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The purpose of this study is to analyse the current problems and challenges of Hungarian language education policy in Romania. A part of the challenges connected to Transylvanian Hungarian higher education are identical to those characteristics that the Romanian, or more generally the entire European system of university education reflects. Therefore, we briefly present some of the consequences and challenges of the so-called “Bologna Process” regarding higher education. Simultaneously, the special features of Transylvanian Hungarian higher education receives the attention of the larger part of our study. It focuses on the Hungarian language university education system, connected to kin-state policy, demographics and minority rights. What does the Transylvanian Hungarian minority and the higher education institutional system offer? The analyses can obviously not ignore the “topos” of the independent, Hungarian language state university and its dilemmas and challenges are also briefly presented in the study.
More...Lendvai-Lintner Imrével Gazsó Dániel beszélget
Diaspora Interviews
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All the lies will not disappear as the pandemic retreats, but it may be an opportunity for the Slovak state to give these threats the attention they deserve.
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Vulnerable migrants in Turkey could be a hidden time bomb as some reports say that thousands were released back into the general population without any health checks.
More...Egy reprezentatív kutatás eredményei
The Maria Kopp Institute for Demography and Families together with the Research Institute for Hungarian Communities Abroad conducted a survey among the Hungarian minorities in Subcarpathia (Ukraine), South-Slovakia (formerly Upper Hungary), Vojvodina (Serbia) and Transylvania(Romania), collecting 2576 valid responses. The aim of the questionnaire was to study the attitudes to relationships, marriage as well as to plans and facts about childbearing. The sample was representative for sexes, and other basic demographic variables as well; 50,4% of the respondents were men and 49,6% were women in the study. The survey results showed that the start of the first marriage is two years earlier than the so called ‘ideal age’ for marriage (women 25, men 28) for both sexes. The relationships (marriage or cohabitation) are more stable in the 35–45 age group than among younger couples. According to our respondents the most important preconditions for childbearing are right partner and the appropriate housing. It has been again verified that it is important for mothers to reconcile family needs and work responsibilities. The results show that the attitudes abroad are very similar to those inside Hungary.
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Review of: Andrew Demshuk - Teresa Willenborg: Fremd in der Heimat. Deutsche im Nachkriegspolen, 1945-1958. Tredition GmbH. Hamburg 2019. 252 S. ISBN 978-3-7482-5390-7. (€ 29,80.)
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Das Ziel des Familiantengesetzes von 1726 war primär die staatliche Kontrolle über die Anzahl der jüdischen Bevölkerung. Seit dem Erscheinen meiner Miszelle, in der es um dessen Auswirkungen auf das Alltagsleben der böhmischen Juden und einen Einblick in die habsburgische Sozialgeschichte ging, haben sich neue Erkenntnisse und Fragestellungen ergeben. So macht Věra Leininger auf sich wiederholende Verordnungen zum Familiantengesetz aufmerksam, die auf dessen jeweilige Missachtung schließen lassen. Ähnliches stellen auch Philipp Lenhard und Martina Niedhammer fest. Jede Gesetzeslücke sei genutzt und kein finanzielles Opfer gescheut worden, um eine offizielle Heiratsgenehmigung zu erlangen.
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This essay explores the historiography of pre-Victorian and Victorian women travelers in the Islamic Orient and their impact on Orientalism. The major focus will be on how scholars on the subject express the ways in which the intimate gaze aided in developing the eroticism and exoticism of not only the female space but also the Islamic Orient in general. The essay is divided into two parts: the first examines authors who consider women’s travel writing pivotal in shaping the Victorian preconceived notions of the Islamic Orient; and the second explores scholars who contextualize European women’s travel writings as vital agents of both the Imperialist and the Orientalist agendas.
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The Kartarpur corridor between India and Pakistan has opened a plethora of divergent paradoxical perceptions: some consider that it would be a ‘corridor of peace’ whereas some believe that it would be a ‘corridor of terror.’ Some hold that this Corridor would empower the Qadiani community, whereas some maintain that it would enhance the influence of the Sikhs on both sides of the Corridor. Gurharpal Singh, Jagtar Singh, Bhabishan Singh Goraya, Gurmeet Kaur and politicians such as Navjot Singh Sidhu, Harsimrat Kaur Badal and others presented the Kartarpur Corridor as a gateway to peace in the region while a section of the media of Delhi declared it a ‘corridor of terror.’ Overall, a large number of the Sikhs and Muslims are delighted on the construction of the Corridor who consider it a dawn of new age. The prime minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan, has been ardently applauded for goodwill for the Sikhs. In addition, many appreciate the significant contributions of Pakistan’s army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, and the Indian politician, Navjot Singh Sidhu. This year, the Sikhs, Muslims, Hindus, and Christians in Pakistan have celebrated the 550th birth anniversary of Guru Nanak Sahib happily at Kartarpur and Nankana Sahib, which means that the possibilities of new horizons of peace and interfaith harmony have been opened in the region in celebrating the event together as one community implies the emergence of the belief in shared humanity, peaceful coexistence, and interfaith harmony. This project created a kind of Punjabi nationalism by combining the Indian Punjabi Sikhs and the Pakistani Punjabi Muslims. Pakistan took the initiative for opening the Corridor just for the goodwill of the people of two countries.
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One of the most vital questions that needed to be answered concerning national minorities in Yugoslavia after the first world war, or rather after the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, was the question regarding the usage of their native language. In this study I will dedicate myself to discussing the government´s academic, school or rather educational politics towards minorities in the period between the two world wars. I will be focused on discussing the specific administrative and legal regulations regarding the representative minorities in Vojvodina and the whole of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes respectively. Opportunities regarding education in Vojvodina were diverse and there was no real consistency when it comes educational politics. The state finally revoked the 37 different provincial laws and regulations and put in place unanimous school regulations for the entire state in 1929 with the goal of unifying all social, political and public aspects of the Yugoslavian national basis. This study will exemplify how the state acted towards minority groups after establishing a new state and will illustrate the most important laws and law proposals regarding the use of their native language.
More...The Practical Limits of the Dayton Peace Agreement
Yugoslavian dissolution has had an effect of increasing segregation between the main ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which led to the outbreak of civil war between Croats, Serbs, and Muslims from 1992 to 1995. The Dayton vision of Bosnia and Herzegovina's operation has importance for the foundation of our research objective. This paper is focused on the High Representative's reports, between 2006 and 2007. Our research objective is to identify to what extent the Dayton Agreement sets out the steps to be taken to establish a climate of peace and post-conflict recovery. However, the Dayton Agreement limited the capac¬ity of international bodies to lead Bosnia and Herzegovina to reach the objectives established at the beginning. As a consequence, Bosnia and Herzegovina emerge as a territorially frag¬mented, politically, ethnically and religiously fragmented state with non-functional institu¬tions dominated by disagreements between the three ethnic groups and corruption.
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Nearly 300,000 Urdu-speaking Muslims, coming mostly from India’s Bihar, live today in Bangladesh, half of them in the makeshift camps maintained by the Bangladeshi government. After the division of the Subcontinent in 1947 they migrated to East Bengal (from 1955 known as East Pakistan), despite stronger cultural and linguistic ties (they were Urdu, not Bengali, speakers) connecting them with West Pakistan. In 1971, after East Pakistan became independent and Bangladesh was formed, these so-called ‘Biharis’ were placed by the authorities of the newly formed republic in the camps, from which they were supposed—and they hoped—to be relocated to Pakistan. However, over the next 20 years, only a small number of these people has actually been transferred. The rest of them are still inhabiting slum-like camps in former East Bengal, deprived of any citizenship and all related rights (to work, education, health care, insurance, etc.). The governments of Pakistan and Bangladesh consistently refuse to take responsibility for their fate, incapable of making any steps that would eventually solve the complex problem of these people, also known as ‘stranded Pakistanis.’ The article explains historical and political factors that were responsible for the fate of ‘Biharis’ and presents their current legal situation in Bangladesh.
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Social mobility can be both horizontal and vertical. The latter is characterised by movement from a lower social class to a higher one, and with it a change in social status. Upward social mobility appears in different guises; it can pertain to education, occupation, cultural capital, income, etc. Until recently, the phenomenon of upward social mobility concerned a small number of emigrant Poles, with “migrants of success” composing only a small minority of a much larger number of Polish migrants in previous years. The accession of Poland to the European Union in 2004, and then to Schengen Zone in 2007, opened new opportunities. This article (based on my ethnological fieldwork) presents different ways that Poles who emigrated to Berlin between 1980 and 2016 managed to enact upward social mobility and the changing characteristics of this migration pattern.
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This study, written in connection with the Year of Hungarian families abroad, examines family-friendly businesses. In the framework of the thematic program year, the Research Institute for Hungarian Communities Abroad conducted a multidirectional research in the major four neighbouring regions: Southern-Slovakia, Vojvodina, Transcarpathia and Transylvania. In this research, we focused on the behaviour of family-friendly businesses. Since 2014 annually published research has emphasized business developments and their impact on families and children in the Hungarian cross-border regions. The interview study presented here was based on a similar idea, with the objective of gaining direct knowledge about Hungarian companies in the Carpathian Basin, especially whose leaders undertook to make their business family-friendly. It summarizes the economic situation in each region during the current period, in order to get an overall comparative picture of all mentioned areas, and to be able to interpret and manage the local difficulties, or benefits obtained by the entrepreneurs, who form a heterogeneous and innovative group considering family-friendly initiatives.
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The rise of racist phenomena both globally and locally is perceived ever more as a crucial issue in the present socio-political context. This has led to the substantial growth of intellectual considerations on the phenomena, even in local contexts where racisms have rarely been analysed. The article critically analyses the central issues of the dominant epistemology of most existing research and reductionist understandings of racisms, their historical developments and persistence in liberaldemocratic capitalistic societies organised as nation states. By reflecting on the genesis and fundamental coordinates of the dominant epistemology and utilising the insights of alternative epistemologies, a framework is established for a more nuanced understanding of racisms that mirrors the complexity of these phenomena.
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A Hungarian public university was one of the main demands of the leaders of Hungarians from Romania after the fall of the communist regime in 1989. Almost three decades later, higher education in Hungarian has developed into a precarious, fragmented, and divided institutional assemblage, solidified around two main components, the Hungarian line of study at the well-established public Babeș-Bolyai University and the new private university Sapientia, reliant on the Hungarian government’s financial support. The article investigates how Hungarians from Romania, whose persistent ethnic politics brought them extensive recognition, and who were successful in creating a Hungarian parallel society, failed to converge in achieving one of their most important goals. By unpacking this case of intra-ethnic unmixing, it shows how institutional arrangements affect the stakes and means of the struggle for minority rights, and how structural asymmetry in numbers and power carries disadvantage into the life of institutions.
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This article discusses the role of child protection and residential care institutions in mediating the tension between women’s productive and reproductive responsibilities in early state socialist Hungary. At a time when increasing numbers of women entered paid work in the framework of catch-up industrialization but the socialization of care work was inadequate, these institutions substituted for missing public child care services. Relying on not only policy documents but more than six hundred children’s case files, including Romani children’s files, from three different locations in Hungary as well as interviews with former children’s home residents and personnel, the article examines the regulatory framework in which child protection institutions and caseworkers operated. It points to the differentiated forms of pressure these institutions exercised on Romani and non-Romani mothers to enter paid work between the late 1940s and the early 1950s from the intersectional perspective of gender and ethnicity. Showing that prejudice against “Gypsies” as work-shy persisted in child protection work across the systemic divide of the late 1940s, the article contributes to scholarship on state socialism and Stalinism that emphasizes the role of historical continuities. At the same time, reflecting on parental invention in using child protection as a form of child care, the article also complicates a simplistic social control approach to residential care institutions in Stalinist Hungary.
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Regional headlines: Hooligans march in Prague and Bratislava; another ceasefire fails in Karabakh; a rare moment of concord on Serbia-Kosovo border; Belarusians rally for 10th straight week; and a new home for an Uzbek journalist.
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The political integration of ethnic minorities is one of the most challenging tasks facing the countries of post-communist Europe. The roads to their political representation in the mainstream political process are numerous and diverse. The EU accession of the Central and East European countries has expanded the scope of the political participation of minorities by adding an electoral process at the regional level: the elections for members of the European Parliament. This article presents a comparative study of the ways in which EU-level electoral processes affect the scope and quality of minority representation on the example of the participation of ethnic political parties in Bulgaria and Romania in the 2007 and 2009 electoral cycles of the European Parliament.
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