Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Foes Snipe at Macedonia Name Deal
Athens accuses Moscow of using its proxies in Greece to kill the “North Macedonia” agreement.
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Athens accuses Moscow of using its proxies in Greece to kill the “North Macedonia” agreement.
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Serbian leader vows to continue the fight “not to lose everything.”
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Karekin II is known for luxurious tastes and close ties to former president Sargsyan.
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Na dan 21. januara 2000. izraelski dnevni list Ma’ariv objavio je dug članak o masakru u Tanturi. Članak je napisao novinar Amir Gilat, a zasnivao se uglavnom na magistarskoj tezi Tedija Kaca, studenta Odseka za istoriju Bliskog istoka Univerziteta u Haifi. Teza pod naslovom “Egzodus Arapa iz sela u podnožju Južnog Karmela” dobila je najvišu ocenu za magistarski rad... [...]
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Široko je prihvaćena činjenica, potkrepljena mnogim sociološko-psihološkim istraživanjima, da je etnička razlika između Srba i Albanaca uprkos njihovom zajedničkom životu veća nego između drugih naroda na Balkanu. Ali: kako se nositi sa tom razlikom; da li ona predstavlja nepremostivu prepreku za bilo kakve susrete; oko kojih pitanja se grupišu stereotipi; kako trenutna politička situacija utiče na ova pitanja; kakvu poruku nose stereotipi; kako poruke uzajamne netrpeljivosti utiču na politički razgovor? Na ova i slična pitanja sociološko-psihološka istraživanja ne mogu lako da odgovore. [...]
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It is a widely known fact, corroborated by many social-psychological investigations that the ethnic distance between Serbs and Albanians, despite living side by side, is bigger than between other nations on the Balkans. However, how does this ethnic distance play out? Does it create insurmountable barriers to any encounters? Around which contents are the stereotypes organized? Which messages do they convey? […]
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Human Rights Watch is one of the international human rights pressure groups. The annual reports address the development of countries' human rights. The pressure groups aim at influencing the policies that governments follow. The reports published by the Human Rights Watch, are to make the states revise their internal and external policies. This study examines the reflection of human rights in the reports, especially during the periods of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), 2002-2017. The main reason why we deal with the reports published between 2002 and 2017 is to reflect on the policies pursued by a party that defends democracy and emancipates and attaches importance to human rights. The reports were analyzed by Nvivo11 qualitative analysis. The reports being exposed to content analysis, it became clear that freedom of expression, Kurdish rights and torture were given more importance. Human Rights Watch has not been objective in Turkey’s fight against terrorism. However, according to the reports, during the JDP government period, there is a decline in the promotion of human rights.
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The attention of the author of this paper is focused on the analysis of the account of a trip to Silesia, written in the last decade of the eighteenth century by an inhabitant of Prussia, referring to himself as “Cosmopolitan”. In his conclusions,the author of this paper remarks that the traveler applies the categories which were in use by the Prussian political discourse in the second half of the eighteenth century, therefore, he likens the borderline Prussia – Silesia (Germanness – Slavness) to the opposition civilization – barbaria. In this way, he creates a message, which – according to the categories drawn from postcolonial criticism – can be described as imperial narrative. It is characterized by the undermining of the value of what is different, and the rhetorical appropriation of otherness. The analysis of the Cosmopolitan account serves the author as the starting point to indicate the aporias present in the Enlightenment colonial discourse. These apories are in some way also present in today’s postcolonial reflection. The most important of them is related to the question: how to behave towards the otherness of the Other, how far should our intentional ethics intervene, when should we act, and when should we recognize otherness in its sometimes moral defiance of peculiarity?
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The aims of this research are the establishment of the level and the structure of European and national identity of the citizens of Serbia and Montenegro, as well as the establishment of relations between socio-demographic characteristics of the subjects (regional belonging, age, level of education) and European identity. The sample consisted of 2853 subjects from four regions (Vojvodina, Sumadija with Belgrade, Southern Serbia, and Montenegro), divided into two age groups and two levels of education. To evaluate certain components of national and European identity, we applied EUROID2002 scale (Francesko et al., 2002). The application of the cluster analysis method defined three groups of subjects of various social identity profile: 1. multi-layered identity (European and national), 2. national exclusivity and 3. undifferentiated social identity. As factors of differentiation of subjects in the respect of European and national identity, there emerged regional belonging, age and educational level. Besides, the results show that the level of education is the most important factor in the creation of this form of social identity.
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The notion of constitution of the people is a novelty in the theory and practice of constitutional law. By signing the Washington Treaty, it is incorporated for the first time into the constitution and thus becomes part of the constitutional solution. This agreement ended the armed conflict in one part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was established on the territory where the Bosniaks and Croats made the majority. The general framework agreement for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the concept of constitution of peoples was established throughout the country - with Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats as constituent peoples. The word “constituency” originates from the Latin word constituo, which in translation means the basic, the composite, the foundation, the determining one. The constitutiveness of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats implies their equality realized at the level of collectivity - through equitable / parity representation in the constitution-specific institutions of the system and special mechanisms of protection of vital interests of constituent peoples. In this sense, the principle of the constitutiveness of the people in the legal and doctrinal sense can not - under any circumstances - be equated with the notion of sovereignty. Constituent peoples at the level of collectivity and each are individually not sovereign nations, nor any constituent people can exercise their constitutiveness independently and independently of the other two constituent peoples. Also, the principle of the constitutiveness of the people should be understood as a “provisional measure” since it was established in a period of mass violations of human rights, and during that period it was necessary to stop the war and establish international peace and security. In such circumstances, privileged status was granted to the Bosniaks of the Serbs and Croats solely in order to stop the war. This was also taken up by the European Court of Human Rights in Sejdić-Finci, Azra Zornić and Ilijas Pilav cases.
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The objective of this study was to examine if big five personality traits, right-wing authoritarianism, gender and religiousness predict attitudes towards migrants. The influence of being exposed to different forms of newspaper articles on attitudes was also examined, as well as the moderator effect of personality traits, right-wing authoritarianism, religiousness and gender in the relationship between article valence and attitudes towards migrants in adolescents. One hundred and two adolescents, with an average age of 18 years, participated in the research. The research was conducted on two occasions. In the first part, participants completed questionnaires measuring right-wing authoritarianism, personality traits (BFI) and attitudes towards migrants. In the second part, participants were presented with a newspaper article containing positive, negative or neutral content regarding the migrant crisis. Afterwards, the adolescents completed the attitudes questionnaire again. The results show that extraversion is negatively associated with the perception of social and health-economic threat. Agreeableness is negatively associated with the perception of social threat, and openness negatively with the perception of cultural threat. More authoritarian individuals, as well as male adolescents, perceive migrants as a bigger threat. In general, we can conclude that the framing effect in the context of the migrant crisis is confirmed and that religiousness and authoritarianism moderate the relationship between article valence and the perception of cultural threat.
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Belgium is basically a country of its citizens, Belgians. However, besides this starting assumption, we can define it as a heterogeneous country of several language communities, regions and confessions. A community as heterogeneous as this has to answer to the question of existence and relationship of several language communities and territories which they populate homogeneously. As such, language communities are often found in an antagonistic relationship, but it is more important that they make the basis for disintegration levers of a country. In addition, the relationship between citizens (individuals), on the one hand, and language communities (collectives), on the other hand, is very important. In regards to this, the author investigates and concludes that questions such as citizen sovereignty, elements of consociations, territorialisation of national interests, (dis) integrative factors of a country, and especially the relationship between Flemings and Walloons make the basis of the balance between citizen and ethno-cultural interests in Belgium. The basis of the todays constitutional law of Belgium is in fact its citizens as abstract equal members of political community along with the recognized language communities.
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This article assesses the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in the Western Balkans, with a focus on EUFOR Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Althea is a military operation that conducts mainly civilian functions as well as the training of the Bah Armed Forces; its ‘civilianisation’ is symptomatic of CSDP’s orientation as a mainly civilian crisis management instrument. Althea works within the framework of the Union’s ‘comprehensive approach’ to regional development and the accession process of the Western Balkans to the EU. I argue that the mission displays the bureaucratic modus operandi of CSDP and not a Grand Strategy approach. Nevertheless, CSDP’s incremental, lowest-common-denominator, low cost, low risk bureaucratic politics have enabled a form of emergent strategy that complements the Union’s multi-instrument and comprehensive approach to development throughout the Western Balkans. I further suggest that the EU Global Strategy (EUGS) and the newly activated Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) provides opportunities for EU member states to build on low key emergent strategy to ensure that CSDP develops the substance and actorness needed to address current threats.
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Following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the main problem in the international policies of Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s government was to guarantee the Polish western border before the reunification of Germany took place. In the face of Chancellor Helmut Kohl’s opposition to the idea, the Polish government undertook a wide diplomatic action trying to convince the leaders of the USSR, USA, Great Britain and France to make the governments of the FRG and GDR initiate a border treaty before the reunification of both German states. Finally, Mazowiecki’s government managed to safeguard the participation of its representative in the Two Plus Four Conference, at which the conditions for the reunification were established. One of them was about the confirmation of the border between Germany and Poland and abandonment of any territorial claims in the future.
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The aim of the article is to broaden the analysis regarding the correlation between the national policy and the security of independent Ukraine. In the first part of the article the author treats about the national policy of Ukraine, notice that the current regulations on the rights of national and ethnic minorities in Ukrainian legislation, including those concerning the Russian minority are not extensive or detailed, which translates into stability of state security. In further research, points out that national policy should correspond with the security policy of Ukraine, be equipped with mechanisms that will eliminate inter-ethnic tensions and emphasize the territorial integrity of the state. The Crimean annexation and the conflict in Donbas show that the situation in Ukraine, in which the Russian minority is involved, requires constant monitoring of state authorities. In the final remarks, the author recommends that the Ukrainian authorities take multi-path actions on the line “national policy-security of the state”, oriented not only on normative regulations, but also on cultural activities to understand the cultural and identity differences of the Ukrainian and Russian populations. As a result, such practices are conducive to ensuring the stability of the internal security of the state and the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
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The paper deals with the way Hungarian and Yugoslav satirical journals (Jež, Ludas Matyi, Szabad száj, Pesti izé, Új szó, Derű) published between 1945 and 1947 presented war criminals and extreme rightist groups, examined by the method of historical comparison. After the change of regime, extreme right parties appeared as a new enemy, and were presented as such in both leftist and democratic journals. Communists, Bolsheviks were persecuted between the two World Wars and during the World War II, their parties were prohibited, which leads us to examine how they were visually presented after WW II and what kind of (self) image they gave of the workers. The aim of the study is to reveal who was declared guilty by the new communist journals aiming to strengthen their power, and how they conveyed this to the readers.
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In the first part of the article, the author concerning about the causes of Donbas separatism. It presents a number of factors influencing the emergence of separatism, and also shows its practical dimension. In the following, it refers to the social and political consequences for Ukraine caused by the war in Donbass. It shows their dimension of outward and outward. In the final remarks, the author states that the complexity of the current situation, in the light of war events and its victims, makes it difficult to build up optimistic scenarios for resolving the conflict, thus posing a serious threat to Ukraine's security.
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The subject of this research was the general census of the population of Hungary from 1910, with the aim of showing the basic demographic characteristics of its population based on the results of the census. The census was carried out simultaneously throughout the AustroHungarian Empire. The authors paid special attention to the territories of today's Vojvodina. The general population census of Hungary from 1910 is particularly interesting for researchers for several reasons. It was more modern, more comprehensive and more detailed than all the previous Hungarian population censuses. It recorded the state of the population and society in the time closest to the disintegration of the Hungarian state, and it fixed an image of Hungary as of a state with reminiscences of the past, but also with the processes typical of modern capitalist and civic development. The inventory is especially valuable to the researchers, since it included the population of different ethnic and religious affiliations, in areas with many different geographical features, with different economic, social, and cultural preferences, but under the same state-legal framework and for a thousand-year-long common destiny. So, these circumstances could awaken the curiosity of numerous researchers of different profiles, especially from the aspect of the functioning of complex societies. The results of the census showed the continuity of demographic and social tendencies observed in previous decades. The process of urbanization, intensive internal migration, and a massive migration to the USA, as well as changes in the social structure, were clearly visible. In general, the census showed Hungary in development: all the more significant demographic indicators (population increase, population density, improved housing quality, increasing proportion of Hungarians and those who spoke the Hungarian language; stability of families, a noticeable increase in population in urban settlements, a strong attractive force of Budapest, the proliferation of industrial labour, increasing proportion of literates, increasing differences in the structure of the population of cities and rural areas, etc.) testified about the upward path and the development of the Hungarian society. Of course, there were certain signs that provoked serious contemplations and considerations of necessary state measures to take: the consequences of economic emigration have left more and more traces on a number of demographic factors (a significant reduction in real population growth, a gender imbalance, discrete changes in ethnic and religious structure, lack of labour in some areas, etc.); on the basis of the census, contemporaries also pointed to the negative consequences of a decrease in the average family size, which primarily occurred in urban settlements. The consequences of these phenomena are especially well known to us today. Continuity or cessation of the phenomena noted in this census after the dismemberment of the Kingdom of Hungary can be, with considerable difficulty, investigated through the history of the successor countries to Hungary. The information that the census of 1910 tells us gets the right weight if we look at the results of the previous four censuses (1870, 1880, 1890, and 1900). In this way, a solid picture of the development of the Hungarian society in the age of dualism can be formed on quite reliable, quantitative data. Such analyses would surely benefit not only historians, but also sociologists, economists, demographers, and economy historians.
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This paper explores Drago’s Trumbetaš collection of drawings called „Gastarbeiter Series” from an anthropological perspective. Dragutin Trumbetaš (1937–2018) was a croatian self-taught artist who spent major part of his life working various jobs as a guest worker in Germany. His Gastarbeiter drawings that are based on his personal experience as a migrant realistically depict the hardship and everyday practices of the first wave immigrants who came as temporary labor workers to Western Europe in the 60’s. His artworks could serve as an important material for researching the attitudes, values and experiences of migrants, and ultimately shed a light on their process of acculturation to a new cultural and social environment.
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