Causes et Conséquences des Protestations de 1981 en Kosovo

Author(s): Lefter Nasi / Language(s): French Issue: 01/2002

En Yougoslavie, d'après le recensement officiel de 1981, vivaient 1.731.252 d'Albanais. Mais, même lors du recensement de cette année-là, tout comme lors de tous les autres recensements y effectués avant et après la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, les organes de l'administration de l'Etat se sont efforcés par tous les moyens de présenter à l'opinion publique du pays et à l'étranger des chiffres plus restreints des Albanais vivant en Yougoslavie.

Wessen Geschichte eigentlich? Über die Erfindung von Tradition

Author(s): Steven Beller / Language(s): German Issue: 02/1991

Slowenen und Kroaten erklären ihre Unabhängigkeit und kämpfen gegen jugoslawische Truppen. Slowaken fühlen sich von Tschechen unterdrückt, weilsie daran gehindert werden, Gesetze zu erlassen, die sich gegen dje ungarische Minderheit unter ihnen richten. Die Ungarn wiederum beklagen sich wie eh und je über die Behandlung ihrer Landsleute in Rumänien. In Polen wird ebenso wie in Ungarn die Frage nach der ethnischen Herkunft führender liberaler Politiker aufgeworfen. Daneben, um das Bild abzurunden bzw. noch komplizierter zu machen, kommen noch die Ereignisse in den baltischen Staaten und obendrein in Albanien hinzu. Zum Zeitpunkt der Niederschrift dieses Beitrags deutet vieles darauf hin, daß »die Geschichte« in der Tat nach Osteuropa zurückgekehrt ist. Doch was für eine, oder genauer gefragt, wessen Geschichte ist es eigentlich?

Book - Review

Author(s): Taner Karakuzu,İlker Limon / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 14/2017

Der. Doç. Dr. Fahri TÜRK, Balkanlarda Yaşayan Türk Azınlıkları ve Türkçeye Yönelik Dil Politikaları, Astana Yayınları, Ankara, 2016.

Increasing Marginality, Ethnic Parallelism and Asymmetric Accommodation. Social and Political Processes Concerning the Hungarian Community of Transylvania

Author(s): Tamás Kiss / Language(s): English Issue: 18/2015

Our paper outlines some of the major social and political processes affecting Transylvanian Hungarians. It is a progress report relying on empirical investigations carried out mainly within the framework of the Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities. It will focus on problem areas and will underscore some of the policy and political challenges the ethnic elites of this community have to face. Our first thesis is that social and demographic processes are not independent from political-institutional structures framing the everyday life of a minority community. In this sense, the all-embracing power asymmetry between minority and majority categories characterizing modern nation states is of central importance. Andreas Wimmer highlighted that the question of “Who owns the state?” (in ethnic terms) is crucial, even if largely ignored in the social sciences. The importance of this question is due to the fact that modern nation states have created new mechanism of social exclusion, namely they have systematically privileged the titular ethnic groups. Brubaker et al. analyzing the everyday relations between Romanians and Hungarians in Cluj/Kolozsvár also highlighted the deeply asymmetric nature of this relation and emphasized that this asymmetry has sever demographic and social consequences on the long term. The first part of our paper will describe major macro-social and demographic trends from this perspective, highlighting some of the consequences of the power asymmetries.

External Votes at the 2014 Hungarian National Election

Author(s): Eszter Herner-Kovács,Gergely Illyés,Krisztián Rákóczi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 18/2015

On 26 May 2010, not long after the formation of the new government, the Hungarian Parliament approved an amendment to the law on Hungarian citizenship with an overwhelming majority, which allowed for the simplified naturalization of Hungarians living beyond the borders of Hungary as of the year 2011. The Fundamental Law, approved in spring 2011, did not set residency in Hungary as a condition to the exercise of suffrage, thus it eliminated the constitutional obstacle for Hungarian citizens without residence in Hungary to exercise their right to vote.

Kulturni pluralizam

Author(s): Jeff Spinner-Halev / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 01+02/2001

Multikulturalizam koji pokušava stvoriti društvo s nekoliko posebnih kultura ozbiljno ugrožava građanstvo. U toj vrsti multikulturalnog društva ljudi se ne zanimaju za građanstvo; nisu zainteresirani napraviti državu koja bi bila bolja za sve; malo ih se tiče kako javne službe pogađaju većinu ljudi, odnosno njihove sugrađane. Cak ih se i sam termin “sugrađanin” može dojmiti tuđim. Ono što oni poznaju jesu su-Jevreji, ili su-crnci, ili su-muslimani, ili su-Sikhi. Građani, pak, nisu njihovi bližnji. Ovi bi se multikulturalisti mogli zanimati za državu jedino ako bi je mogli ubijediti da im da potporu, financijsku ili kakovu drugu, da bi dalje slijedili svoje sopstvene ciljeve.

Religion as a Marker for Ethnic Groups in Conflict and of Political National Conflicts

Author(s): Francisco Letamendia / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

The links between religion and ethnic and/or political dividing lines has manifested itself in many different ways in contemporary conflicts. In this paper I present briefly the following two forms: religion as a cleavage line of groups in ethno-religious confrontations: struggles between Catholics, Orthodox and Muslims in the Balkans; of Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland; of Sunni and Shia and Iraq; of Buddhists and Hindus in Sri Lanka; of Muslims and Catholics in Indonesia; and religion as a mechanism for legitimizing power in the form of State Religions: National-Catholicism in Francoism, which is likely to generate the formation of the internal religious enemy.

Naša tolerancija

Author(s): Mustafa Busuladžić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 71-72/2016

Rat koji je uzkovitlao suvremeno ljudstvo i savezno s njim događaji, koji su se zbili i još se danas odigravaju na našem području, nužno nam nameću neodloživu potrebu temeljne revizije i preispitivanja onih vrjednota naše kolektivne duše, koje suse odrazile u našem cjelokupnom povijestnom izživljavanju. Iako se na ovome mjestu u više navrata raspravljalo o raznolikim pitanjima, koja zadiru u našu prošlost i u naš sadašnji politički i društveni život, potrebno je učiniti i ponoviti stanovite napomene, koje bi u interesu našeg obstanka i života trebalo uvažiti.

Prikaz knjige autora Šaćira Filandre: BOŠNJACI NAKON SOCIJALIZMA – O bošnjačkom identitetu u postjugoslovenskom dobu, BZK Preporod/ Synopsis, Sarajevo/ Zagreb, 2012.

Author(s): Sarina Bakić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 3/2014

Path Dependency and Communal Tolerance in Indonesia

Author(s): Gde Dwitya Arief Metera / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

Menchik, Jeremy (2016). Islam and Democracy in Indonesia: Tolerance without Liberalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Macedonia Scapegoating Albania for Political Deadlock

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 04/11/2017

While EU Council head urges politicians not to aggravate ethnic tensions, Skopje blames Tirana for trying to undermine the constitutional order.

Fenomén marockých „foreign fighters“: druhá generace džihádistů a její islamistická ideologie

Author(s): Jana Kostrounová / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2016

There is currently about 1 500 Moroccan citizens fighting for the socalledDaech in Syria and Iraq; that makes the North African monarchyone of the main countries which export radical islam djihadists andsupporters abroad to the war-beaten Syrian-Iraqi region. Until 2014 Moroccan officials let them leave the country almost freely. But it seem snow that the situation has rapidly changed: the Kingdom of Moroccois currently fighting and closely monitoring its own foreign fighters whoare coming back home.

American foreign policy towards Egypt under Hosni Mubarak’s regime

Author(s): Abdellateef Al-Weshah / Language(s): English Issue: 9/2016

American foreign policy towards Egypt during almost three decades of Mubarak’s career as first vice-president, and later president of Egypt. The material underlines the impact of Mubarak’s personality, career and political style on the overall shape of American cooperation with Egypt. Egypt is described as an inherent element of the American foreign policy-making processes. Its most notable role is that of a mediator and facilitator in the Arab-Israeli conflict– in fact, Mubarak at times ventured his country’s position in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region to conduct and support peace talks, much to the US approval. In return, Egypt could count on considerable financial aid to maintain its already commendable military might,and develop civic structures.Mubarak’s power was always associated with his status as metaphorical ‘eyes and ears’ of Egyptian army – a position that brought the Egyptian president considerably appreciation on the American part. Mubarak is shown as a leader whose rein relied on cold calculation, pre-planning, unwillingness to improvise and act quickly, and ‘controlled’ risk taking.

Terrorism – the dark side of demographic dividend. A case study of Pakistan

Author(s): Farhan Zahid,Adeem Khan / Language(s): English Issue: 9/2016

Demographic dividend could be considered as a corollary to demographic transition. Because of the shift in demographics with respect to mean age over a period of time more people fall under the age bracket of 15–64 than below 15 and above 64. Fortunately, Pakistan is considered to be one of these states experiencing the phenomenon of demographic dividend. Pakistan is also one the worst victims of terrorism, which can be regarded as the dark side of the demographic explosion. There may be many other fall outs such as rise in crime, local feuds, civil war and other forms of political violence but in fragile states with ungoverned territories, the demographic disproportions vis-à-vis resources may pave the way for terrorism. This would be an ideal situation terrorist recruitment and size of terrorist organizations would also increase vis-à-vis the population growth. The Islamist terrorist organizations would capitalize on this upcoming situation as they have the required trained cadres and infrastructure to reap the benefits of the demographic dividend. In case the country fails to reap the benefits of demographic dividend then the terrorist organizations would.

W kierunku nowej Europejskiej Polityki Sąsiedztwa Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): Agnieszka Anna Nitszke / Language(s): Polish Issue: 10/2016

After over 12 years of implementation of the European Neighborhood Policy and the two political upheavals – Ukrainian crisis and the Arab Spring, it is time for its comprehensive assessment and review of certain assumptions. In 2015 began consultations on a new shape of the ENP, so that the policy on the one hand might continue to fulfill its essential function of supporting and promoting human rights and democracy in neighboring countries, but on the other hand,the EU can effectively influence their external security. After more than six months of consultations, which was attended by the EU institutions, Member States and non-governmental organizations, in November 2015, the European Commission presented the principles of the reform of the ENP, which can be described as the new European Neighborhood Policy. The paper presents the current model of the ENP, including evidence to establish policy in 2004., then is shown the evolution of the policy and in the next part of the article is discussed the establishment of a new ENP based on analysis of documents of the EU institutions.

EUROPA IDENTITĂȚII CREȘTINE, PROVOCĂRILE ISLAMULUI ȘI MIGRAȚIA CONFLICTUALITĂȚII

Author(s): Anghel Andreescu,Lucian Grigore / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 42/2016

The research of spiritual dimensions held in the European space in the context of the current migration crisis represents a fundamental requirement for knowing, understanding and diagnosing the newly created circumstances in nowadays Europe.

FROM UNIONISM TO SECESSIONISM: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS OF CONTEMPORARY CATALAN POLITICS

Author(s): Hakan Kolçak / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

The political arena of the Autonomous Community of Catalonia was dominated by the unionists prone to preserve Catalonia’s constitutional ties with the Spanish State until the early 2010`s, when two important constitutional incidents – (a) the ruling of the Spanish Constitutional Court on the new Catalan Statute of Autonomy; and (b) the refusal of the Spanish central government to offer the Autonomous Community a new self-government arrangement – resulted in the establishment of a new Catalan political arena dominated by the secessionists willing to construct an independent Catalan state. The secessionists, taking up the reins of government after the 2012 Catalan general election, managed to secure their parliamentary majority following the 2015 Catalan parliamentary election. While ruling Catalonia with a separatist political agenda, the pro-independence camp is now aimed at convincing the Spanish Government to empower the Catalan Parliament to hold a de jure independence referendum in the Autonomous Community; and if it is not possible, to hold a unilateral independence referendum on the 1st of October 2017 without obtaining the consent of the Spanish Government. In this article, I argue that it would be better for Catalonia to hold its independence referendum after receiving the assent of the Spanish Government, because the outcome of an independence referendum held without the consent of the Spanish Government would be the same as that of the 2014 Catalan independence referendum, meaning that the independence question would still be a solution-waiting, not resolved, constitutional issue at the end of the day.

Teški teret prošlosti: tumačenje poljsko-jevrejskih odnosa Jana Tomaša Grosa

Author(s): Milan Subotić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 87.33/2017

ЕТНІЧНА СОЦІАЛІЗАЦІЯ, ВИХОВАННЯ КУЛЬТУРИ МІЖЕТНІЧНИХ ВІДНОСИН ЯК ПРІОРИТЕТНІ ЗАВДАННЯ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ КУЛЬТУРИ У СУЧАСНИХ УМОВАХ

Author(s): Yevheniya Kovach / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2013

The article deals with the importance of ethnic self-identification for the development of the child’s personality in the conditions of Ukrainian society, the necessity of preserving by the ethnic minorities their national culture and identity in the conditions of constant assimilation and loss of ethnicity is analyzed. The notion of "culture of multiethnic relations" as a spiritual and moral quality of the Ukrainian citizen and the theory of the "melting pot" – the idea of greatness of the American nation, equal opportunities for all the citizens, official recognition of the English language and elusion of the displays of individualism are elucidated.

European Economic Diplomacy and the Refugees’ Crisis

Author(s): Anca Gabriela Ilie / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

The present scientific paper analyzes the migration crisis towards Europe and correlating this underway phenomenon with the European Union`s economic diplomacy. The paper shows the current state of the European economic diplomacy, underlining that the issue of mass migration towards Europe is not demographic, but spiritual, cultural and related to civilization, in other words, it is a crisis of the fundamental values on which the European project was built. The European economic diplomacy must relate with the diplomacy of refugees, a new form of diplomacy (not receiving a structured framework) which refers to the national, European and international border control framework and also to the legislation on migration, which is most often exercised not by career diplomats but by ministers or commissioners interested in immigration, internal or external control. This paper attempts to demonstrate that the refugees come from areas experiencing crises situations, conflicts or wars, accompanied by an increased presence of terrorist organizations. At the same time, it is important to remember that authorities have declared on numerous occasions that they are faces with a crisis of identity and nationality, many of the citizenships declared by the immigrants are not real. Thus, this paper seeks to answer the following questions: To what extent one can speak of a relaxed policy of the European diplomacy in managing the refugee crisis? What is the European Union`s future after the passage of the migratory flows? How can the Lisbon Treaty and the European economic diplomacy bring credibility to the European project currently under siege?