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The events of 1968 determined both contemporary capitalism, and anti-systemic policy. As the analyses of Immanuel Wallerstein and Pierre Bourdieu show, this heritage is somewhat ambivalent. It settled the “identity” strategy of the New Left and, in turn, made the leftist politics susceptible to being taken over by the evolving capitalism.
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Edi Rama has accepted publicly in the Guardian, in 2003 that he is a pop-star among leaders and a leader among pop-stars. He has styled himself as such not only during the years he led the Ministry of Culture or the Municipality of Tirana, but also now as a prime minister, a time when he has enriched his pop-star performance and PR. In a previous work, published in 2009, titled “Edi Rama, the pop (ulist) pop-star” I have analyzed his communicative strategies, while in this article I will discuss about his symbolic performance through photos, selfies, social networks posts etc. By using the semiotic analysis of Roland Barthes and his new paradigm proposed by Raoul Eshelman (2008), I will try to prove that through symbolic performances, the case of Edi Rama illustrates “the rebirth of the author” in the Albanian political communication. Given the multitude of these appearances, it is important to analyze the spread of show politics in our country as well. Rama has decided to bring a new political model whose application are and will be notable in media and public discourse as well.
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This article is focused on the new forms of political communication, extracted from book written by James Stanyer and brought in Albanian by Alfred Lela, journalist and lecturer at the department of Communication, at EUT. While the book has not been published yet, the work of Stanyer is an important contribution for the journal’ s main topic because it brings new information on political communication in Great Britain and the USA. In times of great changes, the data and the analysis of Stanyer find relevance in our reality as well. Nowadays the audiences have the chance to express their ideas through protests and forum but also through new media tools, something that increases their chances to influence decision making and politics.
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This article tries to assess some of the absences of the Albanian medial reality related with the political meaning, giving some ideas and recommendations on how to improve the image in this field. In this paper we are going to deal with some theoretical and practical issues that have to do with the essential elements of the political communication and with the gap of communitarian communication in the Albanian cultural reality. Through an anthropological analysis of the actual performance of the political actors, this study tries to make a connection between cultural “cut” and the so called transparent “regime” of the political message publicity, especially during electoral campaigns. It also tries to see if there are any real chances for an effective change in the connection between media and politics and if so which are those mechanisms that can guarantee such a change. The findings might serve as methodological basis for explaining the actual state of relationship between media and politics.
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After 2013 the Albanian government has used different techniques and instruments of Public Relation as an attempt to create a positive image within and outside the country. This paper tries to assess the role that PR has played in improving the image of Albania in the eyes of the EU and to identify the communication strategies that were used by the Prime minister. Who were the selected audience and which techniques were used to transmit a positive image in the international arena? Through the identification of these techniques we will analyze the efficacy of these strategies and see if they have played any role in promoting a better image of Albania. The main hypothesis is that the application of public relation strategies and techniques has positively influence the image of Albania in the international arena. Based on the analysis of the communicative strategies used by the Prime minister during the foreign TV stations programs in which he has been invited during the last year. Some of the programs taken for analysis are “Conflict zone”, “Agora”, “France 24”, “the Convent of New Industrialists” and “Invasioni Barbariche”. Combining qualitative methods with a detailed theoretical framework on political public relation, we are going to identify key words that were used to describe Albania and the way how was communicated the main objective of this campaign.
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The spiral of silence theory, proposed by the communication professor Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, is one of the most prominent theories on public opinion. It explains the outgrowing of public opinion, referring to the increasing pressure that people feel to hide their perspectives because they fear being a minority. This material is taken by the book of Em Griffin, “A first look at Communication Theory, 7th edition. As the last edition of this book, translated already in Albanian, did not include this theory, we thought to bring this material for interested readers and researchers. This theory can have valuable application in several studies, especially those dealing with political communication, public opinion and sociology of communication, in the Albanian context where silence is often shaped as a spiral, reserving surprises for politicians, media and the audience.
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Lately, we have seen that alongside traditional foreign policy lead by governments there is also a new, informal kind of foreign relations, that is widespread and it involves directly or indirectly parliamentary structures. In some cases, these inter-parliamentary activities create short-term and transitory initiatives, but, in other cases, they bring to life stable and permanent forms of collaboration. In this context, in the last years, it has been created an “environment” of inter-parliamentary relations that represents a valuable tool for solving issues among countries, even in hard moments. These collaboration practices between national parliaments are known as “parliamentary diplomacy”. This analysis will look at “parliamentary diplomacy”, focusing on Italy as its case study: created in 2001 to direct the collaboration among National Assemblies in order to participate in international governance. This study will analyze the instruments of “parliamentary diplomacy” by also looking at other cases, such as the inter-parliamentary dialog between European and Asian nations.
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Politika e Jashtme e Përbashkët e BE-së është, pa dyshim, kryefjala dhe njëkohësisht një nga sfidat e BE-së në ditët e sotme. Vendimet që merren apo ndryshimet që bëhen në këtë drejtim, kanë një impakt të drejtpërdrejtë në imazhin dhe rolin e BE-së si faktor ndërkombëtar. BE-ja vepron në katër fusha të politikës së jashtme: I) politika e përbashkët tregtare; II) politika e asociimit, partneritetit, bashkëpunimit dhe fqinjësisë; III) zhvillimi, bashkëpunimi teknik dhe ndihma humanitare si dhe IV) dimensioni i jashtëm i politikave të tjera të brendshme. Në këtë studim synohet të evidentohet nëse Traktati i Lisbonës ka ndikuar në uljen e rolit të shtetit për një politikë të jashtmë autonome, duke trajtuar si shembuj dy nga fushat kryesore të saj si politika e përbashkët tregtare dhe politika e zhvillimit, bashkëpunimit teknik dhe ndihmës humanitare. Nëse politika e përbashkët tregtare tashmë është kompetencë ekslkuzive e Bashkimit Europian, politika për zhvillim, bashkëpunim teknik dhe ndihma humanitare janë kompetencë konkurruese midis Shteteve Anëtare dhe BE-së. Ekskluziviteti u përdor nga Traktati si mjet ligjor me anë të të cilit vërtetohet rënia e rolit të shtetit në një politikë të jashtme autonome, por dhe kompetencat e përbashkëta po sfidojnë hapur praktikën ligjore për nga funksionimi i tyre. Politika e Jashtme e Përbashkët sot përbën një sfidë të vërtetë të politikës botërore.
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This essay will examine the role of social media in politics and it will provide answers; what audience want to reach politicians through the internet. It will examine and focus on two Albanian leaders of Albania (the former Prime Minister and leader of the Democratic Party, Sali Berisha and the former leader of opposition and incoming Prime Minister Edi Rama) since the time they joined social media, Facebook and Twitter respectively. Meanwhile, the essay will provide an overview on effect of social media in audience and politic and relations between them. Since internet and social media are a platform when everyone is free to express, how is this affecting politicians and their political attitude? These platforms allow having more contact with elected representatives but is accountability growing? Internet and social media provide more evidence and transparency but is this effecting power and policy-making? These relations will be analysed in order to understand changing on political audience or voters.
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Many researchers argue that in terms of information society, democracy undergoes a profound functional transformation. According to Habermas, Meyer and Hinchman, Lew and Merkel, democracy is not only transformed at the level of presentation and portrayal of politics, but the political process itself varies in every aspect. Its core is reformatted as a result of the interaction between the media code and the political one. Scholars suggest that political actors are subject to this process as a result of the expansion and commercialization of media systems. In this configuration of the public scene, media stand between politicians and their followers. Politicians speak in the media, whereas the media address to the voters. Such transformation provides for media a significant role, while politics and politicians are forced to increasingly pay attention to the image and form rather than the content and reality. The whole transformation is called mediatization of politics. Albanian politics is nowadays part of this new era, where television is considered as a necessary medium in influencing the public. Precisely, the analysis of interaction “television - politics – public” is the main focus of this paper. Specifically, it aims to identify some possible implications that television causes to the politics and, more importantly, to the public. The entire process is analyzed from a theoretical perspective of some well-known authors in the field of sociology of communication.
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Interview with Florian Beiber, by Klejd Këlliçi.
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Political funding and, in particular, funding from private donors is still one of the topics less analyzed in the public debate and academic opinion in our country. Political parties needs many financial resources necessary to their operation. Above all, the balance between funders and people’s representatives or deputies of the party is increasingly under pressure due to the addiction that is created between beneficiaries (parties), and rewards required back by the donor (business/private donors). Donations given to help in the realization of the interests of the group that represents the party can create influence and impact in favor of narrow interests of the persons of the voluntary union. In this paper will be analyzed the way political parties are funded in our country and the main problems that accompany this process, the Albanian legislation on political parties and in particular the new law no. 10374 (2011) where has brought several innovations in this area. The legal framework is considered a successful approach but the section on financial and material funds of political parties remains one of its weak links because, despite frequent updates, it has not yet managed or established a deterrent to abuse resources of political parties benefit.
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Review of: Peter Mair, (1997) "Party System Change: Approaches and Interpretations"; Bot. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997, pp. xiv, 244 by: Klejd Këlliçi
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The article displays the logic of populism in the letters exchanged during 1990 beteen the riter Ismail Kadare and the leader of the Party of Labor of Albania, Ramiz Alia. The correspondence took place at the dan of democratic movement in the country and today it can be considered as a testimony of the breach opening beteen the Party leadership and reformist intellectuals. The attempt by Kadare to become the representative voice of intellectuals and the people vis-à-vis the poet of the Party, undermined the Party’s position as the leader of the masses.
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In this article I would like to review the role and impact of the local election campaign of 2011 in Albania. These elections were perceived as crucial in Albania, for they would impose the new strategy that the political parties would have to follow in the general election of 2013. (Këlliçi 2011; Budini 2011). These elections were more important than previous local election as the coalition’s performance would legitimize the previous contested elections of 2009, test the support for some components of the
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Can the European Union modernising paradigm work? Is it possible for Albania to democratise and develop economically through imposition of EU legal principles, concepts, rules, and standards? An obvious consequence of this paradigm is the development of a politics without vision, which commits itself only to do its ‘homework’. Hence Albanian politics has transformed itself from being ‘the art of possible’ to being ‘the science of obedience’. Moreover, in addition to the problem of deformation of the role of politics, there is the problem of social dysfunctionality of Europeanising reforms. These problems are dealt with from the viewpoint of the sociology of law and political sociology, by paying special attention to concepts that aim at describing how, why, and with what consequences occurs the transfer of law from one legal system to another, such as ‘legal transplant’, ‘legal culture’, ‘legal irritant’, and ‘palace wars’. As a conclusion, the problem of deformation of the role of politics and the problem of social dysfunctionality of Europeanising reforms are inextricably linked to the current conception of European integration process. This process must be reconceptualised dynamically in order to give politics an active role, to return to it the vision it has lost with the metaphor of ‘homework’, and must not continue to be regarded as a list of costs and benefits; rather, as challenges and opportunities.
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This essay is based on the assumption that globalisation is an irreversible process. Taking for granted the contradictory impact of globalisation on democracy and human rights compared with the promised results, this essay searches for a way of improving the impact of globalisation on these two phenomena and consequently on the social welfare. Globalisation and democracy are interrelated in such a way that even though global transformations take place on a democratic terrain, they cross the national borders. This is where the contradiction between these two phenomena appears, embodied in the uncertainty of accountability, who has to respond to who. International integration has positively influenced human rights, facilitating the initiation of human rights movements that not only raise awareness but that also take real protective measures as well. Nevertheless, the absence of a consolidated system of global governing with no global government has negatively influenced development, especially the development of currently globalising and developing countries. These indicators support the idea of reciprocal dependency of the nation-state and international actors in all the aspects of global order. Instead of invalidating either the concept of nation-states or the global order, or globalisation itself, cosmopolitan democracy can offer a new political system that will harmonise these three phenomena.
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This essay explores the need for a new strategy through which the European Union should approach its process of expansion, especially after the French and Dutch referenda. This is an important moment that directly affects the membership efforts of the countries in the Western Balkans. The main argument that this article puts forth is that the EU needs a new expansion strategy, more in tune with the new internal and external realities that it faces. To this end a number of creative reforms should be undertaken so as to rekindle the enthusiasm with regard to the European project. This is a major challenge especially today when the agreement for a new European Constitution has failed.
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Argumenti parësor që do të parashtrohet në këtë punim është se arsyeja kryesore se përse fushatat anti-korrupsion dështojnë në Shqipëri është si pasojë e idesë së gabuar se korrupsioni është burim i mungesës së i zhvillimit dhe demokracisë. Rrjedhimisht anti-korrupsioni në Shqipëri, edhe si pasojë e ndikimit dhe presionit të organizmave ndërkombëtare, është kthyer në një prioritet absolut me idenë se duke eleminuar korrupsionin i hapet rrugë zhvillimit dhe demokracisë. Ndërsa zhvillimi në vetvete është konceptuar sipas paradigmës neoliberale ku një shtet i vogël dhe eficent lehtëson funksionimin e një tregu të madh dhe kompetitiv. Në këtë artikull argumentohet se korrupsioni, pavarësisht formave në të cilat shfaqet, është pasojë direkte e mungesës së zhvillimit dhe jo shkak i tij. Në mungesë të zhvillimit eleminimi i korrupsionit është jo vetëm i pamundur, por përkundrazi fushatat anti-korrupsion mund të shërbejnë në shtimin dhe jo eleminimin e nivelit të korrupsionit për të paktën dy arsye. Së pari, anti-korrupsioni shpesh eleminon zhvillimin si prioritet, me idenë se zhvillimi do të pasojë eleminimin e korrupsionit. Së dyti, fushatat antikorrupsion imponojnë një model të gabuardhe të parealizueshëm zhvillimi të një shteti të vogël, indiferent dhe eficent përball një tregu të madh dhe konkurues. Edhe nëse diçka e tillë është e mundur praktikisht, një modei i tiilë mund të jetë pikëmbërritja, por jo pikënisja e zhvillimit.
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