Around the Bloc: Bulgarian Communist Monument May Get New Lease on Life
Two young digital designers and an architect are spurring new ideas for the building.
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Two young digital designers and an architect are spurring new ideas for the building.
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Think the Kadyrov scandal is the only strange bridge story out there? Think again.
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Great Mosque of Damascus was built between 705 and 715 by the Umayyad Caliph al-Walid I. However, the origins of this building dates to the distant past. At first it was a location of an ancient Aramaean temple dedicated to the god Hadad. With Hellenization the temple was dedicated to Zeus and in the first century BC the Romans transformation it into the Temple of Jupiter Damascenus. In 391 Emperor Theodosius converted the temple into Christian Cathedral of Saint John. Erection of the mosque by Caliph al-Walid I was under strong influence of earlier constructions. Meaning and consequences of such transitions, from the Roman temple (there is almost no data of the Aramaic building) through the Christian Cathedral to the Islamic mosque is an interesting process. Issue not only within the art and architecture, but what is more, in a religious aspect of the continuity of sacred space.
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The article deals with the interior and the furnishing of a Bulgarian house of 1863, the Period of Bulgaria’s National Revival. The author seeks first of all to present the architecture to then overview in detail part of the collection of furniture at the house: the French Empire style furniture set in the southeast drawing room on the upper floor. An analysis of the distinctive characteristics of the style is supposed to be made as well as an assumption about the furniture maker.
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On the medieval walls built in the 19th century church of Unirea (Felvinc) a significant Passion-cycle has been found. The frescoes found on the eastern and the southern walls of the sanctuary - in the area of the gallery supporting the organ - have been conserved between 2002 and 2007. The work will continue in the area beneath the gallery. The upper row of the south wall includes two fragmentary scenes before the Crucifixion: the Flagellation and the Trial of Christ. The Passion-cycle continues in the apex of the eastern wall with a large Crucifixion scene. The 19th century vault of the chancel covers the upper part of the scene. The two scenes of the second row - on either side of a window with the iconic representation of Kosmas and Damian - are the Deposition and the Entombment of Christ. The Resurrection and Anastasis of Christ are represented in the lower row, partly covered by the gallery. The scenes of the post-Resurrection incidents continue on the south wall with the Assumption. An apostle head depiction has been found under the Trial of Christ scene. The masterfully composed fresco full with emotions resembles the sparse compositions of the Middle Byzantine era, which lived throughout and influenced the art of the duecento. This is the heritage of the painters who fled Constantinople after 1204, and who found their new maecenas in the young Balkan and Crusade states, or further in Western Europe. It is interesting to note that at Unirea many depictions merge two scenes of the Holy History. The Deposition of Christ scene supports elements from the Lamentation of Christ, while the Anastasis Christ's victory pose refers more to the Resurrection. A Christ in victory is also represented a Resurrection. The scene blended this Western component with the Byzantine style: an angel points towards the empty grave and supposedly towards the three women, but that scene probably was covered by the 19 century structure. Other scenes prove the circulation of Franciscan patterns widespread in Italian painting from the middle of 13th century. The new images enhancing the sufferings like The Flagellum, the Trial shows the transformation process of the Byzantine imagery for Western use. We also find direct allusions to friars in the representation of the cord-bounded hands of Christ in the scene of the Trial, or the cord legged clothes of the holy personages in the Anastasis scene. The technique used is secco-fresco with sepia. The giornates follows the frame of the scenes. Considering the wall paintings, one can recognize the characteristics of the "Italo-Byzantine style". The figures with red haloes tend to fill out the red frames of the scenes. In the space between them, western architectural patterns were inserted. The "horror vacui" is proved by the preference for the numerous decorative patterns, mostly painted al secco. The almost sculptural forms of the figures are painted with different saturations of the same colours, creating a chiaroscuro effect. On the frescoes left, one can identify three masters. One of them, who painted mainly the women side figures and the medical saints, had also the characteristics of the "Linear Gothic Style". The interference of the two styles can be observed also at Cecejovce, Cserkút and Sânta Măria Orlea. Both styles have Byzantine features, but it appears that one should not necessarily search for a direct influence of either style. The discovery of the Unirea frescoes helped to reconsider the importance of the Italo-Byzantine style at the beginning of 14th century. Together with other new discoveries (Văleni de Mureş, Crăciunel) and the reanalysis of the ones which were already known (Sântimru, Cricău, Cecejovce, Cserkút,) the circle of the Italo-Byzantine wall paintings (mostly Sânta Măria Orlea, Spisská Kapitula, Dravce, Ghelniţa) became wider. One can find common features in almost all works of the style circle, but the Unirea fresco is closest to the fresco of Sântimbru, Criău and Sânta Măria Orlea. This is due to the relatively common painting technique and the common source of the iconography. The diversity and the high quality of both styles and composition are raising the question of a possible local mixing of styles.
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Following the political breakthrough of 1989 architects were faced with completely new challenges. After the lethargy of the 1980s Polish architecture experienced a real turn. A remarkable transformation was taking place along with the general cultural, social, political and economic changes. The opening to the trends in Western culture, the establishment of numerous private architectural studios, the appearance of development companies or foreign investors, coupled with new technological possibilities resulted in the change of Polish urban landscape. As a result, Polish municipal authorities had to review their way of thinking about their cities. The paper aims at analysing the changes stimulated by the “turn” which took place in Polish architecture in the 1990s. It presents some observations on the transformation and the emerging challenges and problems of Łódź urban space.
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U krležološkoj literaturi vrlo se rijetko spominje Krležina veza sa Zadrom i zadarskim kulturnim naslijeđem. Primjerice, u kapitalnoj Lasićevoj Kronologiji1 nema ni spomena o Krležinim boravcima u Zadru pa ni posebnog osvrtanja na njegove tekstove o »zlatu i srebru Zadra«. Vjerojatno je Lasić te eseje smatrao običnim »nusproduktom« opsežnih pripremnih poslova za veliku Izložbu srednjovjekovne umjetnosti naroda Jugoslavije koju je Krleža postavio 1950. u Parizu.
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Sanctuaries are very special places for all religions, which are rooted in various, cultural settings. The essence of pilgrimage to them flows from a free choice of taking a trek, overcoming divisions as national borders and distinct ethnic, national or religious groups. Holy hills, wonderful sources and other natural relics of supernatural events, and above all, a silhouette of pilgrimage shrines are still recognizable signs of transcendent intuition, which are inscribed in human’s nature. In Silesia — the borderland — where precious threads of their traditions were located by Poles, Germans and Czechs for centuries. Sanctuaries create an extremely colorful mosaic of places — “the guest houses” such as: Wambierzyce in Lower Silesia, Mount St. Anne in the Opole and Piekary in Upper Silesia. They are engraved in the landscape thanks to recognizable qualities of architectural forms of churches, monasteries, calvary chapels and Pilgrim houses. As the history of Silesian sanctuaries proves, they have become an milieu of a local communities crystallization. In their light, generations of many nations grow up to overcome mutual differences, animosities or even a hostility fueled at times of wars, uprisings and subsequent occupations. Undoubtedly, an assimilation of newcomers from abroad, who settled in Silesia permanently, has occured in these places. These “houses” are still alive, as both religious centers and treasures of a widely implied notion of the culture.
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The acoustics of sacred rooms is a substantial factor, which is often belittled by architects. Architectonic designing of sanctuary building ought to be based on consultation pertained to acoustics of each sacred building. The author of the following publication, perceiving many acoustic discrepancies concerning sacred interiors, sets himself an aim: to present general acoustic problems relative to the crucial acoustic parameter — spatial impression. The following parameter resultant from the improper architectonic project poses a serious acoustic problem. It causes disturbance in the comprehension of priests words and anomalies concerning resounding of liturgical music. The topic of this article connects knowledge of specialized disciplines, which thorough understanding expands versatility and skill of architects, acousticians and clerics, not to mention the better results in improvement of sacred interior’s acoustics.
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In Transylvania and Hungary, most architectural books were written as coursebooks. Notes taken by students during lectures had a similar function. These handwritten notebooks contain all material presented on courses. To our present knowledge, the earliest 18th century manuscript about civil architecture is a notebook written in Latin around 1743 by Sámuel Nádudvari, teacher at the Calvinist college in Marosvásárhely (Târgu Mures [RO]). The manuscript is kept at the Biblioteca Teleki-Bolyai, Târgu Mures (inv. no. Ms. 72) at present. Only the basics of architecture could be learned from it. The introductory chapter provides a summary of the most significant elements of Vitruvian aesthetics. This part of the document shows correlation with two German mathematics coursebooks titled Anfangs-Gründe aller Mathematischen Wissenschafften (Halle, 1710) and Compendium elementorum matheseos universae (Lausannae – Genevae, 1742), written by Christian Wolff, one of the most important philosophers of the period. Works by this German scholar were well-known in Protestant schools. The second chapter of the notes presents the building materials and column orders, also familiarising students with the basics of the most important architectural forms and elements of design. Remaining chapters contain basic knowledge on technology. The author of the manuscript relied to a great extent on architecture books and mathematics coursebooks published in German territories, written in the first half of the 18th century. Although the author also cited the most important sources of classical Italian treatise-literature in his work, it is more closely related to Central-European culture.
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A lot of chapters of the construction history of Bánffy castle’s in Bonchida occupy prominent places among the pages of the national arts and culture history. One of them is the west side veranda as an early-romantic relic of the 19th century. The reconstruction of the west wing of the castle is linked by the literature to Antal Kagerbauer, architect-builder in Kolozsvár, despite the fact that at the moment no concrete evidence proves it, so the real construction time is also controversial. As a result of the reconstruction, the veranda was built closing the open veranda with a neo-gothic style ogee shaped tracery, which is unique with its enormous size and the complexity of the design not even in Kagebauer’s life work (who otherwise was very opened to the technical novelties of his age), nor we can find a similar example of the early usage of cast-iron in the whole Transylvanian architectural heritage. The neo-gothic veranda was transformed in the second part of the 1930’s, the cast-iron tracery was demolished and the veranda façade was closed with neo-gothic windows. The name of Károly Kós has arisen as the designer. Three fundamental questions arisen related to the veranda in Bonchida and especially to its neo-gothic grill. Who was the architect, when was it built, and what was its material. But after reviewing, one thing is sure: we have not found the certain answer to these questions. At the same time, while looking for these answers new questions are being formulated. The result of the present, almost ten-year long renovation process of the castle could reveal this secret. It is possible that by investigating the structures to be renewed, as far as possible, answers can be found concerning the veranda among the several ones originating from the troubled building-history of the castle. In our study we try to investigate this issue with our own methods.
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Though Medieval stone baptismal fonts belonged to implements of important liturgical events of the Christian Church, their study has been at the periphery of art and architecture historical research in Hungary. The author collected 534 pieces from the territory of medieval Hungarian Kingdom, among them 175 pieces from Transylvania. This research is not complete yet, but some characteristic features already can be outlined. Medieval Latin name is fons baptismalis. In the Middle Ages baptisms were held usually on Saturday of Easter Week, though in reasonable cases it could alter. We have several written sources with data considering baptismal fonts, baptism or baptismal font consecration. In the Pray Codex we have information on the 12th century ceremony of consecration of baptismal water, baptismal font and chrisma in Hungary. Triple immersion (immersio) in baptismal water from the early Christian age could be replaced by the ceremony of pouring consecrated water onto the head of the baptised person. Church could allow to prefer the use of aspersion (infusio) instead of full submersion which (at least for climatic reasons) would have limited the possibility of baptising. Judging from the dimensions of Transylvanian baptismal fonts, they were used for infant baptism. The fonts should be covered by tops: e.g. in the canonica visitatio of Esztergom from 1397 the covering and cleanness of the fonts was controlled. I have illustrations of 86 percents of the 175 Transylvanian baptismal fonts. Part of the fonts remained out of context (in museums, lapidaria, parish gardens and vicarages). Among the collected pieces, sometimes primitive provincial fonts mingle with real works of art. In many cases instead of exact dating only the medieval character of the pieces can be determined because of their heterogeneous and archaic features. Comparing to the middle part of the country, in Transylvania and especially in Székely Land the change of new architectural styles began later, but from then on they lasted much longer than in other part of Hungary. Almost each font is specific in a way, and grouping on the basis of certain features can be done only superficially. Dating can be made more exact after thorough, detailed complex study of churches and their equipment together with the fonts. Despite of the uncertainties listed above there is several regularities, general tendencies to be found in the course of study of baptismal fonts in the Carpathian Basin. Motifs referring to close relations can be found also in the Transylvanian heritage. On the basis of our present knowledge no workshops can be outlined judging from the material on our disposal. For the better understanding of the material I separated some big groups.Type 1.: Bowl-shaped, hemisphere like form with walls slightly widening upwards. These pieces are poorly or not decorated at all. Some are known from Hosszúaszó, Gyergyóújfalu and Magyarvalkó. Hemisphere-shaped baptismal bowl from Szászszőllős and a piece from Sálya probably also belongs to this type. On the basis of examples from Slovakia it can be of Romanesque Age. The way of use of these very low (max. 40-50 cm high) stone baptismal fonts has not been determined yet.Type 2. Two-part (basin and supporting pillar, no foot), block like, squat pieces. The wider basin is supported by a more narrow, undecorated, mostly squab and simple foot: Barót, Felsősófalva, Nagydisznód, Ótorda, Pókakeresztúr, Szentdemeter, Vargyas etc.Type 3. Chalice-shaped pieces with a node or without it. They have a triple profilation, which is very variable from the point of view of proportions and shaping. Generally the domination of the bowl is characteristic, it is wider than the foot. These are fonts cylindrical. Most of them belong to the Romanesque Age: Bélafalva, Csíkcsatószeg, Csíkrákos, Homoródkarácsonyfalva, Miklósvár etc. It can be certainly said that Gothic baptismal fonts are usually polygonal; octagonal, like e.g. the ones from Nyujtód, Székelykövesd etc. We know hexagonal fonts (Homoródbene, Szászegerbegy), decagonal ones (Alsóbajom) and dodecagonal ones (Nagydisznód). The type of chalice-shaped baptismal fonts carved of stone had spread all around Central Europe starting from the 13th century. At the beginning there were no nodes decorating them. While richly decorated fonts standing at four legs mostly decorated with animal figures are widely known from most of Europe, there are no any similar pieces from Transylvania and the rest of the Carpathian Basin. In some cases altar chalices made of precious metals and used during service could be the direct patterns for the stone fonts. An excellent example for the imitation of the altar chalices is the baptismal font from Rudály, the patterns of which could be pieces similar to Transylvanian chalices from Szakadát, Keresd and Nagyekemező. Node decorated with a rhomb standing on its corner was a generally favoured shape in Transylvania. Similarly to the previous pieces, decoration of a rhomb shaped node seems to be present at the baptismal font of Nagybaromlak. Sometimes nodes divided into several rings can be found at stone fonts, like e.g. in the churches of Csíkrákos, Csíkszentmárton, Csíkszentmihály, Csíkszépvíz, Gyergyószárhegy, Lövéte and Mikháza. We find similar pieces neither in Slovakia, nor in West Hungary, but in Central Europe they are known from the early-15th century at bronze baptismal fonts. Blind arcade of the Gothic baptismal font is the most spectacular type in the group of chalice shaped pieces. Not only its beauty, but its good dating makes it very attractive for researchers. This type is not characteristic for any special region and cannot be found in the whole of the Carpathian Basin. In Transylvania I have recorded eight cases in the following settlements: Baráthely, Berethalom, Bordos, Boroskrakkó, Fületelke, Nagyekemező, Rádos, Segesvár.Type 4. Column like, angular baptismal fonts. This is the most architectonic shape imitating architectural details. Usually it is determined as Romanesque. Fonts from Csíkdelne, Csíkszentkirály, Gyergyószárhegy, Inaktelke, Lövéte, Olasztelek, Pálfalva etc. belong to this type. Even in this heterogeneous material it is possible to find examples, the carving and decoration of which show a conspicuous relationship. Round fonts from Homoródkarácsonyfalva and Bélafalva show a striking similarity with each other. Decoration and shape of the fonts, form of the nodes – all these features refer to the similarity of the pieces. They are considered to be Romanesque. Fonts from Mikháza and Csíkszentmárton are similar both in details of shape and decoration. These pieces were dated by researchers to the 16th century, the Late Gothic – Early Renaissance time. Another group of Transylvanian baptismal fonts from the 11th–15th cc. was made of wood. Some pieces survived until our days (Halmágy, Darlac, Barcaújfalu, Bátos, Höltövény, Lesses). They clearly attest to the existence of baptismal fonts carved of wood. The earliest examples come from Halmágy (around 1500) and Darlac (1527). Material collected from the Carpathian Basin is very variable, colourful and I hope that it will draw attention to this part of the cultural heritage. However, the salvage of these liturgical objects from perishing is a huge task, even comparing to the problem of interpretation and processing of actual data.
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In 2008–2009 the Department for History of Architecture and of Monuments of the Budapest University of Technology and Economics had made a true-to-form architectural survey on the southern tower of the Cathedral of Saint Michael in Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia, RO). The true-to-form architectural survey is based on the method used in “Bauforschung”, the building archaeology practice developed and widely used in Germany. In this context, survey is not only a tool of documentation but is considered as a research method in itself. We had the possibility to piece together the on-the-spot analysis with the research of archives, too. In the following study we try to add new opinions and to modulate the formerly known building-history of the southern tower. The building of this part of the Cathedral begun in the second part of the 13th century, the last bigger work was taken in 1856. Our research makes an attempt to divide the different periods of the design, and the various restorations on the facades. The work undertaken is not completed, we expect to carry on the survey of the interior in the immediate future.
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Diese Studie nimmt die Baugeschichte des Hauses aus dem 18. Jahrhundert unter die Lupe, die der Baronin Zsigmondné Rhédey, geborene Katalina de Wesselényi gehört hatte. Das Gebäude ist heute ein Teil der Baueinheit der Teleki-Bibliothek. Nachdem das Haus durch Erbschaft in den Besitz von Sámuel Teleki gelangte, hatte er 1799–1802 seine berühmte Bibliothek hinzugebaut (das alte Gebäude diente weiterhin als städtisches Wohnhaus). Es galt aber auch noch vor der Erweiterung als imposantes städtisches Gebäude, und während der zwei Jahrzehnten lange Existenz als selbständiges Wohnhaus hatte es schon das Stadtbild der damaligen Szent-Miklós-Straße geprägt und zählte 1778 unter den wertvollsten Häusern der Stadt. Die Gestalt der Baronin Zsigmondné Rhédey, geborene Katalina de Wesselényi (1735–1788) ist vor allem aus kulturhistorischer Hinsicht von Bedeutung: die einschlägigen Forschungen preisen ihre Bibliothek, ihre Dichtungsversuche und ihre Bemühungen für die Unterstützung der reformierten Kirche. Ihr Leben ist von mehreren Tragödien beschattet: sie war erst 23 Jahre alt, als zuächst ihr Mann, Zsigmond Rhédey nach 6-jähriger Heirat, dann 1770 auch ihr einziger 15-jähriger Sohn, Ferenc, gestorben hat. Die letzten 30 Jahre ihres Lebens waren von unendlichen Prozessen verbittert. Die Bauarbeiten wurden am diesem Wohnhaus an der Ecke der damaligen Szent-Miklós-Straße und der Fazekas-Straße (heute str. Ştefan cel Mare und Borsos Tamás) um 1775 begonnen und es war um 1778 schon bewohnbar. Die Arbeiten wurden von Meistern aus Marosvásárhely geleistet: die Zahlungsbelege bewahren die Namen des Maurerpaliers Paul Schmidt, des Zimmerpaliers Josef Rosenstingl und des Tischlers Thomas Henne. Dieses Bauvorhaben sitzt organisch in der Städtebaugeschichte der Stadt und der Epoche: die Aristokratie aus Siebenbürgen begann um die Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts in dieser Stadt, deren Bedeutung stets wuchs, sich Häuser bauen zu lassen, diese Mode führte eigentlich zur Entwicklung des Barockbaustils in Marosvásárhely. Es ist wichtig in Bezug auf die damalige Innenausstattung des Hauses zu betonen, dass gemäß den lakonischen Inventurblättern das Haus der Baronin aus Marosvásárhely schon während der 70-er Jahre mit zahlreichen „Bildern” geschmückt wurde: eine Inventur aus 1777 erwähnt insgesamt 47 Gemälden, deren Großteil wahrscheinlich aus Portraits bestanden hat. Die meisten Gemälden gelangten mit dem Haus in den Besitz von Sámuel Teleki, und diese Werke, die einst Frau Rhédey gehörten, bildeten im 19. Jahrhundert den Kern der Portraitgalerie aus dem Empfangsraum der Teleki-Bibliothek.
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Upon examination of the multi-faceted oeuvre of Bánffy Miklós one can conclude that not only his literary, political, theatrical and art work is notable, but also his works in the scope of architecture such as architecture policy, spatial planning of certain buildings and supporting monument protection. The architectural motives in our present study emerged during the writing, one after the other and they searched their place in the records. The Bánffy Castle in Bonchida (Bonţida), the Hungarian Opera-house (Budapest), and the Summer Theatre in Kolozsvár (Cluj) bears the outlook of life of Bánffy Miklós which combined conservatism with innovation. Monument protection is based on this combination of two principles, so it was no surprise that this task was found him first as the principal Chief Curator of the of the Transylvanian Reformed Church District, and after the war, as the Chairman of Committee of the Hungarian People's Association. Under his supporting management the Transylvanian monument protection was started and its first goal was to record all the existing monuments. During our study many topics remained unfolded partly or entirely, such as the building history of the Summer Theater in Kolozsvár, the Bánffy Palace in Budapest, or the works of the Monument Committee of the Transylvanian Reformed Church District. These topics may be the subject of separate studies in the near future and we believe that the results of their research will enrich our culture.
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One of the significant moments of the 18th century reorganising of the Roman Catholic diocese of Nagyvárad (Oradea, RO) was the building of the first bishop’s residence. Bishop Miklós Csáky (1737–1747), differently from his predecessor’s only partly or not at all achieved ideas, built his palace in the New City (“Újváros”), pertaining to the chapter. The one-storey building built with two inner courtyards through the uniting of several houses and plots was created presumably based on chamber architect Fortunato de Prati’s plans or suggestions, between 1737 and 1744, in several phases. Its major expansions took place during Bishop Adam Patachich’s first years, when in the second courtyard, a second floor was built for the Consilium Basilitarum of the Greek Catholic clergy. The activity of the local and foreign craftsmen, who took place in its building and the creating of its interiors can be clearly followed from the available resources. Thus besides the names of stonemasons who arrived under bishop Csáky and those of the Italian stonemasons and German carpenters from Budapest, who were invited under Forgách and Patachich, the names of local craftsmen, who took part in the leading of neighbourhoods also emerge. After the completion of the new baroque bishop’s palace designed by Franz Anton Hillebrandt, the old building gave place to different educational institutions, then workshops. Its demolition took place in 1901, yielding space for the new City Hall. Its appearance and layout can be reconstructed in detail, based on the 18th century drawings of the group of buildings.
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We start with the fact that since the dawn of its history, the CarmeliteOrder has been the Virgin Mary’s Order and defender of the dogma of theImmaculate Conception. This article points out that when the Discalced Carmelitesarrived in Poland in 1605 and settled in Krakow, their first churchon Polish soil was dedicated to the Immaculate Conception. The order wasforced to leave the royal city due to the Austrian occupancy when their monasterywas converted into a hospital, and the monastery church into a hospitalchurch (historical objects from that time still exist). In 1909, the Order decidedto return to Krakow and to build there – not far from the present building,a new church and monastery, to both of which was given the same title, ImmaculateConception.This article describes the design of that church, in which elements of theVirgin Mary dominate, from the facade through to the nave and in the presbytery(with a reproduction masterpiece by an unknown painter which measuresmore than 5m in height of The Immaculate Virgin by BartholomewMurillo at the main altar), stained glass windows and the side chapels of OurLady of Sorrows and the Madonna of Ostra Brama.The Marian message of the church interior is highlighted for us throughthe eyes of Mary – in particular the mystery of her Immaculate Conception,as Virgo Pariturans (the Virgin having to give birth) which Elijah, the spiritualfather of Carmel, prophetically contemplated in the cloud (cf. 1 Kings 18:41–45). Also depicted is the mystery of the Incarnation and Divine Motherhood,as a example of the wonderful collaboration with the Lord (Socia Redemptoris)in the work of man’s redemption, encompassing her Son dyingon the cross; as the Virgin’s “fiat”, “magnificat” and “stabat”, which is a sign ofsure hope and comfort for all those who wish to journey along the path to theheavenly home.
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In architecture, human need to be a man is most vividly realized, but his desire for beauty, perfection and universality is projected as well. It encompasses his thoughts about the Supreme, himself and the universe, and expresses “an objective identity of a concept and things”. This paper develops a discourse on architecture as a universal form of art which, as such, recognizably marks two major artistic traditions, one which is based on the idea of an image and the other which is based on the idea of a sign. These traditions also determine the nature, the basic forms of expression and the purpose of architecture that has developed inside of them. The paper also talks about arhe of architecture and its dependency on mind, and about the relationship of architecture, mind and existence. By means of an achieved part the mind sets and leads telos of architecture, it allows reaching to its meaning and provides its works to become an integral part of the whole existence. With its purposefulness, functionality and vivacity it contributes to the art being part of an unique “set of life”. With its basic meaning, architecture refers to the ‘arhe’ , the beginning of something, but not in a timely but in an ontological and axiological sense. But architecture is ‘arhe’ in relation to other arts as well. It ranks first among the artistic types and therefore it is ‘arhe’. The remainder of this paper discusses the architecture and the principle of “order”, characteristic nature of traditional architecture and the ontological significance of the principle of Tawheed in the establishment of Islamic architecture. The last part of the paper illuminates the spiritual significance of space in the context of Islamic architecture.
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