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The article investigates Dobrudzha (in the political boundaries of Bulgaria and Romania) – a zone of interpenetration of identities and cultural practices among the population as a result of its long co-habitation within the Ottoman Empire on the Black sea shores and on the banks of the lower Danube River. The author uses a syncretic approach, including observation in situ allowing both for the pointing out of the “internal” multiplicity of practices connected to one or more denominations, as well as for the outlining of ‘trans-confessional’ and the ‘trans-ethnic’ similarities – healing practices, contacts with trees, stones and springs as the intermediaries of the divine. The aim is to investigate some details, as well as to reveal common places and diversity.
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The Areca nut is one of the products found in South Asia, Southeast Asia, andSouthern China. In China, being an exotic product that can be grown only in tropicalclimate, the Areca nut used to be highly appreciated and considered as a precious giftamongst the nobles in the past, especially during the Tang and Song dynasties. Whilein Vietnam, throughout its history, the Areca nut, because of its inherent spiritualvalue, has been an indispensable object of sacrifice in Vietnamese ancestral worshipas well as their lifetime rituals such as weddings, funerals and during childbirth. Apartfrom being an essential offering in rituals and ceremonies, the Areca nut traditionallywas also a means of mobilizing Vietnamese people’s social interactions (includingcourting between young boys and young girls).After doing a short description on how the Areca nut was used as a gift and as asacrificial object respectively in China in the past and in Southeast Asia, this article,from a historical point of view and with the author’s first hand materials from herfieldwork in Vietnam, attempts to show and explain both why and how the Arecanut has been functioning as a core indispensable object in sacrifices as well as ritualsand also as a means of social interaction in Vietnam. Thus, the article emphasizesthe important role that the Areca nut plays in Vietnamese people’s spiritual life andculture.
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The Balkan Wars (1912–1913) triggered in Bulgaria and Greece unseen enthusiasm and hope for prosperity, as well as for the ‘liberation of our brothers living under yoke”. In the Bulgarian society the Balkan Wars have left a deep emotional trauma. But how does the Greek society evaluate these events? How durable are the Greek military victories and do they nurture new internal or external problems? How do the people in Greece evaluate their own contribution to the success in the Wars and how do they see themselves and their neighbors? What is the relationship between tradition and modernity and what is the place of humanism in this military clash? Is the image of the war undergoing a process of democratization?Seeking for the answers of these and other questions, we decided to present a Greek album from the period. The album is dedicated to the Balkan Wars and remains poorly known. We hope that the analysis of the illustrations in it will enable us to trace the attempt of the authors of the album to influence the audience and will thus allow to see the Balkan Wars through the eyes of the Greeks from the beginning of the 20th century.
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The Syrian civil war exacerbated sectarian divisions between the Alawite-ruled Syrian government and Syria’s Sunni population, straining also the relations between the Sunni majority and Alawite and Alevi minorities of the neighboring Turkey. The Alawites and Alevis of Turkey were predominantly supporting Syria’s president Bashar al-Asad, while the Turkish government greatly supported the Sunni insurgents of Syria. The paper aims at examining how Alawites and Alevis have influenced the relations between Turkey and Syria in the light of the Syrian civil war, the reasons behind the sympathy of Alevis for the Syrian government and the implications that Turkey’s Syria policy has had domestically. It finds that the Alevi / Alawite factor has had some restraining effects on Turkey’s antagonistic policy towards Syria. In the introductory part, the article touches upon the differences and the similarities between Alevis and Alawites, then it analyzes the developments in regards Turkey’s policy towards the Syrian crisis that were also reflected in Ankara’s domestic policy vis-à-vis its Alevi and Alawite minorities.
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The politics of godfatherism and regionalism has become a phenomenon in the political development of many nations Nigeria inclusive. The paper examined the determinants and impacts of politics of godson and regionalism in Yobe state. Indeed, the politics of godson or the elites have entered every hook and crannies of the state and have affected the political arrangement of the political system. The paper is qualitative in nature, data were generated from secondary sources where several related articles, newspapers, magazines, books were consulted etc. In explaining the topic under study, the researcher adopted Elite theory. This theory was propounded by Vilfredo Pareto in 1935, the postulation of the theory is that elites could only be replaced by another set of elites, meaning that the majority are unavoidably governed by the minority. The study found that the politics of godfatherism courses and affect the political development of Yobe state by restricting power in the hands of the few, in a specific geopolitical zone of the state. This has leads to inter-party and intra-party defections, decamping and conflicts among the party members. Therefore, the study recommends the adoption of the direct primary election in chosen candidate in all level of governance. INEC should also make a law that will discourage money politics and punish culpritinvolved in such an illegal act. To minimize the politics of Godfatherism, there is a need for political awareness campaigns on the effects of political godson on the political development of the state.
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This article describes the main challenges that the European Union is facing over the last years. It also analyzes the European Integration process and the emergence of the European Union. European integration process began after the Second World War. European politicians realized that “the old continent”, which was destroyed and razed to the ground, needed unification in order to play more important role in the bipolar international system. The European integration was a step by step process, which reached its culmination after signing the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, when the European Union was formally established. The European Union created very favorable ground for free movement of people, goods, services and capital within the internal market. Despite these positive developments, new threats emerged over the last years that can put an end to the European integration process. From these threats and challenges, particular attention is dedicated to Britain’s exit from the European Union (Brexit), rise of radicalism and populist parties, migration crisis and a heightened terrorism threat.
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The main objective of this article is to analyze the impact of Ankara’s reference to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire on contemporary Turkish foreign policy and the attitude of Poland towards such a reversal in Turkish diplomacy. Turkey is now more aware that it has no chance of gaining European Union membership. In this situation, Ankara has begun to emphasize its Eurasian character and is trying to build its influence in the region, in particular among eastern and southern neighbors. To have a greater impact on its neighbors, Turkey refers to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire. The weakening of Ankara's political relations with the western world is particularly worrisome for Poland, which appreciates Turkey's geostrategic position and its role in the European security system. The greatest concern among Poles is caused by the political and economic rapprochement between Ankara and Moscow. What also disturbs Poles is the fact that Turkey, which had made pro-democratic efforts, is departing from the principles fundamental to Europeans.
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The paper aims to analyze the development of national and liberation organizations in Baluchistan. The author attempts to answer the following questions: Why had pakistanyiat become obligatory to all people wanting to live in Pakistan? What were the reasons behind the formation of the Baluchistan National Movement, the Baloch Liberation Front, and the Liberation Army? What does the Baloch society expect from the authorities? The study was based on a critical review of the literature and other available and valuable sources such as Jinnah’s speeches. Another method used in the study was a synthesis that allowed the author to form conclusions. Studying Baluchistan means limited access to sources and materials since traveling to the land of Baluchistan is restricted by specific rules, and one can only visit the place under certain circumstances. Research on Baluchistan is relevant for studies of national liberation movements and current internal conflicts.
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The present article aims to offer excerpts f an essential article by the Romanian “national poet” Mihai Eminescu in the English translation, with a historical commentary. The translation aims to make Eminescu’s text available to an international audience of scholars, helping to write a more accurate social and cultural history of 19th century Europe. In turn, the commentary aims to show that Eminescu’s political vision, although substantially conservative, incorporated a number of tenets that were to become an inspiration for a number of politicians of highly diverse backgrounds, from the Iron Guard nationalists to the Socialists and Communists. Eminescu’s work was used, in ways he could no longer control, in order to legitimize their varied, and at times downright contradictory, claims.The article discussed here, on “The Austrian influence on the Romanians in the Principalities” (1876) offered Eminescu the opportunity to cast a critical eye on the state organization of the Romanians. His conclusion is exceedingly pessimistic: their state organization is presented as a failure, with the main sources of this failure being the personal interests of the Romanians themselves, compounded by the influence of foreigners. Hence the society based on corruption, rather than on principles, a society where having a job meant ruling, and not having one, being in opposition. In this gloomy picture, the author singled out a class on whose back the whole people lived: the Romanian peasants. The future of this class could not possibly be bright, as Eminescu expected that it be crushed from within, and “along with it, the state and the nation”. Did he also envisage a solution? In order to escape the situation in which “the proximity of Austria is devastating for us, unless we wake up soon”, Eminescu pinpointed three redeeming elements: stability, labour and economy. In other words, hereditary monarchy, the revocation of privileges for the “proletariat of the pen” and the careful spending of public budgets. The alternatives were the Austrian rule, or the Russian rule, none of which comes across to Eminescu as a solution.
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The Macedonian election rules, i.e. the setting of the electoral system, produce a double effect, an effect on the voter, and an effect on the party system. Therefore, each change in the electoral regulations would not only alter the voters’ comportment but also impact the political parties. Considering these effects, the paper aimed to compare the attitudes of the citizens and political parties regarding the electoral legislature (both for the parliamentary and local elections); and produce adequate electoral solutions as a corrective for the detected shortcomings of the current regulations. The paper relied on content analysis of theoretical literature and research, empirical qualitative research based on citizens’ focus groups from each region in Macedonia, questioned political parties, and additional data analysis. The ultimate findings propose a way to promote the equal value of each vote, proportional regional representation, and MPs' accountability at the parliamentary elections. For the local elections, the proposed solution referred to reducing the election cost, the possibility of political bargaining, and preserving the legitimacy of elected mayors.
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The understanding of ethnonationalism as the foundation of terrorist groups was long suspected to be true, yet only in the last decade, could the research prove to be so. These non-statal actors, which do not act in a violent manner, can become important threats for the national of international security, if provided with the right interest. Stating this, the implications for the regional and European security can be tremendous, as the civilian society will suffer greatly as an aftermath of a terrorist attack. Following this study, knowledge will be gained that will help to better understand the dynamics of relations developed between statal and non-statal actors. This paper is also an instrument underlying the concept of ethnonationalism and the connection of the term with terrorism, as we presently know it. From a methodological point of view, a qualitative method of research was used – the analysis of a case study, alongside a brief specialty literature review, in which research results regarding the topic were described. This article is open to any and all society members and can raise awareness of the public regarding the phenomenon of transformation of a non-statal actor, by providing some well-needed indicators.
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The main purpose of this article is to trace, present and analyze the development of “soft” antiterrorist approaches in the form of the so-called PCVE activities (i.e., “preventing and countering violent extremism”) in comparison with more traditional, “hard” counter-terrorism programs (CT) in four European countries: Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and Spain, from 2005 till 2020. In the article, due to a comparison of the local specificity in the area under research, differences and few similarities in the programs aiming at combating political violence in the four EU countries were demonstrated. Each and every state selected for this article has developed various activities and capabilities as an answer to the increasing terrorist threat: Belgium and France, especially until the period 2015–2017, have a preference for “traditional” hard counter-terrorist measures, while Spain and particularly the Netherlands have developed more sophisticated and comprehensive stance including “soft” PCVE approach.
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The subject of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, was the ongoing armed conflict in Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022. The aim of the research was to analyze the course of hostilities and identify the causes and consequences of Russian failures. The article tries to answer the following questions: How do Russian actions present themselves in the context of the concept of new generation war? What mistakes did Russia make, and What were their consequences? What factors determined the failure of the first phase of the Russian operation? In the course of the conducted research, it was established that the Russians did not fully exploit the potential of the concept of new generation warfare. It was proved that the Russian operation in Ukraine was conducted inconsistently with the canons of the art of war. It was assessed that there was a set of key factors that had a decisive impact on the failure of the first phase of the Russian operation in relation to its strategic objectives, as outlined in February 2024. It was shown that the first of these was a critical error of misjudging the enemy's potential while overestimating the potential of their own troops. It was established that the Russians prepared and executed the invasion of Ukraine contrary to the canons of the art of war. It was shown that financial resources were misallocated during the implementation of the State Armament Program in 2020. Moreover, it was proved that corruption and wastefulness, underlying the de facto autocratic system of power existing in Russia, are responsible for the actual, different from propaganda, general state of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. In the article, the method of critical analysis, to which the available source material (articles, reports, monographs) was subjected, and the method of historical analysis made it possible to analyze the evolution of the Russian concept of a new generation of war were used. Also, the method of induction was used to draw general conclusions from a number of specific observations, the method of deduction was used in the process of moving from general rationales to specifics, and the method of synthesis helped to examine cause-and-effect relationships concerning the subject matter addressed and made it possible to formulate the conclusions. A significant difficulty in the research process was the issue of using Russian sources in a situation where articles with a clear propaganda character are posted in trade journals and other available sources, making their substantive value low. Therefore, the article refrains from citing Russian sources.
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A region with a diversified structure of population regarding ethnicity and faith, Transylvania has all the specific characteristics of a multiethnic space: peaceful coexistence, a higher degree of tolerance, bilingual or trilingual communication, intercultural exchange. The ethnic structure of the region was strongly influenced by historical or political factors, and the membership in a faith/church was closely related to the evolution of the ethnic structure. there appear. Open relationships of exchange, interaction and mutual recognition of the lifestyles and values are bound to appear in an intercultural environment, between various cultures and nations, between different ethnic and religious groups who share the same territory. The Evangelical Roma people of Uila (Transylvania) are an interesting phenomenon which has been the subject of studies, press stories and press articles and which continues to attract due to its uniqueness. In the present paper we intend to identify the elements which made possible the (first partial and then total) inclusion of the Roma people in the faith system of the Saxons and observe to what extent other areas of collective and individual areas of existence besides the faith transformation are modified (economy, axiology, linguistics, culture). The religion of Roma people of Uila contributes to the abolition of collective stereotypes related to the Roma. They are a special case due to the confessional, cultural and economic situation. Not necessarily different from the Roma in other places, while being exposed to the specific confessional conditions they have had the chance to assume their own initiative, to inspire trust and respect.
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In this article, Jerzy Stachowicz examines selected literary works the represent the science fiction genre of the interwar period. He focuses on pacifist visions of the future in those works and argues that these scientistic, military, and superpower fantasies have an anti-war potential, and that fantasy literature itself can, to some extent, be regarded as a „pacifist practice”.
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This article discusses a new model of the threat of Indonesian terrorism, especially in the East Java region. Indonesian terrorism continues to grow even more dangerous than before because terrorism has a dynamic nature following the times. The research method for this article was a literature study, with data collection techniques using the Harzing PoP 8 application and some data from Google Scholar. The relevant references collected were converted into RIS data types using the Mendeley application. The RIS data was then processed using VOSviewer software to visualize data about previous research related to a new model of the Indonesian terrorism threat. The authors found that terrorism has survived to this day because it found new ways of recruiting and carrying out its acts of terror. Terrorism no longer focuses on a man as the perpetrator but involves women and even children in their actions. Terrorism can also utilize technological sophistication to support group movements and their acts of terror. This is evidenced by the blocking of 600 social media accounts by BNPT, which often uploads radical content in Indonesia.
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The role of the geopolitical location of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan towards United States (US) foreign policy from 1990 to 2017 is the focus of this study, which addressed the impact of important regional and international political events, positively or negatively, on the development of relations between the two countries in terms of political and security aspects. The study adopted a qualitative approach, and primary data was collected through interviews with 16 participants from political, economic, and security experts in Jordan and the US. Thematic analysis was used to analyze the data obtained. The study concluded that US foreign policy recognizes Jordan as a close ally and considers its stability extremely important; Jordan has a suitable location to defend Israel because critical Arab countries surround it, and Jordan enjoys a unique geographical location in the Middle East. Some political events play an essential role in US foreign policy concerning security aid to Jordan, as the US links its aid to Jordan to political events.
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