Around the Bloc: Brother of Kosovo Premier Sought German Asylum
Other relatives of Isa Mustafa among many thousand Kosovans who requested asylum in the EU last year.
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Other relatives of Isa Mustafa among many thousand Kosovans who requested asylum in the EU last year.
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The objective of this paper is to present an interesting example from Bulgaria – the Rhodope Mountains, which abound in visible and invisible boundaries. The paper focuses on the cultural elements which are selected by the communities as identifiers to distinguish themselves from others. The three basic ethno-religious groups inhabiting the mountains (Turks, Muslim Bulgarians, and Christian Bulgarians) possess a complex of cultural characteristics including language, names, self-identification, marriage patterns, traditional and ritual systems, religious affiliation, clothing, and so on, which are instrumentalized with the objective of achieving closer relations or drawing dividing lines between different communities. The process of the eradication and establishment of new boundaries is especially dynamic with regard to Muslim Bulgarians. They perceive themselves as a boundary community, and in fact they are regarded as such by both Christian Bulgarians and Turks. In their attempts to overcome that border situation, the middle and younger generations of Muslim Bulgarians in the Middle and Eastern Rhodopes have started to express a Bulgarian identity more frequently. The elder Muslim Bulgarians in the regions of Gotse Delchev, Madan, and Rudozem, as well as the younger ones, place their Muslim belonging more frequently at the center of their personal and group identity, which finds expression in the drawing of cultural boundaries to distinguish themselves from members of the other groups.
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In the vast area, ranging from Kamchatka in the East to Brest and Bialystok in the West, dialects spoken by the local Gypsies are so close to each other regarding phonetics, morphology and vocabulary, that they make in fact one macro-dialect with local varieties. The details of these varieties can barely be noticed by a non-professional and a non-Gypsy. Nevertheless, these details play an important role in group identification and in the differentiating between Gypsy groupings. The author has intended to present the peculiarities of the dialect spoken by the Lithuanian Gypsies, which make it different from the whole bunch of vernacular Gypsy tongues of a broader area that includes (except of the Republic of Lithuania) Western Belarus, Eastern Latvia and neighboring parts of the Russian Federation.
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The concept of the “sociological expedition” implies various forms of collaborative empirical research, for which ethnographic fieldwork serves as the fundamental model. While this form of training students (“education through research”) is still relatively rare in Russia, in recent years its visibility has grown and its organizers have become more experienced. We were interested in finding out how, in each particular case, the idea of organizing such training retreats for students developed. What are the peculiarities and practical difficulties involved in conducting this kind of research and training? Finally, what role in the educational process should such research expeditions play? Participants in the discussion below note the importance of collaborative field research to students’ professional socialization and reflect about their own experiences of such trips, expressing regret that academic institutions still do not sufficiently support the practice.
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Political Institution uses all kinds of the concept, the rule and the system with shaping according to itself for managing the society prefers the media mostly. Politicians who use sometimes the sex and sometimes ethnicity, use direct and indirect discrimination discourses towards the regional group or group of people aimed by them with creating their majority. Particularly Ak Parti and its connections constitute monophthong media because of being entitled one by one in media sector and they succeed the same message in different ways from the diverse resources to the people. To enjoy in learning method is the easiest and the most efficient method. The programs which are series, competitions and etc are ‘entertainment’ broadcasts. The thoughts settle unbeknownst in the brain by the television and these thoughts influence to the human behaviors and prefers.
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The continuance of a minority community and the perhaps flamboyant use of their native language is highly determined by the rights a given majority state gives this community. In this paper I will show the situation with and the state of Hungarian minority higher education outside Hungary, while looking into persons’ language rights and language in the context of education policy trends. After giving a short introduction to recent developments in the field of Linguistic Human Rights – with a special focus on someone’s right to get (higher) education in one’s mother tongue – I will illustrate the attitudes of Hungary and of neighbouring countries regarding such a right, both in theory and in practice; this will all be based on an analysis of degrees of ratification and implementation of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in different European states.
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Evropska komisija je pretprošle godine usvojila novi pristup izvještavanju o državama koje se nalaze u procesu pridruživanja, uz prilagođenu metodologiju izvještavanja. Tako će na proljeće 2018. Evropska komisija objaviti izvještaj koji će prethoditi samom mišljenju, a kasnije tokom 2018. biće objavljeno mišljenje o aplikaciji uz analitički izvještaj. U skladu s tim, ovogodišnji Alternativni izvještaj koncipirali smo tako da pokrije što veći broj pitanja koja su bila centralna u politici Evropske unije prema BiH. Ključno pitanje je svakako bio proces izrade odgovora na Upitnik Evropske komisije, koji je BiH uručen u decembru 2016. godine, dok su odgovori predati tek 28. februara 2018. godine. “Alternativni analitički izvještaj o aplikaciji BiH za članstvo u EU“ rezultat je zajedničkog rada organizacija i pojedinaca/ki koji/e čine Inicijativu za monitoring EU integracija Bosne i Hercegovine. Ovaj dokument se nadovezuje na prethodne izvještaje Inicijative, kao i na “Alternativne odgovore organizacija civilnog društva na pitanja Evropske komisije”, koje je Inicijativa izradila 2017. godine. Izvještaj se, kao i prethodni, odnosi na pitanja političkih kriterija za članstvo u EU, s fokusom na stepen demokratičnosti i funkcionisanje države, pitanje vladavine prava i korupcije, ljudskih prava, naročito manjinskih i ranjivih grupa, i tranzicione pravde. Pored toga, u skladu sa promjenama u načinu izvještavanja, u ovom dokumentu naglasak je stavljen i na neke od tema koje se odnose na posebna poglavlja acquis-a, kao što su ekonomsko-socijalna pitanja, administrativni kapaciteti za ocjenu usklađenosti sa pravnom stečevinom EU, intelektualno vlasništvo i regionalne obaveze. Analitički izvještaj daje prikaz stanja u oblastima koje su obuhvaćene političkim kriterijima, pri čemu je detaljnije predstavljen period nakon objavljivanja Alternativnog izvještaja za BiH 2016. godine. Nalazi ovog izvještaja ukazuju na to da u BiH nije postignut nikakav napredak u ključnim oblastima u protekle dvije godine. Političke tenzije pred Opće izbore 2018, kao i nepostojanje stabilne koalicione većine na nivou Bosne i Hercegovine i Federacije BiH, rezultirale su neusvajanjem izmjena Izbornog zakona, čime je došlo do ozbiljnog ugrožavanja izbornog procesa. U Republici Srpskoj zabilježena je druga vrsta parlamentarne krize, potaknuta zabrinjavajućim postupcima izvršne vlasti u vezi sa radom Glavne službe za reviziju javnih institucija. Funkcionisanje pravosuđa na državnom nivou također je ozbiljno ugroženo neizvršavanjem odluka Ustavnog suda BiH koje se odnose na Zakon o krivičnom postupku. Ustavne reforme su i dalje pitanje kojim se vlasti u BiH ne bave, te ne postoji ozbiljan pristup izmjenama Ustava u skladu sa presudama Evropskog suda za ljudska prava u slučajevima “Sejdić-Finci”, “Zornić” i “Pilav”. Reforma javne uprave, iako jedan od proklamovanih prioriteta u procesu pridruživanja EU, nije zabilježila nikakav napredak u proteklom periodu. Ponovo se bilježe pokušaji da se zakonski okvir u različitim oblastima oslabi, umjesto da se poboljša. Organizacije civilnog društva uspjele su zaustaviti proceduru izmjena Zakona o slobodi pristupa informacijama BiH, kojima bi se znatno ograničile slobode pristupa informacijama. Ni prijedlog za uvođenje mogućnosti pomilovanja osuđenim ratnim zločincima nije došao do parlamentarne procedure, ali ovakvi slučajevi ukazuju na zabrinjavajuće tendencije u radu izvršnih vlasti. Sloboda okupljanja i dalje nije garantovana svima pod istim uslovima, o čemu svjedoče različiti slučajevi u Republici Srpskoj i Federaciji BiH. Sloboda medija i uslovi rada novinara/ki gori su u odnosu na prethodni period, a velike su šanse da će se situacija pogoršati u narednom periodu, s obzirom na predstojeću izbornu kampanju. Manjinske i ranjive grupe i dalje žive u teškim uslovima. Diskriminacija i nasilje su sveprisutni, a izmjene Zakona o zabrani diskriminacije još ne daju željene rezultate na terenu u smislu bolje zaštite. Sveobuhvatne antidiskriminacijske politike i dalje ne postoje. Procesuiranje ratnih zločina i suočavanje s prošlošću, kao preduslovi za kreiranje zdravog okruženja i gradnju zajedničke države, predstavljaju dodatni problem. Politička podrška ratnim zločincima od strane lidera političkih stranaka nastavlja da dijeli već izrazito fragmentirano društvo.
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Thessaloniki, the main city of the European provinces of the Ottoman Empire, due to its strategic location and its multiethnic population, is the centre of the modern ideologies in the first decade of the 20th century. This characteristic distinguished it essentially from the cosmopolitan Ottoman cities along the Asia Minor coast and makes the study of the ideological influences between the different nationalities in it particularly interesting. The Bulgarians had a significant role to play in the political and ideological ebullience that had gripped Thessaloniki during the first decade of the 20th century. They are among the most prominent proponents of the national, socialist and anarchist idea.
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Poles have started to migrate at the area of Croatia by the end of the 19th century. The first major settlements of the Poles were undertaken on the territory of Slavonski Brod and Nova Gradiska. In the first half of the 20th century were founded some Polish societies and associations in Croatian cities. At that time, the first Polish tourists came to the Adriatic Resort. After the Second World War, the Polish rural population from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina returned to Poland. Since 1948, relations between Yugoslavia and Poland have worsened, and in the late 1970s, the relationship between the two countries re-dissolved. At that time, the first immigrants from Poland came to Yugoslavia. They were women who founded marriages with Yugoslav citizens and who moved mainly to big cities in Yugoslavia. The »emigration of the heart« between the Poles and the Yugoslavs was not the only such thing in Yugoslavia. Almost identical to that model was the »emigration of the heart« between the Russians and the Yugoslavs. Russians and Poles were almost always highly educated persons, and secession to Yugoslavia was conditioned by the poor economic status of the USSR and Poland at the time before the fall of the Berlin Wall, or traditional male-female relations. The changes were followed in time since 2004 when Poland became a member of the European Union, and before that year since the late nineties, when Poland began to develop strongly in the industrial, tourism and economically developed European country. Then the Poles were no longer observed as the poor northeastern neighbors of Yugoslavia, but have become a desirable economic partner. In Croatia / Yugoslavia, the Polish women mostly managed to find employment, learned language, managed to gain Croatian citizenship, but succeeded in maintaining a national identity. National identity has been preserved and preserved by six associations in Croatia currently operating in five places (two in Zagreb and one in Osijek, Rijeka, Kaštela and Zadar). Love to the native land also passed on to their children who mostly know the Polish language, and some of them attend the Polish school. The opportunities for cooperation between the two countries have increased since Croatia entered the European Union in 2013. Then, as it was the case, at least partially, a hundred years ago (Austria-Hungary), Croatia and Poland found themselves in one common ground. The close co-operation between the two countries is certainly beneficial to the fact that there is a Polish diaspora in Croatia, which among other members also makes Polish women married to Croatian citizens.
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Iseljavanje Srba sa Kosova jedna je od ključnih trauma u srpskoj javnosti. U ovom prilogu najviše pažnje će biti posvećeno realnim korenima ove traume, ali i njenoj zlo/upotrebi. Osnovni postupak primepjen u ovom raduje retrospektiva, u smislu tumačenja prošlosti iz perspektive sadašnjosti. Potreba za retrospektivom nije slučajna. Ona proizlazi iz na izgled potpune besmislenosti rata i tragedije na eks-jugoslovenskim prostorima, kao i iz još uvek nekristaljizovanih rešenja oko izlaska iz rata.
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Ratni- mirni- ratm- mir Mir/Rat Mir za Bosnu — spas i za nas Dubravka Stojanović, Rat je logičan! Olga Zlrojević, "Dosta se je zla činilo... Vesna Krmpotić, Slika kolektivnog grijeha Hatidža Dizdarević Krnjević, Čerečenje trudne Evrope Džejlana Pećanln, Senka Kurtović, Beograde, probudi se... Ljubinka Trgovčevlć, Slivene različitosti Milan Prodanović, Ujedinjenje odozdo Učinite to sebe radi Ž. Miloradavić, "Nije to ništa" Dragoš Ivanovič, Mit o nedodirljivosti Opšta politizacija Dušan Mojsin, Mrzeti mržnju, Vojislava Vignjević, Kako socijalisti kažu Nebojša Spaić, Stvaranje događaja Virovi u mrtvaji Orgija postmoderne "Civilizovana razmena stanovništva" Podvalantska levica Rade Veljanovski, Moć i nemoć Olivera Glumac, Bratstvo od sto hiljada maraka Gabriela Pajević, Raspirivanje budućnosti Pesnici i popovi Olivija Rusovac, "Masovna neupotreba ljudi" Stvaranje i njegovo suzbijanje Dve Sorbone Zadovoljstvo kreacije Vladimir Marković, "Treći put" superpatriotizma Ivan Čolović, Gral ubija aždahu Mirko Dorđević, Legenda o trulom Zapadu Mšodrag Stanisavljevlć, Vežbe zaluđivanja
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In the course of the 19th century, the Czechs were intensely immigrating to the rural areas of the today’s Bjelovar-Bilogora County. Until the time of the First World War, organised cultural activity had – in those circles – been in its earliest beginnings. The first association of the Czechs was Češka beseda, which was formed in 1907 in Donji Daruvar. The cultural life of the Czechs in the area of the Bjelovar-Bilogora County became livelier between the two world wars; in that period, wherever they settled, the Czechs formed their national associations. The Czechoslovak institutions had financially supported such associations; the intention was to put an end to the assimilation process of the Czechs and the Slovaks in rural milieus. This was made possible thanks to the highest organisation – the Czechoslovak Union – formed in 1921, which took care of the cultural life of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the territory of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The Union was led mostly by Czech nationals, who were representatives of the Czechoslovak institutions and hence not adequately familiar with the life of the Czechs in rural milieus. In the Daruvar area, the beseda of Daruvar played the vital role in the forming of the Czech associations. The cultural life of the Czechs in the area of the today’s County had experienced many vagaries. In the period of the Independent State of Croatia, the cultural life was at a standstill, Czech associations and schools were not operating; nevertheless, this situation changed towards the end of the war. After the war, the rights of the national minorities were officially recognised from the level of the state. However, a problem occurred – a lack of domestic professional staff, since many Czech teachers had returned to their homeland before the war, and the rest remigrated together with more than five thousand Czechs from the territory of the then state. This situation became even worse after the Informbureau resolution of 1948, whereby any kind of assistance from Czechoslovakia regarding culture was withdrawn. In addition to its involvement concerning education, the Czechoslovak Union (today the Czech Union) has furthermore been encouraging the operation of the beseda associations, which foster various cultural activities: music, singing, folklore, theatre, etc. The Czech Union moreover supports the publishing activity, takes care of preserving the Czech historical sources, and helps to ensure optimal working conditions in all social environments in which beseda associations are active. Thanks to the state-level assistance from the Republic of Croatia and the Czech Republic, the cultural activities of the Czechs in Croatia have indeed flourished; thereby, the bilateral relations between the two sovereign states are continuously developed and enhanced.
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Until 1991, the most diverse ethnic groups in the Republic of Croatia lived in the area of Daruvar and its surroundings. Due to the Serbian aggression on Croatia and the Daruvar area, major ethnic changes occurred and the depopulation trend began. The majority of Serbs emigrated, whilst the exiled Croats from Kosovo (Letnica, Vitina) immigrated, mostly to the Đulovac Municipality, as well as did the Croatian refugees from the war-afflicted Northern Bosnia (the surroundings of Jajce, Prijedor and Banja Luka).
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Czechs are one of the ethnic groups that have been present in the life of the town since its foundation. Czech soldiers, officials, craftsmen, and musicians moved into Bjelovar. The strongest trace Czechs left was in the music sphere, starting from father Hubert Diviš, a creator and organizer of the musical life in Bjelovar, Josef Mazánek, a conductor of the oldest singing society Dvojnice to Josef Bis and Emil Černy, two musicians whose compositions weren’t explored so their entire work cannot be entirely valued. Dr. Josip Vrana, one of the distinguished Slavists, tried to maintain and to promote the Czech language. Today’s presence of Czechs in the cultural life of Bjelovar is being observed mostly through the Czech culturalartistic society Česká obec Bjelovar, established in the year 1920.
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Historically, the inter-ethnic conflict in Kosovo has been made for its territory. Both sides, Serbs and Albanians, have voiced allegations of history and ethno-demography to justify their supposedly exclusive right over this ethnically mixed territory. According to the London Conferences (1912-13), Versailles (1919) and Paris (1946) and against the free will of its Albanian population, Kosovo has become part of Yugoslavia. After the Second World War with the establishment of Communist Yugoslavia Kosovo Albanians were given a degree of autonomy within the framework of Serbia. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1991, the Kosovo Albanian population organized a referendum in which independence was elected. On the other hand, Serbian authorities insisted on Kosovo's constitutional status as an integral part of Serbia. Kosovo represents important challenges and also the opportunity to fulfill human rights guarantees and promises of international co-operation. Where ethnic tensions and violence share societies, as is the case with Kosovo, respect for minority rights promotes conditions for political, social, and peace stability. In such societies, different national, ethnic, religious and linguistic groups have the opportunity to live together, communicate effectively and understand the value of differences between themselves and cultural diversity in their societies.
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Today, as never before, the number of people, the scale of displacements and attempt to settle are without parallel in human history. In the world sharply increases number of people who practically can’t participate in today's economic life, but must satisfy their material and spiritual needs. Modern developed countries and societies faced up to the threat not only to collapse their social systems, not only to increase the number of marginalized communities and worsen criminal situation, but also to their having another type of culture. Countries must find adequate ways to impact on virtual communities in which „reside” migrants.
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Although in Romania most Hungarian children study in Hungarian language schools, the state ensures the right for Hungarian ethnic minority children enrolled in Romanian language public schools to also study Hungarian language and literature as an elective subject. In the 2017/2018 academic year there were around 1700 pupils in 64 locations taking part in Facultative Hungarian language classes. The elective language teaching reveals a mixed picture both in terms of the nationality and language proficiency of pupils and of teachers’ considerations. The main objective of the paper is to present this mixed picture and to analyse the main ideologies and problems influencing teaching practices and their practical consequences. The first part of the study presents the legal framework and relevant quantitative data, and then it outlines a possible typology of elective classes. The second part of the paper analyses three main classroom practices, and the related ideologies of the teachers.
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Municipal elections were held in Slovakia in November, 2018. Independent candidates achieved an overwhelming success thanks to the fact that, after the governmental crises, belonging to a political party became negatively marked. Neither right wing parties in the opposition, nor the liberal candidates were not able to benefit from the situation, however, the further weakening of Smer improved conditions for them. The Hungarian voters’ have turned away from politics, and their distrust of political parties has been obvious over several previous elections. This long lasting negative tendency, that many Hungarians keep themselves away from the elections, seems to be continuing. The Party of the Hungarian Community still has a very strong local embeddedness, and managed to keep the majority of those municipal positions that were controlled by them over the years. The Most–Híd party’s performance was somewhat weaker in Hungarian populated areas than that of the Party of the Hungarian Community, however, the ethnically mixed party was more successful at the national level.
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Reviews of: 1. LADISLAV LENOVSKÝ: Naši vo svete – Slováci južne od hranice Slovenska I.–III. [Our People in the World – Slovaks South of Slovakia’s Border I–III] Vydavateľstvo – Editura Ivan Krasko, Nadlak (Rumunsko), 2016, 166 s.; 2017, 147 s. 2018, 201 s. Review by: MICHAL BABIAK; 2. JÁN BOTÍK: Slováci vo Vojvodine: premeny svojbytnosti enklávneho spoločenstva [Slovaks in Vojvodina: The Transformations of the Enclave Community’s Autonomy] Nový Sad: Ústav pre kultúru vojvodinských Slovákov, 2016, 272 s. Review by: NATÁLIA BLAHOVÁ; 3. ADÉLA SOURALOVÁ a kolektiv: Péče na prodej: Jak se práce z lásky stává placenou službou [Care for Sale: How Work out of Love Turns into Paid Service] Brno: Munipress, 2017, 249 s. Review by: ZUZANA SEKERÁKOVÁ BÚRIKOVÁ; 4. Nielen obete, aj páchatelia majú potomkov... (Úvaha inšpirovaná knihou Bolestivé mlčanie) Not Only Victims, Criminals Also Have Offspring... (An Essay Inspired by the Book Painful Silence) ALEXANDRA SENFFT: Bolestivé mlčanie [Painful Silence] Premedia, 2019, 272 s. Review by: PETER SALNER
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