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Tekst koji je pred vama bavi se uticajem EU integracija na poštovanje ljudskih prava LGBTIQ osoba u Crnoj Gori. Kako su same EU integracije na početku otvarile vrata saradnje između institucija sistema i aktivista/kinja za ljudska prava LGBTIQ osoba u Crnoj Gori, a tokom prethodnih pet godina realizovan je značajno veliki broj aktivnosti na ovom polju, zbog ograničenosti brojem strana ovog teksta isti ne sadrži detaljne informacije o svim događajima. Za izradu teksta su korišteni novinski članci, informacije dostupne putem interneta, zvanična dokumenta nevladinih organizacija i državnih Institucija koja su bila dostupni autoru, kao i zvanični podaci obavljenih istraživanja.
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At the beginning of the 2010–2014 term of the Government, we considered it inevitable to introduce and bring new quality and new dimension to our foreign policy; a valuebased approach to formulate our clear positions on particular issues.
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In December 2009, after a distressful and for the European Commission and the EU member states’ governments’ frustrating developments, The United Nations Copenhagen conference on climate change concluded with a document, whose essential purpose was to conceal from the world a global political fiasco. The result of negotiations was not a binding agreement, which would commit parties to clearly defined and measurable goals in reducing their CO2 emissions and other greenhouse gases. It was neither an agreement on a regime that would replace the Kyoto Protocol regulating trade in greenhouse gas emissions after 2012. From a diplomatic standpoint, for Europe it was quite humiliating, that the final document – albeit toothless – was drafted behind closed doors under the direction of the United States of America, China, India, Brazil and South Africa. It is not surprising that the drafted and later on adopted document from a global warming perspective, was completely ineffective and, moreover, non-binding.
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The year 2010 was a long-anticipated milestone in the field of official development assistance. The EU donor countries committed themselves to spending the amount worth 0.33 per cent (for EU15) or 0.17 per cent of GDP (for new member states) respectively on development cooperation by 2010. Not only the financial crisis but also the long-criticized unwillingness to increase the development assistance budget in the times of enormous economic growth has led Slovakia into an embarrassing position, as roughly a half of the minimum agreed GDP percentage is spent on development assistance. Unfortunately, it is still true that instead of discussing meaningful increase and the capacity building matters, Slovakia is forced to reflect on the possible ways of maintaining at least the attained level from previous years. The fact that the agreed level has not been attained by the majority of EU countries could not pose any consolation.
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In 2009 Slovakia’s performance in the European Union was dominated by two themes: the changing structure and functioning of key EU institutions and a broader reflection of the first five years of the country’s EU membership in the context of new political and economic crises. This study provides a brief analysis of Slovakia’s preferences and roles during and after the European Parliament elections, in the formation of the European Commission and in the approval of the Lisbon Treaty. The study also offers a reflection of policy priorities of the Slovak Republic (SR) and its agenda resulting from the energy and economic crises. The study concludes with a summary of themes that are important for Slovakia’s successful performance within the EU in the near future.
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The tension on the global energy markets grew gradually throughout the year 2007 as a result of the steep increase in oil and natural gas prices as well as due to the fear of an impending lack of energy. Even renowned expert institutions throughout the world published studies and prognoses which state that, among the other global threats we must prepare to face, the following decade will dramatically increase the pressure on the stable delivery of energy resources and the pressure of the great powers focused on the control over the world’s key production regions. Many perceive this as a direct consequence (among others) of the modernization and the fast economic growth of multiple large and until recently – developing countries like India, China or Brazil. The evident depletion of European deposits of energy resources is the second serious cause.
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In 2006, the issue of global energy policy became one of the most important and most debated topics of international politics. It was also one of the key issues on the agenda at the St. Petersburg’s G8 summit. At the same time it dominated the agenda of the EU member states and European Commission inside the EU as well as in relations towards third states, especially towards Russia, the countries of Central Asia and Northern Africa. In 2006, the United States and Japan traditionally focused their attention on the issue and were followed by emerging economic powers such as China, India or Brazil. The problems connected with oil production being the determining energy raw material became a strategically important aspect of international political, security and domestic crisis in the Persian Gulf, some African countries (Sudan, Nigeria) and South America (Venezuela, Bolivia). Thus, in 2006, an unstable and unclear situation at the international energy markets continued. In the second half of the year the situation calmed down and even the prices of oil and other raw materials decreased after the long-term period of continual growth. Considering the ongoing security crisis in the Middle East concerning the Iranian nuclear program or ‘complicated’ Russia – USA relations or EU – CIS relations the uncertainty at the markets will go along with 2007. Thus, despite the positive economic signals and energy consumption trends, it could lead to the oil and other raw materials price increase.
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The year 2005 was the first whole year of Slovakia’s membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and the first year of evaluation in this regard. The SR was able to react to the fundamental change of its political-security situation after the accession to NATO and the EU and despite several enduring problems Slovakia has achieved a number of considerable successes in the security and defense fields throughout this period. The National Council of the SR passed new security documents in September 2005 – The Security Strategy of the Slovak Republic and Defense Strategy of the Slovak Republic – while this year, Slovakia continued its active participation in 14 missions and operations, comprised of 563 members towards the end of the year.
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This is the seventh occasion on which I have had the opportunity to present my thoughts to you in this forum. Taking stock of our foreign and European policy here has never been dull – the recent years, with both their successes and complications,have been dynamic, and often dramatic. I do not tend to use superlatives or exaggerate needlessly, but in assessing 2016 I can openly say that it was one of the most dynamic and significant years since Slovakia became independent. At the same time,it is clear that we are witnessing an extraordinarily hectic and complicated period of our modern history.
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When looking at the Western Balkans of 2016, we can hardly find a more apt description of the events and relations of this southeastern region of the European continent than to say that it was a turbulent year. The development oscillated between hope and cautious optimism on the one hand, and descent into the depth of disruption, despair, and the growing threat of destabilization on the other. In 2016 we far too often witnessed abrupt changes, ranging from good news to depressing reports. One example of such developments were the events of spring 2016 in connection with relations between Serbia and Croatia, which at the time had exhibited a clearly upward trend that culminated at Subotica on June 20th. There, Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić, and President of the Republic of Croatia Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, after friendly joint visits to Croatian Slavonia and Serbian Vojvodina, signed a declaration on enhancing their relations and solving the open issues between the two countries. Under point one of the declaration, the parties committed themselves to enhancing the bilateral protection of minorities – both the Serbian minority in Croatia and the Croatian minority in Serbia. Point two of the declaration stipulates an immediate start of negotiations in order to define the border line between Croatia and Serbia. Under point three, the two countries agreed to accelerate the implementation of an agreement on the post-Yugoslavian succession, signed in Vienna on June 29, 2001. And fourth, the parties declared that the search for missing persons after the war of the early 1990s is a priority humanitarian issue, and that the maximum effort will be made to determine their fate.
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Situácia na západnom Balkáne, politický, spoločenský, ekonomický a sociálny pohyb v krajinách tejto oblasti juhovýchodu európskeho kontinentu, takisto ich vzájomný vzťah a kontext tamojšieho vývoja s pohybom v Európe a vo svete vôbec je už mnoho rokov jednou z priorít pozornosti a aktivít slovenskej zahraničnej politiky. Záujem Slovenska sa v roku 2014 sústredil na podporu úsilia stabilizovať pomery vnútri jednotlivých štátov i v susedských vzťahoch, na podporu reforiem, ďalej na otázky budovania právneho štátu a integrácie spoločnosti a tamojších štátov do euroatlantických štruktúr. Trendy v týchto okruhoch tém sú nepochybne pozitívne, napr. Albánsko získalo ako ďalšia krajina regiónu štatút kandidáta na členstvo v Európskej únii, dobre napreduje proces postupného včleňovania Čiernej Hory do Únie a jej približovanie sa k štruktúram Severoatlantickej aliancie, Srbsko otvorilo prístupové rokovania na prvej medzivládnej konferencii s Európskou komisiou a teraz sa pripravuje začať rokovania o prvých konkrétnych kapitolách budúcej dohody o začlenení do Únie atď. Pripomeňme si, že o týchto okruhoch tém a problémov sa hovorilo priamo v Zamerania zahraničnej a európskej politiky Slovenskej republiky na rok 2014.
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Rok 2013 bol rokom jubileí. Pripomenuli sme si dva významné momenty našich dejín – 1150. výročie príchodu sv. Cyrila a sv. Metoda na územie Veľkej Moravy a 20. výročie vzniku Slovenskej republiky. Najmä ten druhý míľnik nám poskytol ideálnu príležitosť obzrieť sa späť a zhodnotiť vývoj, ktorým sme za uplynulé dve dekády prešli. Som rád, že môžeme hovoriť o úspešnom príbehu. Z krajiny, ktorá sa krátko po svojom vzniku ocitla takmer na európskej periférii, sme dnes rešpektovaným, dôveryhodným a zodpovedným partnerom. Stali sme sa súčasťou najužšieho jadra európskej integrácie (eurozóny i Schengenu) a aktívne sa zapájame do diskusií na pôde EÚ, vrátane tých, ktoré sú kľúčové pre ďalšie smerovanie európskeho projektu.
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Tento text stručne analyzuje podstatné udalosti v európskej politike Slovenskej republiky počas roku 2013. Na pôsobenie SR v EÚ vplývali najmä dva faktory. Prvým bola stabilná vláda, a tým pádom aj jasný slovenský hlas v Bruseli, čo však neznamená, že Slovensko úspešne plnilo všetky európske (domáce) úlohy. Zjavným problémom krajiny je už dlhodobo schopnosť čerpať ponúknutý balík štrukturálnych fondov. Druhým faktorom bola stabilná situácia v EÚ. V porovnaní s predchádzajúcimi rokmi členské štáty prestali riešiť akútnu krízu eurozóny. Intenzita a obsah európskej politiky sa vrátili do normálu spred vypuknutia dlhodobej krízy. Únia sa aj vďaka dlhodobej podpore SR rozšírila o Chorvátsko, ktoré vstúpilo do integračného klubu ako 28. členský štát 1. júla 2013.
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Tento text stručne analyzuje podstatné udalosti v európskej politike Slovenskej republiky v roku 2012. Pôsobenie SR v EÚ ovplyvnili politické zmeny po parlamentných voľbách na jar 2012 a dohody v rámci Európskej únie, ktoré aspoň nateraz ukončili akútne obdobie dlhovej krízy v rámci eurozóny. Po nástupe vlády Roberta Fica v roku 2012 európska politika prestala byť predmetom konfliktu v rámci exekutívy a dominantným tvorcom politiky SR v EÚ sa stalo Ministerstvo zahraničných vecí a európskych záležitostí SR. V Bruseli sa Slovenská republika v súvislosti s riešením dlhovej krízy zaradila k takzvaným krajinám severu, ktoré kladú dôraz na zodpovednosť a fiškálnu stabilitu.
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Nasledujúci text hodnotí podstatné udalosti v slovenskej európskej politike. Pri analýze pôsobenia Slovenskej republiky v Európskej únii je dôležité mať na zreteli prinajmenšom tri rôzne kontexty: • miesto SR v súčasnej EÚ, • perspektívy budúcej integrácie • a domácu tvorbu európskej politiky. Rok 2011 sa ukázal ako významný z pohľadu každého z týchto kontextov. Na jednej strane sa Slovenská republika zaradila do politického jadra Únie. Na druhej strane sú fungovanie a udržateľnosť tohto jadra v najbližších rokoch otázne. V rámci SR sme zažili politicky najvýznamnejšiu diskusiu o mieste krajiny v EÚ, keď pri hlasovaní o navýšení takzvaného dočasného eurovalu v októbri 2011 padla vláda premiérky Ivety Radičovej.
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At the beginning of the 2010–2014 term of the Government, we considered it inevitable to introduce and bring new quality and new dimension to our foreign policy; a value based approach to formulate our clear positions on particular issues.
More...
In 2010 Slovakia’s performance in the European Union was dominated by themes relating to the practical implementation of the Lisbon Treaty and the impacts of the financial and economic crises. Attitudes of Slovak politicians were significantly influenced by pre-election campaign in June 2010. The election year also affected domestic decisions on a bilateral loan to Greece and on the creation of the European Financial Stability Facility. At the end of 2010, the changes in powers of individual ministries were initiated including the transfer of competences in the area of European affairs from the Government Office of the Slovak Republic to the Slovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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