state of the Bulgarian community in Chicago and its manifestations,as well as the reasons behind the designation of Chicago as the „Bulgarian city“not only by the local Bulgarian group but by the „others“ as well – the society, the authorities and the media in the United States. The study focuses on the spaces ofthe Bulgarians in Chicago and the metropolis, the representative institutions of thecommunity – its churches, schools, cultural and public institutions, the media, thefeasts, the events as well as the places of memory. As a certain manifestation of self-confidence and successful integration of the local Bulgarians in the multiculturalenvironment of Chicago, the article analyses also the book „Chicago – the BulgarianCity“ in which the Bulgarian community describes and identifies itself. This book as well as the examination of the social life and cultural activities of the Bulgarians in Chicago and the suburbs show that the diaspora is interwoven in the American social structure but at the same time maintains its own parallel structure which fits the American nation with its specific character.

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Југословенски комунисти и српско питање у народнофронтовској фази (1935–1941)

Author(s): Dušan Vojkovic / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Nationality policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia during the inter-war period was, among other things, marked by numerous dilemmas and frictions among the Yugoslav communists, inconsistency in implementing decisions of the Party leadership, by frequent changes in treatment of various Yugoslav peoples and national minorities, misunderstanding and diverging from the official Commintern line. In the process of building the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the Yugoslav communists first saw national liberation of the single people „with three tribes“, i.e. „with three names“. However, under strong pressure from Moscow in early 1920s the idea of ethnic originality of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was adopted. The Macedonian question was opened in 1922, whereas the right to self-determination was recognized to the Montenegrin population in 1928. The relation of the Yugoslav communists toward the Serbian people and Serbia during the first years of the Popular Front (1935– 1938) was based on the views the Commintern and the CPY had previously adopted that saw the Yugoslav state as the creation of the Versailles Peace Treaty and called for toppling of the „greater Serbian military-fascist dictatorship“. The CPY rhetoric branded the Serbian people the strongest hegemonistic element in the country that oppressed and exploited other peoples and national minorities. Since March 1938, parallel with the enlargement of German borders, the Party leadership worked more actively for preservation of the territorial integrity of the Yugoslav community. At the same time, almost all problems that could further endanger the already chipped state unity were pushed to the back burner. During this period (1938– 1941) somewhat milder attitude toward the Serbs and Serbia prevailed within the CPY. On the other hand, the official Party documents testify that deep ingrained stereotypes of two decades before died hard. The Serbian question was not definitively solved during the inter-war period. Also, the leadership of the CPY tacitly refused to define the territory of Serbia and the rights of the Serbian people.

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ЦИЉЕВИ И ОЧЕКИВАЊА КАО ЧИНИОЦИ СТАВОВА ПРЕМА ПОЛИТИЧКИМ СТРАНКАМА

Author(s): Bora Kuzmanovic,Nebojša Petrovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2010

The main goal of presented research has been testing of the expectancy–value theory (which originally connects level or strength of motivation of an individual to stand for particular goal, at one side, and product of belief that desired goal is reachable and value or valence of that goal, at the other side), or more exactly, to see is it possible and in which degree, to apply this theory to attitudes toward political parties in Serbia. To accomplish this, 255 subjects has estimated importance of 18 social and 19 personal goals, then they estimated expectancies of main political parties to fullfil those goals, and finally subjects has been questioned about their attitudes (global evaluations) toward the parties. Results confirm assumption that products of expectancies from the parties and acceptances of appropriate goals (both social and personal) are in positive correlation with attitudes towar those parties.

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Членството в ЕС и икономиката на България

Author(s): Georgy Ganev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1-2/2017

The goal of the present study is to delineate one possible framework for analyzing the economic effects of Bulgaria’s membership in the EU, as well as to offer initial observations informing the analysis. The analysis concentrates on the internal dynamic of Bulgarian economic indicators in their relation to the country’s EU membership and is based on the method of the analytical narrative. The initial analysis offered uses to focus levels – macroeconomic and microeconomics, and tries to account for the importance of both the membership and pre-accession periods. The assessment with respect to both the macroeconomic indicators and to various microeconomic processes is undoubtedly positive.

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