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‘How do you Say “Stop that!” in Slovakian?’: A8 Immigration and Scotland’s Race and Ethnic Diversity Narrative

‘How do you Say “Stop that!” in Slovakian?’: A8 Immigration and Scotland’s Race and Ethnic Diversity Narrative

Author(s): Mwenda Kailemia / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2016

‘How do you Say “Stop that!” in Slovakian’: A8 Immigration and Scotland’s Race and Ethnic Diversity Narrative. In 2004 8 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia) joined the EU in an expansion popularly known as the Accession, or A8. As part of this arrangement the Slovakian Roma community settled in Govanhill, a neighborhood in the South-Side of Glasgow, Scotland. Immediately, there was widespread outcry, followed by public debate, on the numbers involved and the impact on local services. One of the claims made was that, because of a ‘unique’ history of ‘self-isolation’, the Roma had altered local policing needs. There were widespread media anecdotes of anti-social behavior but also racist victimization. Using material available post-A8 Govanhill, this synthesizes the debate on Roma settlement against the wider canvass of Scottish reception and assimilation of immigrants. I claim that post-A8 phobia of the Roma is part of an unsustainable ideology of Scotland as a post-racial ‘welcoming country’ which has occluded a nuanced interrogation of the capacity of the country to welcome and successfully integrate immigrants.

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‘In times of crisis, followers of one true god unite’: Social media and the formation of online religious silos

‘In times of crisis, followers of one true god unite’: Social media and the formation of online religious silos

Author(s): Kiran Vinod Bhatia / Language(s): English / Issue: 19/2019

This paper is based on a research study designed to explore how adolescents, in situations of political polarization, deploy online networks to articulate, negotiate, and enact their political and religious identities. Based on social media ethnography tracing the online engagements of 44 high school students over a period of eighteen months, and supplemented with in-depth interviews conducted in their village communities, this study explores why social media networks emerge as ideological niches frequented by students to enact their participation as members of their respective religious communities. It suggests that in situation of experienced political polarization and discrimination, students use social media affordances to replicate their offline socio-political and religious engagements onto their virtual spaces and in the process reinforce their radical religious identities.

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‘Roma’ migration in the EU: the case of Spain between ‘new’ and ‘old’ minorities
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‘Roma’ migration in the EU: the case of Spain between ‘new’ and ‘old’ minorities

Author(s): Tina Magazzini,Stefano Piemontese / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2016

The 2004 and 2007 EU Eastern enlargements facilitated the mobility of citizens from CEE countries, including European citizens of Roma ethnicity, which in turn contributed to the Europeanization of the ‘Roma issue’. This article examines the politics of Roma ethnicity by giving a concise, yet we hope comprehensive, overview of how recent Roma migrations from EU Member States (particularly from Romania) to Spain can be understood and analysed in relation to both pre-existing policies for the Spanish Gitano communities and to wider European dynamics and structures.

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‘Too much salt’: Czech Swedes, Journalism and
(Anti)Xenophobic Discourse

‘Too much salt’: Czech Swedes, Journalism and (Anti)Xenophobic Discourse

Author(s): Srđan Mladenov Jovanović / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2018

According to the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX), Sweden is at the top of world ranking when it comes to successful integration of immigrants and refugees. However, during the last few years, there have been xenophobic discursive attacks on Sweden, in which it is commonly claimed that Sweden is ‘failing’ when it comes to immigrant integration. Such was the case of Kateřina Janouchová, a Czech-born journalist from Sweden, who was recently in the media spotlight after producing xenophobic rhetoric. Her discourse was countered by Hynek Pallas, another Czech-born Swedish journalist, as the debate (and surrounding textual and video production) spread from Sweden to the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom. This article approaches both the xenophobic and anti-xenophobic discourse of Janouchová and Pallas from a discourse analytical perspective. Even though it can be said with certainty that accepting large amounts of immigrants and refugees (such as Sweden have done) can be somewhat problematic on the political, societal and economic levels, the xenophobic discourse about Sweden tends to be exaggerated, which will be shown in Janouchova’s rhetoric. On the other hand, the liberal media has a tendency to ‘soften’ the debate, which was seen in the rhetoric of Pallas. Tackling the issue through the theoretical and methodological lens of discourse analysis, we have engaged the diverging discourses of xenophobia and its opposition, and found that the rhetoric of ‘concern’ and ‘fear’ was used to promote an antirefugee sentiment. Conversely, a more sombre, fact-checking approach was used to alleviate alleged fears. The discourse-oriented perspective is used due to the fact that political viewpoints are primarily promoted via text and talk, and the concentration on the spoken production of the two journalists (based on several hours of their video recordings), as well as their textual production (and consequently, textual production about them) has the potential to be politicized. From a discursive perspective, there is relevance in going beneath the first layers of text and talk in order to show the connotative elements of a particular type of rhetoric. We have thus tackled the topic via the use of a discourse analytical perspective, wherein the rhetoric of the two journalists was analysed through taking a closer look into the type of discourse they produced. From such a perspective, it is of relevance to identify the common ways of framing an issue, i.e. how it is presented, and via what type of wording. This is why Janouch’s rhetoric is described as essentially declarative, whilst Pallas’ is followed by more corroboration. The topic was chosen for several reasons. First is the fact that Sweden increasingly serves as a hub of mostly Right-wing discursive attacks as a country with a ‘failed’ immigration system. Having in mind the recent upsurge in xenophobia in Europe, choosing Sweden as a case study is currently of high relevance to the issue. Second, the two journalists figure as a central node in this research due to their difference in opinion and the way they presented the same issue. While most research tends to be conducted in a more global fashion (macro-studies), we have chosen to engage what is essentially a micro-level study, as an increase in quantity of micro-level studies can contribute to macro perspectives. Third, the debate between Janouch and Pallas resonated at an international level, and could be seen in Sweden, the Czech Republic, and the UK. Both Pallas and Janouchová have appeared on Swedish and Czech Television, and were reported by the UK media. The resonance of the debate could arguably be put down to the salience of the issue of immigration on a Europe-wide level, especially when the discussion is about Sweden. In summary, Janouch’s rhetoric focused on two instances: one was worded as ‘concern’ for the future of Swedish society, through which refugees were presented as a danger to Sweden; the other concentrated on ‘potential’ danger, when real troublesome issues were not found. Allegations of an increase of no-go zones in Sweden were stressed, even though it is a common instance in urban development – however despondent it may be – that larger cities will contain zones with more criminal activity. Through the use of broad generalizations such as claiming that immigrants are ‘terrorizing’ Sweden, Janouch paints a much grimmer picture than the one corresponding to reality, which gets further distorted in nationally-oriented UK outlets that reported on the controversy, and where it was claimed that ‘streets were no longer safe’ in Sweden, which is a verifiable falsehood. Pallas’ discourse drew directly on the spoken and textual production of Janouch. Nevertheless, his rhetoric was different, wherein he drew upon ideologies such as cosmopolitanism, through which a humane approach is not reserved for a single people/nation, but for anyone. He dubbed the rhetoric on immigration as seen in Janouch’s production as ‘shameful’, and maintained that even though problems do exist, they are far from being that widespread and not connected to refugees exclusively. The larger ramifications and implications of the micro-level study we have presented here on the topic of immigration and opposition to it are multi-faceted. On one hand, xenophobia has become an issue of high salience on a wide European level. Sweden is often used as a go-to country for alleged examples of how integration policies are failing, commonly reported by xenophobic outlets in Central Europe, from the Czech Republic, via Slovakia, to Poland. Due to the large number of refugees arriving who are fleeing the conflicts in the Middle East, refugee integration, together with other immigration-related issues, has come into the spotlight, and has been widely used by the Right for the promotion of their own agendas, discourses and policies. From a media perspective, most vitriol against refugees stems directly from the media, via which xenophobic political players tend to promote their agendas, including journalists and editors who assist them. Future studies should not cast aside micro-level studies, not only in Sweden, but in any European country that tackles the same or similar issues. As the arrival of refugees does not seem to be nearing an end in the near future, there is ample material for scholarship to tackle.

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‘Повратна’ миграција војвођанских Словака и питање припадности

‘Повратна’ миграција војвођанских Словака и питање припадности

Author(s): Sanja Zlatanović,Juraj Marušiak / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2017

This paper explores the current migration of the Slovak community members of Serbia to Slovakia, focusing on the issue of belonging. This is an example of a ‘return’ migration phenomenon – where a certain number of minority members return to their land of ancestors after having lived on the territory of present-day Vojvodina for almost three centuries. The migration of Slovaks from Serbia began in the late 1980s and early 1990s but in recent year sit has taken on much greater proportions. This paper is based on fieldwork conducted in Bratislava in 2015 and 2017.

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“Cemiyet” Hareketinin Kuruluşu ve Siyasi Faaliyetlerine İlişkin Bazı Arşiv Kaynakları Değerlendirilmesi

“Cemiyet” Hareketinin Kuruluşu ve Siyasi Faaliyetlerine İlişkin Bazı Arşiv Kaynakları Değerlendirilmesi

Author(s): Murtezan İdrizi / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2018

The full name of the political organization Cemiyet was “İslam Muhafaza-i Hukuk Cemiyeti” (Islamic Association for Protection and Justice). From the name of the organization itself, it urges curiosity to know more about this organization. This organization was virtually a legal political party of Muslim Albanians, as well as of the other ethnic minorities with Muslim religious affiliations during the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. This research explains causes that incited the establishment of the Cemiyet party. At the same time, from some archival sources as well as from a several parliamentary interpellations, the very activity of this political organization subsequently will be clearly understood. In general, as a result of various problems emphasized, such as: violent displacement to Turkey and colonization of Albanian lands by Slavic factors, Cemiyet will be considered as a political organization for the protection of the rights of Albanians and other Muslim minorities.

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“Faiths and Social cohesion” Establishing social participation with religious differences: local Muslim communities in Europe
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“Faiths and Social cohesion” Establishing social participation with religious differences: local Muslim communities in Europe

Author(s): Altay Manço,Spyros Amoranitis / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2005

The action entitled “Faiths and Social Cohesion” the results of which are presented in this volume is supported by the European Commission Directorate- General for Employment and Social Affairs within the framework of the European Programme against discrimination and in favour of fundamental social rights and the civil society (Art 13 of the treaty of the Union). This is an action for identification, validation and transnational exchanges “good practices” and information against discrimination coordinated by the Institute for Research, Training and Action on Migrations (IRFAM). This action is carried out at the transnational level with six sets of partners hailing from various countries.

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“He flew on wings of Slavonic feeling to Serbia to help the Serbs in 1915”. The symbolic instrumentalization of M.R. Štefánik and Slavonic community against the background of the inter-state relations of the time
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“He flew on wings of Slavonic feeling to Serbia to help the Serbs in 1915”. The symbolic instrumentalization of M.R. Štefánik and Slavonic community against the background of the inter-state relations of the time

Author(s): Peter Macho / Language(s): English / Issue: 5/2016

The study analyses the symbolic instrumentalization of the national hero M.R. Štefánik in the context of the modified form of Slavonic community in the 20th century. In the inter-war period, the symbol of Štefánik was used to strengthen the Czechoslovak – Yugoslav alliance on the basis of Slavonic brotherhood. The political representatives of independent Slovakia and Croatia during the Second World War refused to build their inter-state relations on the basis of Slavonic community. From the point of view of Zagreb, Štefánik appeared pro-Serb and pro-Yugoslav, so he was an undesirable symbol for the Croats. Emphasis on the strong Slavonic and Serbophil identity of Štefánik became an instrument for Slovak opposition oriented circles to articulate their resistance to the Ľudák regime and the Slovak state.

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Ідеологічні засади освітньої політики нацистського окупаційного режиму в дистрикті "Галичина" в роки Другої світової війни

Author(s): Vasylʹ Hulay / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2011

The basis of Nazi ideology in the sphere of education of the occupied areas is discussed in the article. The main attention is paid to the ethnic specification of the structure and contingency of the educational establishments of the district "Halychyna" during World War II. The author manages to prove the fact that their activity was not aimed at the proper support of the educational needs of the main ethnic minorities but at becoming an instrument of the realization of Nazi occupational policy.

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ІНСТИТУЦІЙНІ МЕХАНІЗМИ ЗАПОБІГАННЯ ДИСКРИМІНАЦІЇ
ЗА РЕЛІГІЙНОЮ ОЗНАКОЮ В УКРАЇНІ

ІНСТИТУЦІЙНІ МЕХАНІЗМИ ЗАПОБІГАННЯ ДИСКРИМІНАЦІЇ ЗА РЕЛІГІЙНОЮ ОЗНАКОЮ В УКРАЇНІ

Author(s): Oksana Kukuruz / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 3/2014

Principle of equality in realization of human rights is one of requirements of European Union to the countries, which wanted to become his member. There are 55 religious directions in Ukraine, because providing equal attitude to people, who belongs to different religions, is actually issues. The anti-discrimination law is analysed in this article. There is given the notion "discrimination", which used in Ukrainian law. Facts of religious discrimination in Ukraine are considered. In opinions of experts, religious groups in Ukraine feel discrimination then, when they try to decide some property problems for example, getting land for building of cult buildings or returning of cult buildings. The author of the article thing, that the proved fact of religious discrimination in Ukrainian society are difficult process from such reasons: the most of physical and legal persons, who feel discrimination on the basis of religion, don't apply for court; 2) some persons can't prove, that it is religious discrimination; 3) sometimes the power interferes in process of deciding conflicts between different religious groups and consequently the question is decided in favour of religion, which they support; 4) also the judges don't have proper knowledge’s and experiences for determine facts of religious discrimination.According to Ukrainian legislation state authorities and public organizations defend freedom of religion in Ukraine. The Ministry of Culture of Ukraine and Ministry of Justice of Ukraine and Commissioner of the Supreme Council of Ukraine on Human Rights has most of all functions for prevention and counteraction religious discrimination. The author offers appointed Representative of Commissioner of Supreme Council of Ukraine on Human Rights, who will be counteraction discrimination on the basis of religion. Representative must create program of action for year and give a report to parliament about fulfil the plan.The program should including studies for judges, meeting with international specialists on religious discrimination. Such subjects as Supreme Council of Ukraine, Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, other state authorities, local authorities, public organizations, and physical and legal persons have to help The Representative of Commissioner of Supreme Council of Ukraine on Human Rights to make organizational measures for prevention and counteraction religious discrimination. The Representative must create Internet page dedicated to discrimination on the basis on religion. The page should include the following information: 1) international and national legislation about freedom of religion; 2) notion, kinds, forms of religious discrimination (also denote religion discrimination features in each area, for example, in employment, education, health care etc.); 3) documents and practice of European Union to prevent and counteraction discrimination on the basis of religion; 4) anti-discrimination law and his using in Ukraine; 5) statistic of facts religious discrimination in Ukraine 6) ways to protect against religious discrimination, including advices of lawyers, placement of sample documents, list of special institutions, which you can contact in case of need; 7) telephone number of a lawyer of Representative, who has duty to provide advice to persons, who submitted applications for the fact of religious discrimination; 8) list of agencies, institutions, organizations, that have dealing with protect against religious discrimination (name of the person, who is responsible for some questions, phone number, postal and e-mail).Besides state, the right to freedom of religion is provided NGOs, associations, research institutions, which analysing the situation in the sphere of religion and informing society about facts of breaking this right. There are listed the most of these organizations particular All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organization. It is representative interfaith advisory organ, which includes 18 Churches and Religious Organizations (1 interchurch and religious organization), which together represent over 95% of the religious network and all major denominations Ukraine.The author considers that representatives of state authorities and public organizations, who prevented and counteracted discrimination on the basis of religion, should create a Commission of experts. Basic duty of Commission should be realization anti-discrimination expertise of current laws, projects of new laws and regulatory acts concerning freedom of religion.So, it is necessary to combine the efforts of all these organizations for providing principle of equality in realization of human rights in sphere in religion. In this way we can provide effective realization Ukrainian legislation concerning prevention and counteraction discrimination on the basis of religion.

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Јединство са Словенцима
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Јединство са Словенцима

Author(s): J. Zubović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 03/1933

Потпуно и интегрално Југословенство још је увек, како видимо, једна идеалистичка концепција, зрела само у главама појединих интелектуалаца. Оно има добру и широку подлогу, несамо у језичкој и духовној сродности него и у сродности племенских култура и интереса, као и у једној територијалној и животној заједници.

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Југославија, европски Запад и распад: Фрагменти из историје садашњости ишчезле земље

Југославија, европски Запад и распад: Фрагменти из историје садашњости ишчезле земље

Author(s): Zoran Petrović Piroćanac / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2009

L’auteur suit la genèse de l’état à partir du projet initial serbe de la Yougoslavie en tant que la réalisation du dessein national (« tous les Serbes unis sous le même toit étatique »), jusqu’à la décomposition de l’état ; par les années trente et l’orientation vers un ethno- confessionnalisme, ensuite par la décision de l’Occident pendant la deuxième guerre mondiale de soutenir la résistance communiste de Tito, au lieu d’aider le gouvernement royaliste à Londres et le général DragoslavDraza Mihailovic, jusqu’à la décomposition yougoslave début les années quatre-vingt - dix. Le texte offre des détails peu connus des activités diplomatiques et des relations avec le gouvernement américain et les états occidentaux dans l’espace yougoslave après la deuxième guerre mondiale. L’auteur a essayé d’attirer l’attention sur les activités méta - politiques et de renseignement qui ont certainement contribué à la lente dé- sagrégation et à l’entropie de l’état yougoslave, achevée par la guerre civile début les années quatre-vingt-dix.

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Југословенска пропаганда у Пољској
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Југословенска пропаганда у Пољској

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 03/1931

Под југословенском пропагандом подразумевамо пропаганду која се врши у корист Југославије и за Југославију у Пољској, a за коју иницијатива долази од стране Пољака; наравно да ову и оваку пропаганду прихватају и подупиру Југословени и пре свега Југословенска Влада и Југословенско Посланство у Варшави.

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Југословенски комунисти и српско питање у народнофронтовској фази (1935–1941)
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Југословенски комунисти и српско питање у народнофронтовској фази (1935–1941)

Author(s): Dušan Vojković / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Nationality policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia during the inter-war period was, among other things, marked by numerous dilemmas and frictions among the Yugoslav communists, inconsistency in implementing decisions of the Party leadership, by frequent changes in treatment of various Yugoslav peoples and national minorities, misunderstanding and diverging from the official Commintern line. In the process of building the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the Yugoslav communists first saw national liberation of the single people „with three tribes“, i.e. „with three names“. However, under strong pressure from Moscow in early 1920s the idea of ethnic originality of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was adopted. The Macedonian question was opened in 1922, whereas the right to self-determination was recognized to the Montenegrin population in 1928. The relation of the Yugoslav communists toward the Serbian people and Serbia during the first years of the Popular Front (1935– 1938) was based on the views the Commintern and the CPY had previously adopted that saw the Yugoslav state as the creation of the Versailles Peace Treaty and called for toppling of the „greater Serbian military-fascist dictatorship“. The CPY rhetoric branded the Serbian people the strongest hegemonistic element in the country that oppressed and exploited other peoples and national minorities. Since March 1938, parallel with the enlargement of German borders, the Party leadership worked more actively for preservation of the territorial integrity of the Yugoslav community. At the same time, almost all problems that could further endanger the already chipped state unity were pushed to the back burner. During this period (1938– 1941) somewhat milder attitude toward the Serbs and Serbia prevailed within the CPY. On the other hand, the official Party documents testify that deep ingrained stereotypes of two decades before died hard. The Serbian question was not definitively solved during the inter-war period. Also, the leadership of the CPY tacitly refused to define the territory of Serbia and the rights of the Serbian people.

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Југословенско искуство са мултиетничком армијом, са посебним освртом на Босну и Херцеговину

Југословенско искуство са мултиетничком армијом, са посебним освртом на Босну и Херцеговину

Author(s): Mile Bjelajac / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2008

During the last two decades, this issue has been frequently discussed and written about, both in academic articles and in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague. Experts in the prosecutors’ and defense office as well as historians discussed it. Even though many claimed that “The Great Serbia” project started at the beginning of the 1980s through perfidious cooperation between the Serbian political elite and the Yugoslav Peoples Army (YPA) and led to war and destruction, the ICTY itself gave up on that part of President Milosevic’s indictment on August 25, 2005 due to evidence that proved the opposite. Yugoslavia’s breakdown and subsequent wars enabled the natural development of a historiography related to civil-military relations within Yugoslav history and an examination of the interaction between the Army and society. Historians remain divided. One side has tried to prove that Yugoslavia was a bad experience for “their” people, while the other, under pressure not to be labeled as “unacceptable”, continued to objectively perceive the reality of the state which lasted for 73 years. Under the united state, all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina were equally involved in all segments of defense. The most powerful Territorial Defense formation in Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was established in this republic during the 1970s. Bosnia and Herzegovina evolved from an undeveloped Turkish and Austro-Hungarian province to become the central strategic zone in the new state and that fact had specific consequences for development in general. As many new roads were built and railways extended in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia before the war as after 1945. Heavy industry rose in Zenica, capacities were extended in Vareš, mines were opened, and electrical power plants built. One of the largest military industrial complexes to produce ammunition and top gun pipes was built near Sarajevo just before WWII; it also produced clothes and other military products. After 1945 factories in Sarajevo were renovated and expanded, with new ones built in Bugojno, Goražde, Konjic, Vitez, Travnik, Banja Luka, Mostar etc. Part of the production was transferred from Serbia to Bosnia in 1945. The YPA and its construction firms built airports, 11 housing areas for 10,000 workers, schools, administrative buildings and institutions. In B&H there were 11,000 employees in 1949. By 1985 130,000 apartments were built. The YPA was active in the construction of a water supply system in many cities and settlements. During the 1980s, 23.83% of B&H’s income on average was foreign currency income that came from industrial military exports (or $1.131 billion in the period 1986-1990). The military medical and veterinarian service was actively involved in monitoring dangerous endemic contagious diseases. As far as we know, shortly before the civil war and while planning a military coup d’état as a solution for the crisis, the YPA acted alone, independent of nationally-oriented parties. It wanted to cooperate with and guide Nijaz Duraković’s reformed communists. They hesitated and, ultimately, refused the offer. The YPA was unprepared for Yugoslavia’s breakdown and the consequences of the Western countries’ recognition of B&H’s independence. The most important losses were installed industrial capacities and individual strategic infrastructure, as well as war reserves’ storehouses. The most important military industrial firms and war storehouses were based in territories where Muslims and Croats were in the majority, so were completely or partially surrounded and under the control of paramilitary formations of these two nations. At the time of the breakup, all finished products in the factories were worth $704 million, together with reserves of $1.650 mil. The Headquarters’ order to withdraw that capital came late. The Presidency of the SFRY (rump Presidency) decided that Serbian, Montenegrin and Macedonian officers and soldiers of the YPA should be withdrawn from Bosnia and Herzegovina and that its citizens, mainly Serbs, should return to their native republic. At the end, after the recognition of B&H’s independence, the YPA’s units and institutions included only 15% of members from other republics of the former SFRY.

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Југословенско-италијански преговори о решавању питања оптаната након Другог светског рата

Југословенско-италијански преговори о решавању питања оптаната након Другог светског рата

Author(s): Miljan Milkić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2017

This article represents an analysis of the negotiation process between the Yugoslav and Italian governments regarding the resolution of minorities’ option questions. The author points out to the problems that have accompanied the implementation of the agreements. The article includes the findings based on documents from the Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia, the Archives of Yugoslavia, published legislative documents and corresponding literature in Slovenian language.

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Черкезкият проблем, руската политика и Българското освобождение
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Черкезкият проблем, руската политика и Българското освобождение

Author(s): Ventsislav Muchinov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 5-6/2016

In the article, the author seeks the interrelation between two historic processes that seem to be independent of each other – the final conquest of the North Caucasus by the Russian army in the years after the Crimean War and the events that led to the Bulgarian liberation in 1878. The “linking point” between these two processes is the massive resettlement of the Circassian tribes from the Northwest Caucasus within the Ottoman Empire, including the Bulgarian lands under Ottoman rule – a resettlement that occupies an important place in the policy of the Russian rulers not only with regard to the Caucasus region but also against the Ottoman Empire and its possessions in the Balkans.

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ЩО ТАКЕ «ДЕФЕКТНІ ДЕМОКРАТІЇ» І ЯКИМИ ВОНИ БУВАЮТЬ

ЩО ТАКЕ «ДЕФЕКТНІ ДЕМОКРАТІЇ» І ЯКИМИ ВОНИ БУВАЮТЬ

Author(s): O. I. Romanyuk / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2017

This article analyzes the concept of defective democracy by German political scientist Wolfgang Merkel. Its development was caused by the need for a clearer distinction of new imperfect democracies, on the one hand, from the liberal constitutional democracies, and on the other hand, from autocracies, that mask their identity by democratic facade. The author pays attention to some incorrect interpretations of this concept, namely: the interpretation of defective democracies as the only transitive mode; the treatment of them as a specific kind of authoritarian regimes; the spread of this concept to all forms of hybrid regimes.The author analyzes in the detail the essence of this concept, relying on the works of the founders (Wolfgang Merkel, Hans-Jürgen Puhle, Aurel Croissant, and Peter Thiery) He emphasizes that the defects of democratic governance are of constitutional and legal nature and they are detected by comparing the imperfect democracies to established liberal democracies that within this concept are defined as «embedded». Democracy defects are deviations from the standards of democratic governance, copied from the current political system of liberal constitutional democracies. The political regimes with such defects are identified as defective democracies. The article examines the sub-types of defective democracies, namely:Exclusive democracy that excludes some groups and/or individuals from the democratic electoral system;Enclave democracy under which certain segments of democratic governance are controlled by private forces;Illiberal democracy, within which there are some violations of group rights and individual freedoms in favor of the social majority; Delegative democracy which violates the system of checks and balances and the executive takes precedence over legislative and judicial.However, the regimes with such deficiencies remain democracies, if the significant defects are only part of regime, but not penetrating it through, denying the very meaning of democratic governance. Simultaneously, democratic defects in one partial regime to some extent are reflected also on the other, impairing the democratic functioning of the entire political regime.Finally, the author concludes that this concept is of great theoretical value for the reform of the modern Ukrainian political system. He stresses that a thorough analysis of the Ukrainian political system’s shortcomings in the context of a defective democracy concept is one of important tasks for the national political science.

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Этномазаика программ радио «Достук» Общественной телерадиовещательной
корпорации Кыргызстана

Этномазаика программ радио «Достук» Общественной телерадиовещательной корпорации Кыргызстана

Author(s): Aina Duishekeeva / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1/2019

Kyrgyzstan is a multi-ethnic state in which representativesof more than 100 different ethnic groups live. Media content ofKyrgyzstan reflects multilingualism and culture of ethnic groups livingin the republic. Nowadays, the print media (newspapers, magazines) arepresented in the information field of Kyrgyzstan, the main purpose ofwhich is the versatile coverage of the life of a particular ethnic group,its interaction in a multi-ethnic society. If the ethno-thematic materialsof these publications are not absolute, they can be predominant, whichgives the right to classify them as ethnic media. Their founders areethnic public associations, sources of financing are ethnic communities,and also in some cases ethnic ancestral home. According to the latestdata, about 10 ethnic public associations have their own print media.The state provides broadcasting to ethnic groups in their nativelanguage in the Public Broadcasting Corporation (PBC) of the KyrgyzRepublic. The editorial policy of PBC is built in the interests ofKyrgyzstan’s population, taking into account the ethnic, national andcultural diversity of the country.In a television format, all ethnic groups in Kyrgyzstan have the opportunityto participate in special television programs of the PBC thatcover the ethnic sphere, such as “Wheel of Life (Колесо жизни)”, “Ourcountry Kyrgyzstan (Мекеним Кыргызстан), as well as in ethnographicprograms of other private television channels 1–2 times a year.Radio Dostuk (Friendship) was launched as part of the PBC developmentstrategy for the period 2013–2015, as well as complying with theconcept of strengthening the unity of the people and interethnic relationsin the Kyrgyz Republic. The main content of the radio is created in closecooperation with the diasporas, as well as with the Assembly of the Peoplesof Kyrgyzstan. Today, Tatars, Uighurs, Ukrainians, Poles and other nations can broadcast their programmes on Dostuk Radio. Nowadays,more than ever, it is necessary to develop a culture of interethnic relations,interpersonal dialogue in a multi-ethnic society. Therefore, it isimportant that the media contribute to the strengthening of statehoodand the formation of a common civic identity for Kyrgyz citizens.

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Этноменеджмент как составная часть этноэкономики

Этноменеджмент как составная часть этноэкономики

Author(s): Konstantin Pavlov / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 30/2016

Recently intensively etnoeсonomy - the science of the economic behavior of the features of different ethnic groups. Given that management is an essential part of the system of social reproduction, it seems highly relevant formation and development as a key direction etnomanagement etnoeсonomy. Etnomanagement as a promising scientific field devoted to the study of various national and ethno-regional patterns of management and control systems of the reproduction process. The study of ethnic patterns of management is based on the use of methods of general systems theory, and factor analysis. Thus, the article is carried out the analysis of various national and etno-regional management models, including the Russian model of management, identify positive and negative aspects of these models and management systems, and identifies the possibility of using some of the elements of different national models of management in Russian economic conditions.

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