Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-9 July
News from around the bloc: Poland at odds with Germany; Lithuania bans RT; match fixing in Armenia; Facebook and Ukraine; and demographics in Bulgaria.
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News from around the bloc: Poland at odds with Germany; Lithuania bans RT; match fixing in Armenia; Facebook and Ukraine; and demographics in Bulgaria.
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Ovaj rad se bavi pitanjima koja se tiču pravnog spora između Bosne i Hercegovine i Srbije vezanog za kršenje Konvencije o sprečavanju i kažnjavanju zločina genocida. Spor je privukao veliku medijsku pažnju, te se o njemu dosta govorilo i pisalo, ali samo od strane medija i političara. Pravnici u Bosnii Hercegovini ignorisali su ovu pravnu temu. Istina je da je spor dugo trajao i da je korišćena ogromna količina dokaznog materijala, da je prevladavala pravna praksa drugih pravnih tradicija, te da se spor nije vodio na našem maternjem jeziku, međutim, da li je sve to dovoljno opravdanje za ignorisanje jednog takvog historijsko-pravnog događaja? Autor u ovom tekstu nastoji ukratko opisati i objasniti osnovna pitanja koja su bila predmet spora, te opisati i objasniti kako je Bosna i Hercegovina nastojala dokazati vlastite tvrdnje, u čemu je uspjela a u čemu nije, uz zauzimanje vlastitih pravnih shvatanja o predmetnim pravnim pitanjima.
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Tema rada su koncentracioni logori u općini Zvornik, uspostavljeni nakon njene okupacije u aprilu mjesecu 1992. godine, od strane srpskih političkihi vojnih struktura tokom rata protiv bosanskohercegovačkog društva i države u periodu od 1992. do 1995. godine. Koncentracioni logori su uspostavljeni s ciljem stvaranja etnički homogene teritorije uz rijeku Drinu, što je bio jedan od glavnih ciljeva u veliko-državnoj koncepciji srpskog etno-teritorijalnog ekspanzionizma, koji je u konačnici trebao završiti stvaranjem „Velike Srbije“. Broj, lokacije i način na koji su funkcionirali koncentracioni logori za bošnjačko civilno stanovništvo na teritoriji općine Zvornik 1992. godine, ukazuju na namjeru organiziranog, planskog i sistematskog uništenja bošnjačke nacionalne, etničke i vjerske grupe kao takve.
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The review of: 1) Unvanquished: A U.S.-U.N. Saga. By Boutros Boutros-Ghali. New York: Random House, 1999. 352 pp. 2) The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International lntervention. By Steven L. Burg and Paul S. Shoup. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1999. 499 pp. 3) Books an Bosnia. Edited by Quintin Hoare and Noel Malcolm. London: The Bosnian Institute, N.D., [1999]. 207 pp. 4) Europe from the Balkans ta the Urals: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. By Reneo Lukić and Allen Lynch. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. 436 pp. 5) The Autobiography. By John Major. New York: HarperCollins, 1999. 774 pp. 6) The Breakup of Yugoslavia and the War in Bosnia. By Carole Rogel. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1998. 182 pp. 7) The U.S. Media and Yugoslavia, 1991-1995. By James J. Sadkovich. Wesport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998. 272 pp. 8) Burn this Hause: The Making and Unmaking of Yugoslavia. Edited by Jasminka Udovički and James Ridgeway. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1997. 337 pp.
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Poštovane dame i gospodo, zadovoljstvo je pridružiti vam se ovo popodne na godišnjoj NATO konferenciji vjerskih lidera u vojsci. Ovo popodne zamoljen sam da govorim na temu “Pitanje religije i sekularizma među manjinama na Bliskom Istoku”. Započet ću tako što ću priznati da sam u početku bio više fokusiran na teorijski dio, ali sa brzo razvijajućim događajima u 2017. godini, odlučio sam da govorim o političkom aspektu i da dam presjek teških stvari koje su goruća tema koje će vjerovatno postati još većom temom u danima koji dolaze, a to je “Šta učiniti sa Bliskim Istokom i, posebno, šta uraditi sa stanjem vjerskih manjina?”. Čini se da se ovo pitanje sada postavlja pred nas i u središte vanjskih i odbrambenih političkih razmatranja. Predsjednik Trump potpisao je tri naredbe izvršnog karaktera prošle sedmice i jedna od njih zabranjuje građanima, dominantno muslimanskih država, ulazak u Sjedinjene Države za najmanje 90 dana. Za kršćane iz ovih država napravio je izuzetak, a američkoj vojsci dao je zadatak da iznađu strategiju za 30 dana kako da poraze ISIL.
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On 20 March 1996, exactly 90 days after the Dayton Agreement took effect, Bosnia's interior minister planted his country's delicate white and blue lily flag atop a ruined tower overlooking Sarajevo. The event marked the transfer to Bosnian control of Grbavica, the last of six Sarajevo districts seized by the Serbs at the beginning of the war. From Grbavica, literally only a stone's throw across the narrow Mlijecka River from Sarajevo's center, Serb gunmen had turned the city's main streets into "snipers' alley," while from the hills above Grbavica, Serb artillerists had had a clear field of fire on the city spread helplessly below. Now, jubilant Sarajevans surged through Grbavica's shattered streets, some heading for apartments from which they had been expelled at the beginning of the war almost four years ago, and others simply reveling in their ability to walk freely through what had been until recently a zone of death. For Sarajevo, reclaiming Grbavica meant that the long nightmare of siege was finally and truly over. [...]
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Since the beginning of the establishment of the Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniak people had a suspicion and developed distrust which derived from the occupation. The emigration of Bosniaks started due to the cruel rule, especially during the first military administration, to Rumelia, Anatolia and theArab countries of the Ottoman Empire. The moderate policies of the Austro-Hungarian Empire towards Bosniaks resulted in the calmer situation in the country. However, several deeper internal political crises ended with the annexation as an international crisis and triggered major waves of displacement of Bosniaks in the Ottoman Empire. They migrated because of the Muslim obligation of the hidzra (hiğrä) which meant an eviction for religious reasons. Bosniaks believed that they could not live as Muslims under the Christian occupational power. They didn't follow instructions (fètva), messages (risála) or the appeals of Muslim religious authorities that they do not need to obtain hidzra. However, the organized activities of Bosniaks, Muslims and religious scholars (ulema) affected the reduction of the number of Bosniaks interested in moving to the Ottoman Empire. On another side, some Bosniaks had more practical reasons to move out - a hope for a better life and plans for a new beginning.
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The review of: 1) Tim Judah. The Serbs: History, Myth, and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997). 350 pp. 2) Chuck Sudetic. Blood and Vengeance: One Family's Stary of the War in Bosnia (New York: W. W. Norton, 1998). 393 pp.
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Review of: Safet Bandžović - Muslimani Jugoslavije nakon Velikog rata: odjeci Mirovnog ugovora iz Saint-Germaina 1919. (Institut za islamsku tradiciju Bošnjaka, Sarajevo, 2020, 361 str.)
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Review of: Sead Bandžović - Kroz prizmu historije autora Fikreta Karĉića (Centar za napredne studije, 2017)
More...Szenthe Annával Gazsó Dániel beszélget
Diaspora Interviews
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Since Edward Said's Orientalism, segments of the academy have become increasingly sensitive to the ethnocentrism and the subtle undertones of racism that have come to be synonymous with the study of the non-Western world. Despite this postmodernist discourse, I will demonstrate how a number of important residuals of the cultural and economic vision polemicized by Said, among others, and the tendency to write for "the market, " have taken root in the production of academic and diplomatic analyses of the post-communist Balkans. [...]
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With one exception, all former Soviet republics have been proclaimed "national states" or nation-states. They are not, however, homogeneous in the cultural or ethnic sense; all of them have numerous ethnic minorities. In some cases, such as in Latvia, the dominant ethnic group numbers barely half of the total population. In such a situation, any attempt at nation building based on the language, culture, and traditions of the dominant group alone will inevitably clash with the aspirations of the minority groups, the vast majority of whom want to retain their distinct identities and at the same time to possess an equal say in political and social life. [...]
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As of the 1990s not only Central and Eastern Europe, but also the countries of the Western Balkans were transformed from one party to multi-party democracies. Besides the political representation of the majority, the national minorities have also demonstrated political ambition and have sought visibility. At the same time the rights of national minorities, their participation in political life – especially due to the tragic events in the Balkans – have gradually shifted to the centre of attention from a marginal position. Among alternative solutions there are various methods for separate parliamentary representation of national minorities. These solutions have been put into practice in many of the above mentioned states. The aim of this paper is to review these alternative solutions of the past 30 years and the difficulties they have faced. The objective has been to provide a comprehensive exposition of the evolution of parliamentary representation of national minorities in the Western Balkans.
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The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991 occasioned a new twist in the saga of the literary language(s) of Serbs, Croats, Muslims, and Montenegrins. In the summer of 1991 the Croatian and Serbian governments officially declared the end of "Serbo-Croatian," causing the unprecedented demise of an official literary language, which had enjoyed the status of the common language (lingua communis) for the former Yugoslavia. As linguistic realities do not come i nto being overnight, it is still unclear how many "Serbo-Croatian" successor languages will emerge and the extent of their differentiation. Therefore, this paper focuses on the period leading up to the Yugoslav and "Serbo-Croatian" break up, and in particular, on the controversies, both blatant and muted, surrounding the dialects in the Serbo-Croatian speech territory. The linguistic controversies clearly reflected the nationalist and ethnic tensions. Differences in dialects have been used to strengthen claims to specific regions, towns, and villages, culminating in demands of one side or another for new political boundaries among the Yugoslav successor states. [...]
More...Framing Belongingness and Legitimating Exclusion
This paper turns toward the image ascribed to the Jewish minority by one of the most prolific representatives of Romanian culture, Nicolae Iorga. The analysis starts with the identity pattern proposed by Iorga and moves to the cluster of attributes that he ascribed to the Jewish minority, as well as the social roles associated to the latter. On a final approach, our interest moves towards the political solutions envisaged by Iorga to solve the “Jewish problem”.
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In this paper an author state a hypothesis that political extremism in New Zealand is a permanent phenomena that is present in New Zealand, which derives itself from globalization processes and evolves as the effect of idea’s diffusion. System theory is used as a theoretical perspective and a priori assumption that political extremism deepen state-phobia is made. Research methods such as lexical analysis and comparative analysis are used. During the research main extremist political trends are reveal, such as leftist, rightist, pro-ecological, islamic and postcolonial, and „lone-wolf” extremism. These phenomenon are highlighted in the perspective of potential security threats to the state. Ideological sources of extreme attitudes are revealed and shown in the most current political trends.
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Review of: Bernard Linek - Katharina Schuchardt: Zwischen Berufsfeld und Identitätsangebot. Zum Selbstverständnis der deutschen Minderheit im heutigen Opole/Oppeln. (Kieler Studien zur Volkskunde und Kulturgeschichte, Bd. 13.) Waxmann. Münster – New York 2018. 364 S., Ill. ISBN 978-3-8309-3901-6. (€ 34,90.)
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Review of: Asim Mujkić - Avdo Humo, Moja generacija, Zenica: Vrijeme, 2019.
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