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This paper sheds light on processes of place leadership that are enacted through visibility practices. While this strategy to “lead places on the map” has had some intended effects, such as increased tourism and lobby opportunities, this external orientation led to other consequences as well. First of all, it has led leadership to include a wider array of actors than the “traditional” place leaders that are bounded to a certain territory. Secondly, it points to the limitation of leadership in places that are in-between networks or “off the map”, thirdly, to the tension between a homogeneous outward image and the inherent heterogeneous nature of all places. Overall, this paper goes beyond a functionalistic understanding of place leadership and provides a more political understanding of how places are led. This contribution is based on fieldwork conducted on the Estonian island of Kihnu and the Estonian town of Järva-Jaani.
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In Turkey, financial reporting is regulated by Turkish Public Oversight, Accounting and Auditing Standards Authority within the framework of the concepts of independent audit and public accountability. For the purpose of financial reporting, entities that are subject to independent audit and publicly accountable are subject to Turkish Financial Reporting Standards (TFRS) that are in compliance with International Financial Reporting Standards; however, entities that are not publicly accountable but subject to independent audit have two options either to use TFRS or Financial Reporting Standard for Large and Medium Sized Entities (FRS for LMEs). This paper focuses on a literature review related to the papers published in referred journals on the recently published FRS for LMEs and its draft predecessor which was called as Framework for Local Financial Reporting (FLFR) and offers suggestions for future research.
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The purpose of this study is as follows: To explain the new dimension that the corporate governance practices, which have had troubles for years in Turkey, have acquired with the Turkish Commercial Code and, while explaining such relations, to reveal the importance of independent auditing, which could not become fully functional and has gone through many problems again in the practices of our country, and also the importance of present situation and the situation in future with the help of Turkish Commercial Code and corporate governance relations. Interviews as a way of qualitative research has been done face to face with at least one chief auditor (mostly CPAs) working in any of the independent auditing firms in İzmir and Çanakkale cities. Following interviews with auditors it has been revealed that the Turkish Commercial Code, corporate governance in Turkey would contribute positively to development of independent auditing.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the on-going dispute over the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland from the perspective of legal philosophy. The author first posits that an argument from the Rechtsstaat idea is inadequate for a prospective solution to this dispute, then that the dispute is based on the assumptions of an outdated paradigm, such as legal positivism and post-totalitarian models of law. In order to resolve the dispute, the author proposes reflection based on the model of a communicational concept of law and the idea of a civil community.
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The paper presents the state of development and the identity of the city of Biała Podlaska using the analysis of literature and official documents of the municipal authorities. The opinions of 316 PSW students about the city’s image and identity were also presented. The research revealed that the city’s image is strongly determined by its location near the state border and the presence of academic centres in the region. The functioning of universities affects not only the city, the surrounding towns of the municipality, but also the entire region and other places of residence and employment of graduates. The research corroborated the hypothesis that the way in which students perceive the city is important for the further development of the city.
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Objectives: This paper aims to address a problem that includes the managing of the municipal economy by localgovernment units (LGUs). The research issue raised regarded, in particular, the rules and organisational-legal norms formanaging a municipal economy. Its expression is the posed hypothesis according to which what matters significantlyfor LGUs in the choice of form for conducting a municipal economy is both the character of the task as well as whetherthis form is recognised as a subject of the public finances sector, and, what follows, whether its indebtedness is subjectto statutory restrictions and influences the financial situation of LGUs.Research Design & Methods: To verify a hypothesis formulated in such a way, firstly theoretical and legal aspectsof managing a municipal economy by LGUs have been put forward. Next a comparative analysis for forms of managinga municipal economy by LGUs was conducted, i.e. a local self-government budgetary establishment and a municipalcompany, and the most significant characteristics of the discussed forms, as well as their effects being a result of theirchoice by LGUs, were indicated. Comparative and descriptive analysis has been used in this paper; it included analysisof financial data regarding the management of a municipal economy by LGUs, but in strict correlation with institutionaland legal conditions for the realisation of public tasks and their conditioning.Findings: As a result of the research conducted, it has been concluded that changes taking place in the scope of formsof managing a municipal economy point towards more and more common tasks realised by LGUs both in the fieldof public utility as well as outside of the public utility zone in the form of commercial law companies.Contribution: Basic kinds of risks associated with the realisation of tasks by the budgetary establishment and municipalcompany have also been defined. Moreover, research results show that possibilities for such a wide operation resultfirst and foremost from imprecise legal regulations, which are at the same time the only source of risk associated withthe operation of such companies.Keywords: municipal economy, economic activity of LGUs, local self-government budgetary establishments, municipalcompany, risk.Article Classification: Research articleJEL classification: H41, H44.
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The analysis of the role of the Muslim minority in Switzerland is the subject of this article. The Swiss political system is blocking the rights of Muslim religious minority and its full inte-gration in Switzerland and in the Swiss society. In Switzerland, the negative impact of direct democracy on the integration of Muslim religious minority exists. Limitation of full rights for the minority confirms the phenomenon of dysfunctionality in the Swiss direct democracy system.
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This article presented mechanism and instruments of contemporary psychologicalwarfare. Phenomenon of propaganda will be discussed and also the role of its maincarrier: mass media. In the further part of the work cyberspace will be presented as otherlarge area of contest for influence on societies. Manipulation of social consciousness,which is conducted by state regimes and other participators of international relations, ispermanent element of contemporary international environment. That is the reason whyit is so important to know mechanism of it.
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The United States of America is militarily and diplomatically disengaging from the Middle East. Concurrently, Iran as a Regional Power is on the perceived ascent. This article rationalizes the effects of America’s invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, the Arab Spring, and the Nuclear settlement with the P5+ group of nations on the distribution of power in the region. By utilizing Balance of Power Theory with reference to the distribution of power in the region, an examination of Iran interests in the region after 2017 and strategy for approaching these aims will be sort after.
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The crisis in Ukraine is one of the greatest challenges for international community, especially for Euro-Atlantic area ((EAA) USA and the EU).The political tension, caused by the annexation of the part of Ukraine, the Crimea, has inclined the experts to talk about the beginning of the new Cold War between Russia and the West. Evidently this crisis has an international character, complexity, and different levels. At least, there are “the West vs Russia”, “Ukraine vs Russia”, and “Ukraine vs Ukraine” levels. Naturally complexity determined different propositions of the conflict solution among scientists and decision makers. The article explores the conflict using the international relation theories as hallmarks of approaches to the crisis and SWOT-analysis and comparative method as tools of analysis. The liberal, realist, and constructivist approaches to the crisis are distinguished. Every approach has special propositions for the solution of the crisis. These propositions based on the set of beliefs which are involved by the approach. The liberal way of resolving foresees economical assistant to Ukraine, cooperation with Russia and Ukrainian neutrality. The realist approach admits Russian right to renew spheres of influence and sees Ukraine as a buffer state in a future. The constructivists approach to the crisis considers EU membership of Ukraine as a recipe of the solution.
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This article raises the issue of China–Latin America economic relations in this century. During the first two decades of the 21st century, there has been a significant increase in trade between China and Latin America, and China’s investments in Latin America have increased. Although the presented text discusses the issues of economic cooperation, its primary objective, however, is not to present the dynamics of these relations, but to reflect on the chances and risks for Latin America resulting from economic cooperation between China and Latin America. The article thus discusses the area of opportunities and threats in numerous aspects, giving various arguments and numerous examples. The conclusions of the article refer both to emerging challenges and the prospects for cooperation.
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This article raises the question of what role does the presidential institution hold in the Lithuanian foreign policy formation mechanism and how a particular actor (president) can change their powers in foreign policy without going beyond the functions formally defined in the Constitution. The period of President Grybauskaitė’s term and her efforts as an actor to define her role in shaping Lithuanian foreign policy are analyzed. This is assessed in the context of the activities and behavior of former Lithuanian presidents and in the context of relations with other institutions involved in foreign policy making - the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Seimas in particular. This article analyzes the relationship between the actor (Grybauskaitė) and the already established structure of domestic foreign policy formation and the ability of the actor to change this structure. The analysis suggests that it is precisely because of the choices made by Grybauskaite during 2009-2019 that a relationship between the structures of foreign policy making in Lithuania has changed considerably, and that the center of power of foreign policy formation has shifted to the presidency.
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This paper examines the specifics of foreign policy strategies used by Denmark as a small state in the Arctic region. Based upon a number of theoretical approaches in terms of analyzing small state foreign policy, this study is primarily focused on how small states manage to pursue their goals in an international environment typically dominated by large powers.
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While the leftist-socialist movements which found the opportunity to organize legally in the beginning of the 1960s emerged as a result of the development of Turkey’s historical social dynamics, the theoretical analyses that these movements developed strategically were based on the ideas brought forward by the October Revolution, despite all the differences between them. The research question discussed in this study concerns the period when the theoretical influence of the October Revolution on the Turkish left emerged in relation with the materialization of the socialist revolutions in underdeveloped countries during the imperialist epoch and addresses the different views developed theoretically on the seizure of political power during the hegemonic struggle of the political movements known as Yön (a Kemalist magazine), TİP (the Turkish Labor Party) and MDD (the National Democratic Revolution) against the dominant classes.
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The aim of the study was to investigate contents of nation stereotypes in relation with social-structural variables and national identification. In the pilot study, 42 participants identified at most 10 nations that are salient in Turkish society, and rated them in terms of similarity, friendship and likeability. In the main study, 205 university students were asked to evaluate 17 nations (including Turks) obtained in the pilot study, and their level of national identification was measured. Results showed that national stereotypes (1) contained competence, warmth and derogation dimensions, (2) they clustered in four categories on competenceXwarmth space, and (3) many of them had mixed contents. Even though status and competence; and competition and (lack of) warmth were related, participants’ stereotypical attributions reflected identity concerns, such that nations rated as higher than the ingroup (i.e. Turks) on competence were all rated lower on warmth. Findings were discussed in line with stereotype content model and social identity theory.
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The peculiarities of the relationship between the image of the regional leader and the media vision of the region have been studied based on the Republic of Tatarstan. The overview of the problem has been performed in the historical discourse based on the content analysis of the main federal mass media for the periods of 1960–1961 and 1990–2010. The research on peculiarities in the development of the image of F.A. Tabeev and M.Sh. Shaimiev, two regional leaders, has been performed. It has been revealed that the image of both leaders developed in line with the evolution of the region image. The features of media image development have been analyzed in the historical discourse: in the framework of the Soviet ideology and controlled journalism (the media image of F. Tabeev) and in the context of the post-Soviet era and free media (the media image of M.Sh. Shaimiev). Changes in the interpretation of “Tatarstan” facts have been discussed. The evolution of views has been found: from the subjective position and rigid assessments of the struggle of national republics for sovereignty to an objective approach and the adoption of a regional development strategy. Several stages have been identified in the regional leader growth. The vector of development of the image of the Republic of Tatarstan has been considered in the nationwide context.
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The functioning of social media in network communications has been studied. The specifics of the linear and network communication models, the behavior of the audience, and the motivation to choose the source of information in each of them have been discussed. The genealogy of the network communication model and the factors that led to its full-scale deployment have been revealed. Social media have been considered as the basis of network communication. Their communication specifics have been compared with the features of mass media serving as a basis of the linear model of communication. The current role of social media in political, sociocultural, and marketing network communications has been analyzed. The paper also touches upon the convergence of mass and social media, as well as upon the evolution of social networks as a form of social media.
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Two aspects of the Byzantine military organization in 626–628 AD were considered: the role and status of Armenian ethnic units within the Byzantine army and the measures of Emperor Heraclius for reestablishment the Byzantine defense system in the Near East in 628 AD, after the victory over the Persians. Based on a series of narrative sources (both Greek and Armenian ones; the Armenian sources were translated into the West European and Russian languages) and also inscriptions commemorating the powerful representatives of the Armenian noble family (naχarars), the evolution of the relations between Byzantium and Armenian aristocracy was considered. The features of Byzantine administrative policy within the territory of Armenian provinces during Heraclius’ campaign against the Persians were distinguished. It was concluded that Heraclius modified the retinues of Armenian naχarars composed of local inhabitants of Armenian provinces in regular military detachments in 626–628 AD and included them in his field army, which battled against the Persians. However, the naχarars’ retinues continued to be under command of their native Armenian nobles that were the leaders of powerful houses and families. Many Armenian naχarars were granted court titles and even high-ranking administrative offices by Heraclius. At the same time, it was proved that in 628 AD, after the victory over the Persians, Heraclius reestablished the old military-administrative government institutes, which managed the Byzantine Near East previously, i.e., the office of master of soldiers in the East (the supreme commander of Byzantine field army within this region) and praetorian prefect of the East (the chief of the civil power at the Near East provinces).
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The scientific biography of Shenouda III, the 117th Patriarch of the Coptic Church of Alexandria, was compiled and described for the first time. Shenouda III was the Church leader for more than 40 years and employed not only religious, but also political authority over his congregation. Managing the Church during the difficult time, the Patriarch became the main fighter for the rights of Copts during the period of Islamization in the 1970s when Anwar Sadat was the President. However, under the presidency of Hosni Mubarak, Shenouda III favored the rooting of Shari‘a rules in the Egyptian legislation. The paper discloses the reasons for why the Patriarch changed his opinion, which resulted in the revision of the Church policy toward the state. The political image of Shenouda III was reconstructed using the psychological and biographical methods; based on the historical approach, the historical reality of the Patriarch’s times was analyzed. Shenouda III’s interviews, his obituaries, biographies of modern church historians, opinions of his contemporaries, magazine articles, and scientific works were studied to fulfill the aims of this research. The obtained results confirm that the relations between the Patriarch and the President influenced the religious situation in Egypt. Under the rule of Hosni Mubarak, Islamic groups were highly criticized; the authority promised safe religious worship. Because of the President’s coherent policy, the Church became more loyal to the state course.
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