Hrvoje Jurić: Euforija i eutanazija. Akutni zapisi o kroničnim problemima
Review of: Hrvoje Jurić: "Euforija i eutanazija: akutni zapisi o kroničnim problemima" (Zagreb: Sandorf i Mizantrop, 2019.)
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Review of: Hrvoje Jurić: "Euforija i eutanazija: akutni zapisi o kroničnim problemima" (Zagreb: Sandorf i Mizantrop, 2019.)
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In the introduction a picture is given of the socio-political relations at the end of 1943 and in the first half of 1944, establishing it as a real area for a greater degree of construction of the legal system in Bosnia and Hercegovina International conditions and optimism for success unveiled clear perspectives for the realization of the goals of local democratic and revolutionary forces. In the framework of such movements the construction of bodies of people's government appeared as the construction of the basic elements of the Bosnian-Hercegovinian government. In the first section, the organizational-political development of People's Liberation committees is analyzed, in the difficult conditions of constant struggle against the occupiers and quizlings at the time of the so-called 6th and 7th offensives. In spite of a slow-down in the activities of the People's Liberation Committees, the decision of the Yugoslav and Regional Anti-fascist People's Liberation Councils became known in every corner of Bosnia and Hercegovina and became a part of the consciousness of the large majority of the people. In this period basic organizational and political preparations were made for the establishment of bodies of state government in the region, and their activity was organized in various sectors. The expression »Bosnian-Hercegovinian government« became widely known although its meaning was still shaded with the political logic of the time. For the ordinary man it meant new governmental, legal, and socio-political solutions and a clear affirmation of political brotherhood and unity. In the second part of the paper the activity of the bodies of people's government is described for vario.us sectors (economic, educational, health, etc.) and their adaptability and effectiveness shown in the conditions of constant military and political changes.
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The strengthening of the People's Liberation Movement of Yugoslavia in 1942, and especially its successes in the second half of that year, forced the occupational powers of the Third Reich in Yugoslavia to a basic review both of the system of the occupational government and of its military security. The first steps taken as a result of that review occurred as early as the autumn of 1942 with the dividing of the functions of the previously unified command of the German troops in Serbia and in the Independent State of Croatia and with expansion of the influence of and direct involvement of the SS and the police in Serbia. The most significant changes, however, were in connection with the attempt to »Conclusively pacify the rear<< by means of engagement of their own strong forces in collaboration with the Italian 2nd Army, and thus to enable a successful defense of the Balkan peninsula form a possible Allied invasion. These changes were extended throughout the entire first half of 1943. Due to the fact that even these renewed attempts did not lead to destruction of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia (winter and spring operations in Croatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Montenegro), these changes were somewhat modified in the course of their being instituted. The substance of the changes carried out consisted of further open and direct engagement of the Third Reich in insuring its positions, and especially direct engagement of the SS troops and the German Police in the entire area of Yugoslavia occupied by the Germans, which led to a further pressuring of the collaborationist regimes as well as a take-over of significant parts of the previously Italian-occupied area.
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7. januara 1942. godine, na oslobođenoj teritoriji u neposrednoj blizini Sarajeva, u selu Ivančićima, održano je partijsko pokrajinsko savjetovanje za Bosnu i Hercegovinu.
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Od 15. do 19. septembra 1970. godine održano je u Lincu šesto, već tradicionalno, međunarodno savjetovanje istoričara radničkog pokreta (Internationale Tagung der Historiker der Arbeiterbewegung - ITH).
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An attempt was made in the work to describe some of the most important results of the historical science in the German Democratic Republic in the area of more recent German history, more precisely, the history of the period between the two wars in Germany, including the Nazi dictatorship and the events leading up to it. The author particularly wished to point out those scholarly works which are not yet available to Yugoslav scholarship, being still unpublished doctoral dissertations. On the basis of the books, studies, and articles on the problem of Nazism published so far in the German Democratic Republic, the author came to the conclusion that the scholarly interest of the historians of the German Democratic Republic was directed toward the investigation of all those components that had contributed to the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship in Germany. In a number of works there is present a criticism of German bourgeois historiography, especially of those works concerning the role of the militaristic Prussia in the realization of the unification of Germany in 1871 and the role and general significance of militaristic circles of the German society in the German politics at the turn of the century. The historians of the German Democratic Republic concentrated their attention on investigating the roots of German imperialism and militarism as well as on exposing the illusions of the invincibility of German arms, which was especially true during the First and Second World Wars. The author tried in his work to systematize according to certain problem s the more important scholarly achievements of the historiography of the German Democratic Republic in the investigation of the Nazi movement. In the first place he pointed out those works dealing with the analysis of the main components of the Nazi ideology — race theory which in the political reality of Nazism assumed the forms of anti-semitism , pseudo-socialist demagogy, role and function of the so-called Fiihre-Prinzip, and some other questions —, also the works dealing with various aspects of the history of the Weimar Republic, in which time Nazism constituted itself ideologically and organizationally as a movement; further, those works dealing with foreign and internal policies of the Weimar Republic, especially in the realm of economics and development of economic relations. The author analyzed fairly exhaustively the works dealing with the history of the workers' movement before and after the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship, In this respect and in this time an especially significant and interesting question represents the relationship between the communist and the social-democratic movements in Germany. The author also pointed out some weaknesses in the historiography of the German Democratic Republic in dealing with that question, weaknesses reflected in the uncritical acceptance of former appraisals by the participants in the German communist movement which were often used by historians as a starting¬ -point in their analyses and conclusions. Stating that in the German Democratic Republic there did not yet exist a synthetical work on the Nazi movement, and especially on the Nazi regime, the author in the conclusion of his article says that the monographs, studies, and articles published so far, in which certain aspects of the 'Nazi regime are dealt with rether exhaustively, at any event represent the best foundation for the final composition of a complete work on the most recent history in which the period of Nazi dictatorship would certainly have a prominent place.
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Reviews of: Benedetto Croce, THEORIE ET HISTOIRE DE L’HISTORIOGRAPHIE, Paris, Droz. 1968, 241 p. ; Stevan Belić, NA BOJNIM POLJIMA ŠPANIJE, Narodna armija, Beograd 1970, str. 164; GODIŠNJAK DRUŠTVA ISTORlČARA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, godina X v ill (1968/69), Sarajevo 1970, str. 325; GLASNIK ARHIVA I DRUŠTVA ARHIVSKIH RADNIKA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, godina X-XI, knjiga X-XI Sarajevo 1070-71, str, 575; REVUE D’HISTOIRE DE LA DEUXlEME GUERRE MONDIALE (1970, XX, br. 77, 78, 79, 80); INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SOCIAL HISTORY, volume XV—1970—Part 1—3; izdavač International Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, Amsterdam
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Parmi les travaux ou l'on а jusqu'à maintenant parle des problèmes concernant le Parti paysan croate, on ne trouvera pas une approche qui traite ses racines idéologiques d'une manière scientifique satisfaisante.
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Reviews of: Nadežda D. Pavlović, Despot Đurađ Branković, »Minerva«, Beograd – Subotica 1973, (str. 275); Gerhard Botz, »Die Eingliederung Österreichsin das Detsche Reich«, Planung und Verwirklichung der politisch administrativen Anschlusses (1938-1940), Line 1972.; Lukač dr Dušan, Radnički pokret u Jugoslaviji i nacionalno pitanje 1918-1941, izdavač Institut za savremenu istoriju i NIP Export-press-Beograd, Beograd 1972, (str. 421); Dr Zdravko Antonić, Ustanak u istočnoj i centralnoj Bosni 1941, Vojnoistorijski zavod, Beograd 1973, str. 529, F. V. D. Dikin, Bojovna planina, »Nolit«, Beograd 1973, str. 317; Noviji udžbenici o pomoćnim istorijskim naukama, dr Stjepan Antoljak, Pomoćne istorijske nauke, Kraljevo 1971, (str. 394); Bartol Zmajić, Heraldika, sfragistika, genealogija, »Školska knjiga«, Zagreb 1971, (str. 81); J. Stipišić, Pomoćne povijesne znanosti u teoriji i praksi, »Školska knjiga«, Zagreb 1972, (str. 227), Godišnjak Društva istoričara Bosne i Hercegovine XIX, godina 1970-1971, Sarajevo 1973, str. 342; International Review of Social History, Volume XVII – 1972, Parts 1-3, izdavač International Istituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, Amsterdam.
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To give a detailed description of the position of workers in Bosnia and Herzegovina between the two World Wars is a great task. Because of that, at this moment we agreed to giving only the data which indicate the number of employed workers, their working hours, wages, about the prices of provisions and other articles necessary for life.
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Any community can develop and at the same time achieve sustainable policies to the extent that it is safe. Once a high level of safety is ensured, it will catalyze the development of all directions of social activity, being a priori the determining element in order to motivate society to create viable and sustainable social, political, economic and other systems. The trend toward the escalation of the criminal phenomenon, the risks and threats to national security, public order and safety, will remain in the future, because these phenomena can never be eliminated, but only limited. That is why it is necessary to improve the system of ensuring public order, the safety of the person and the public.
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This study seeks to examine the implications of vote-buying on the electoral credibility of Kogi state 2019 gubernatorial election in Lokoja Metropolis. This study adopted the Survey method because of the nature which requires people’s opinion. The population of study is 137,301 registered voters, and a sample of 400 voters were used for this study. Meanwhile, stratified random sampling was adopted for the study. Out of the 400-questionnaire given to respondents, 387 were filled and returned. Mean was used for the analysis of data. The study revealed that vote-buying has negative implications on the credibility of the 2019 gubernatorial election in Lokoja Metropolis. Lastly, this study recommends among other things that since the research revealed that there is a relationship between income (economic position) and voters' decisions, political parties should provide excellent governance when elected and improve the situations of electorate who voted them into office.
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This paper proposes to investigate various forms of social deviations that can be related to the Black Wave in Yugoslav cinema. The analysis is structured according to the author’s typology of possible models of connection between artistic and deviant contents (1. artist as deviant; 2. presentation of deviance as a theme of an artwork; 3. work of art as a deviant phenomenon or act [Matković, 2017]). There is a complex and heterogeneous perspective of the relationship between the Black Wave and the sphere of social deviance manifest at several different levels that provide the basis for a conclusion that there is multiperspectivity of social deviance connected to this artistic orientation. Among other things, it is pointed out that the most energetic socio-political reactions were provoked by presentations of social deviations with political connotations and those related to the dissatisfaction of different categories of population in Yugoslav society that directly threatened the interests of the official state ideology and the ruling regime, while the cinematographic treatment of socio-pathological phenomena in the narrow sense being undesirable nonetheless, was still tolerated and subjected to repression of lower intensity.
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In der Historiographie überwiegt noch immer die auf Angaben von Osman Nuri-Hađžić beruhende Auffassung, daß beim Treffen in Slavonski Brod im Jahre 1902 ein schriftliches Abkommen zwischen den Vertretern der serbischen und der mohammedanischen Autonomiebewegung getroiffen wurde, das als Grundlage für eine gemeinsame Aktion bis nach der Annexion diente. In diesem Zusammenhang hat sich der Autor die Aufgabe gestellt, näher auf einige Einzelheiten einzugehen, die sich auf die Frage der Errichtung eines politischen Bündnisses zwischen der serbischen und der mohammedanischen Bewegung beziehen. Dabei nutzte er neuere Forschungsergebnisse, verwendete sowohl veröffentlichtes Archivmaterial als auch bisher unbekante Dokumente.
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Im ersten Teil dieser Arbeit wird in charakteristischen Zügen jene politische Orientierung faschistischer Außenpolitik gegenüber Jugoslawien dargestellt, die .ständig danach strebte, alle Unzufriedenen in Jugoslawien, besonders die kroatischen Separatisten, aufzuhetzen, um es im Inneren zu schwächen. Es werden charakteristische Haltungen Mussolinis und anderer Funktionäre, Minister, Botschafter in Belgrad u. a. dargeiegt. Mit vielen neuen, unbekannten Daten sind, in diesem Rahmen, die Basen der Ustascha- Bewegung in Italien von 1929-1940 dargestellt, Angaben gemacht über ihre Zahl und Stellung, zahlenmäßige Zusammensetzung, soziale Struktur der Angehörigen und andere relevante Daten. Es gibt hier interessante Beobachtungen über Pavelic und seine engsten Mitarbeiter und ihre Beziehungen zu den italienischen Behörden. Von besonderer Wichtigkeit sind sicherlich die von Dr. Milan Stojadinović, dem Vorsitzenden der jugoslawischen Regierung, unterhaltenen Kontakte mit den Ustascha in Italien. Als Beitrag, der noch besser den Inhalt der Arbeit erläutert, sind Kopien wichtiger polizeilicher Dokumente beigefügt, auf Grund derer auch diese Arbeit geschrieben wurde.
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Im Zentrum unserer Untersuchungen befinden sich der Staat der Quisling-Ustascha und die Eroberungspläne der italienischen Besatzungmacht für jene Gebiete des »Staates«, die wegen ihres wirtschaftlichen Reichtums den Italienern gute Möglichkeiten für einen wirtschaftlichen Wiederaufschwung der armen italienischen »Guvernatorlja Dalmacija« boten. Die Materie dieser Arbeit ist in drei Gruppen dargestellt: bis zum 27, März 1941 (Einführung), vom 27. März und der Okkupation Jugoslawiens bis zum Ausbruch des allgemeinen Volksaufstandes in Kroatien und in Bosnien und der Herzegowina, vom Herbst 1941 bis zur Kapitulation Italiens (September 1943).
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Der Prozeß des Aufbaus und der Stärkung der Volksfront Jugoslawiens, der während des zweiten Weltkrieges begonnen hatte, wurde auch unter den Bedingungen der Nachkriegszeit kontinu iterlich fortgesetzt, seine Organisationsformen und Wirkungsmethoden dem geschichtlichen Ablauf gesellschaftlicher Veränderungen, der Entwicklungsstufe sozialistischer Ideen und den Bedürfnissen gesellschaftlicher Praxis angepaßt.
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In Verfeindung mit der im Jahre 1876/77 erfolgten Internierung Ljubifbratić’ auf österreichischem Geibiet erheben sich zwei Fragen, die hier behandelt werden. Vorerst handelt es sich um das Motiv, weshalb Österreich-Ungarn einen der profiliertesten Führer des Aufstandes in der Hercegovina vom J. 1875, anlässlich einer seiner zahlreichen Übertritte auf österreichisches (dalmatinisches) Gebiet festgenommen hat. Bis zu seiner Festnahme im März 1876 konnte Ljubibratić, ungehindert von den österreichischen Behörden, persönlich oder durch Mittelsmänner auch vom dalmatinischen Gebiet aus dem Aufstand in der Hercegovina Hilfe zuführen und sich bei ungünstiger Wendung der Dinge selbst vorübergehend auf dalmatinisches Gebiet izurückziehen. Dies, obwohl Österreich-Ungarn sich diesbezüglich für strikte Neutralität ausgesprechen hat. Im Momente aber, wo er von Dubrovnik aus über türkisches Gebiet in Richtung Bosnien, abgeht, um die Verbindung mit den dortigen Aufständischen herzustellen, wird er in der Nähe von Imotski von österreichischen Grenzorganen festgenommen und daraufhin zuerst in Linz, dann in Graz interniert. Der Grund kann, im Rahmen der damaligen österreich-ungarischen Balkanpolitik, nur darin liegen, dass Ljubibratić damit in die engere Interessensphäre der Monarchie (Bosnien) einbrach, was Österreich-Ungarn weder in Bezug auf Ljubibratić noch auch andere Führer des Aufstandes dulden wollte. Die zweite Frage behandelt Ljubibratić’ Aufenthalt in Graz und die damit zusammenhängenden Begebenheiten.
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In dieser Arbeit werden Berichte behandelt, die der Leiter des Italien ischen Konsulats in Bosnien, Ussigli, seinem Außenm inisterium in Rom sandte. Sie beziehen sich auf die Zeit nach der österreich -ungarischen Besetzung Sarajevos (19. August 1878) und schließen mit dem Ende des Jahres 1878.
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