Imbratisarea diferentelor sau despre concilierea in Hristos
The text is a theological essay written by Dorin Gabriel Muresan.
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The text is a theological essay written by Dorin Gabriel Muresan.
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In the currently available translations of the complete works of Saint Sava it is possible to find, among other things, a disputed phrase in the 13th chapter of the Typikon of Chilandar regarding the status of the Chilandar monastery and its hegumenos. The translation of this typikon is largely based on the text of the oldest manuscript copy dating from 1206 (Chil., AS 156). Earlier translators failed to capture the meaning of the successive clauses that place the monastery and the hegumenos at the same grammatical level. A multifaceted linguistic analysis, supported by the evidence of the corresponding phrase in the Typikon of Studenica, which is with great certainty assumed to have been shaped by Saint Sava, shows that the current interpretation is untenable. It is impossible to find the so-called ‘hegumenic monasteries’ on the Typikon of Chilandar, either in the oldest manuscript copy, or the later ones, from the third quarter of the 14th century. The phrase simply refers to ‘the monastery and the hegumenos, i.e. ‘monasteries and hegumenoi’.
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In the contemporary manuscript collection of Chilandar monastery there are thirty seven manuscript service books. Out of these, three manuscripts are from XIII, five from XIV, four from XV, six from XVI, ten from XVII, two from XVIII and seven from XIX century. A part of these manuscripts cannot be understood to be liturgies in the fullest sense of the term, whether they are fragments of larger and lost wholes, or intentionally abridged liturgical text for use by deacons. The importance of the manuscript collection of Chilandar monastery for research of the liturgical life of the Orthodox Church cannot be denied. This does not apply only on the classical Byzantine liturgical formulae of Saint John Chrysostom and Basil the Great or the Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts. Due to the famous Chil. 322 manuscript that contains the Liturgy of Saint James the Apostle and so-called Liturgy of Saint Peter the Apostle, we can follow the use of these formulae in Slavic surroundings. The manuscript collection of Chilandar monastery is used for research of wider thematic worship frameworks than the ones that deal exclusively with liturgical problematics. It allows the analysis of the development of sacramental and, taken extensively, prayer life of the Church, such as the consecration of sacral space. In the majority of manuscript service books of Chilandar there are variants of Philotheus’ liturgical formulae, among whom the manuscripts of Serbian-Athonite redaction are dominant, and based on whom the first Serbian and Slavic printed service books were prepared and printed. This collection was shown to be especially valuable in research of the appearance of the Troparion of the Third Hour in Slavic worship. The earliest appearance of this liturgical innovation in the Chilandar collection is in Chil. 323 manuscript from the third quarter of XV century, belonging to the Russian redaction of Philoteus’ Diataxis. With that in view, Chilandar’s collection was shown to be important for the research of the historic development of whole Slavic worship, i.e. worship in Slavic language of different redactions, not solely Serbian one, as it could be ascertained at first.
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Outre nombre de documents en grec et en serbe, les archives du monastère de Chilandar conservent aussi, selon notre décompte, cinq actes médiévaux qui sont tous, à l’exception d’un seul, conservés uniquement sous forme de traduction en ancienne serbe, alors que leurs originaux, en grec, sont perdus depuis longtemps. Nous nous sommes penché plus particulièrement sur quatre de ces documents qui, comme le révèlent leurs caractéristiques paléographiques, sont des traductions en serbe remontant au milieu du XIVème siècle. Parmi ceux-ci, le premier et le troisième sont les plus importants. Le premier acte est chrysobulle par lequel l’empereur Andronic II Paléologue confirme en janvier 1299 toutes les possessions de Chilandar situées dans l’empire byzantin – tant au Mont Athos qu’à l’extérieur de ce dernier – puis la possession d’un navire, qui sera, comme jusqu’alors, exempté des taxes maritimes; et enfin le fait que Chilandar, avec ses métoques, est un établissement libre et indépendant, comme le monastère des Ibères à l’Athos. Le deuxième document est une traduction du chrysobulle d’Andronic II portant confirmation, en mai 1308, à la demande du roi Milutin, du rattachement, par ce dernier, du monastère de Saint-Nicètas avec ses possessions au pyrgos de Chilandar situé sur la rive de l’est du Mont Athos à Chrysè. Le troisième document est un inventaire cadastral (praktikon), dressé en novembre 1300 par le recenseur Dèmètrios Apelméné, de toutes les possessions de Chilandar sises dans le thème de Thessalonique. La rédaction du quatrième document est vraisemblablement en liaison avec les villages possédés par Chilandar dans la région du Strymon, puisque son texte fait état d’une donation d’Andronic Doukas Pétraliphas, en 1227, en faveur de l’higoumène de Chilandar Nicodème et de toute la confrérie, de la terre du village abandonné de Munzéni, partie du village de Koutzè. abandonné de Munzéni, partie du village de Koutzè. L’étude de ces actes montre que leur traducteur n’avait pas une solide compréhension du grec et il a fait plusieurs fautes d’orthographe en serbe. Il a traduit plus librement certains passages, comme par exemple le prooimion du chrysobulle de 1299. Cela ressort de la comparaison de sa traduction en serbe avec l’original grec du chrysobulle, conservé, d’Andronic II. On note aussi qu’il n’a pas su transcrire correctement certains mots grecs, principalement, à ce qu’il semble, lorsqu’il s’agit des indications chronologiques. Il en ressort ainsi notamment de la datation erronée, dans la traduction en serbe, du chrysobulle d’Andronic II (1299). Ces traductions, en particuliers pour lesquelles ne nous sont pas parvenus les originaux en grec, sont des sources écrites d’autant plus précieuses, et ce tant pour l’histoire du monastère de Chilandar que pour l’étude de l’ancienne langue serbe de cette époque.
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The Serbian mediaeval law of property was concerned essentially with things (res), their acquisition and their transfer. The things (res) were considered as objects and as rights in objects, that had economic value. However, Serbian mediaeval law does not abstractly use the idea of a thing (stvar, ствар in Serbian language). In every case, Serbian legal sources quote and name any single thing that was the object of the transaction.
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The paper discusses the critical edition and commentary of preserved documents relating to the ktetor activities of the grand čelnik Radič on Mount Athos and the endowments he gifted to the Athonite brotherhoods. The main part of the paper contains four Serbian charters from the archives of the Konstamonitou monastery; two of them issued by the grand čelnik Radič, and the other two issued by despot Đurađ Branković. Radič’s charter to the monasteries St. Paul and Vatopedi and despot Đurađ’s confirmation of the latter are also published. In addition to the Athonite charters to the Vraćevšnica monastery, which was preserved as a fresco inscription in a 1737 copy in the narthex of the Church of St. George. The preparation of these documents for publication is based on the photographs made by the author during his research visits to Mount Athos. The exception is the charter to the Vraćevšnica monastery, whose text has been reproduced from Milan Đ. Milićević’s edition of 1867.
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The Archive of the Holy monastery of Chilandar preserves at least five documents to the cell of the Holy Archangel at Karyes from the 17th and the 18th centuries only two of which have as yet been published (see note 2). This paper publishes two more such documents thus shedding further light on the fate of the cell during the 17th and 18th centuries. With the first of these (γράμμα, А) which was issued on 1st April 1652, the Great Synod of the Holy Mountain grants the cell for life-long use to hieromonk and pro-hegoumenos kyr Demetrios and two other monks whose names are not mentioned. The document lists the rights and responsibilities of both sides, describes the boundary of the territory of the cell (περιοχή) and gives an inventory of the moveable property which was granted along with control of the cell (icons, sacral objects and books, crockery and tools). The document is signed for the representatives of twenty of the Athos monasteries in the hand of the scribe, as was the usual practice at the time. The second document (ἐσφράγιστον γράμμα, Б) which was issued on 15th July 1747 i.e. at a time when the cell had already belonged to Chilandar for 85 years, also concerns a grant of life-long usage of the cell to Father kyr Dionysios and two other monks. The document defines the rights and duties of the monastic house and the occupants of the cell. The items the cell contained at the time of transfer are listed (wine barrels, tools and pots and pans) as are the items which the monk-purchasers gifted to the cell on the occasion (sacral objects, liturgical books, pots and pans) and the boundary (σύνορον) of the territory on which vines and hazelnuts were grown is described. The scribe signed the document for nine monks of Chilandar.
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The monastic life and the overall functioning of the Athonite monasteries were not completely isolated from the dynamics of the relations between the centre and the provinces in the Ottoman Empire, and even less to the recurrent reforms of the Ottoman tax system. On the contrary, Athonite monks had to navigate complex political and economic situation to secure the continuation and improvement of their monasteries. The research of the case of Chilandar monastery was used to analyse internal organization of the Athonite monasteries in the 18th century and their adaptions to new circumstances. Moreover, multifaceted ties (religious, cultural, and economic) between Chilandar and the territories beyond Mount Athos are presented. The monks had intensive contacts with both the Orthodox Serbian clergy and laity living in the lands under the Habsburg rule. On the other side, economic development that prompted an increase of the number of the affluent merchants and craftsmen in the Eastern Balkans opened new opportunities for an enriched religious and cultural life and intensified contacts between these regions and the Athonite monasteries.
More...Постављање Србина за хороепископа Велешко-дебарске епархије
as of 1906, when the Metropolitan of Debar and Veles eparchy Greek polycarp resigned from his duty, Serbian government advocated strongly that the ecumenical patriarchate of Constantinople, in the Debar and Veles eparchy, where Serbian villages presented majority, should appoint a Serb as Metropolitan, as it was achieved in the eparchy of raška and prizren (1896) and the ortodox eparchy of Skopje (1901–1903). this activity, owing to the energetic resistance of patriarchate, had several phases. the first, initial phase that took place from 1906–1907 ended unsuccessfully, as the patriarchate appointed again a Greek who was not fond of Serbs at all as Metropolitan. Further activities commencing as of the autumn of 1907 implied a phase during which efforts were made to appoint a Serb as at least Metropolitan’s assistant-Chorobishop. Chosen tactic simplied repudiation of the new Metropolitan and passive resistance of Serbian people against him until both, he and the patriarchate were, forced to fulfil the request having been made regarding the appointment of Serbian Chorobishop. owing to the fact that at that time an international reformative action of great powers was implemented in the so-called rumelian vilayets in the european part of turkey (thessaloniki, Bitola, Kosovo), Serbian Government activities were related to paying attention to the final objective of mentioned action- introducing peace and order in areas to be reformed. the new Metropolitan was jeopardizing these actions gravely by provoking and irritating his Serbian flock. It was the abolition of reformative actions following the introduction of constitutional order in turkey in July 1908, the crisis caused by the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by austro-Hungarian empire (october 1908–March 1909) as well as the counter-revolutionary rebellion in Constantinople ensuing right afterwards that postponed activities with regard to Veles–Debar question for almost a year. Bearing in mind the fact that passive resistance toward Greek Metropolitan did not yield expected results and it also complicated the carrying out of religious ceremonies and affairs, as it also made Serbian teachers and priests unprotected from turkish authorities’ pressures and terrorist Bulgarian propaganda, there was a dilemma amongst competent Serbian diplomats how and whether to accelerate resolving Veles–Debar question in agreement with youngturks. the opinion given by Constantinople minister was predominant. according to this opinion, efforts should be countinued in the old direction and the crisis existing within patriarchate should be used for the Serbian request to be fulfilled. this was eventually achieved in the spring of 1910. the patriarchate appointed Serbian hieromonk Varnava rosić as the Chorobishop of Debar and Veles eparchy in the first half of april 1910. Having in mind that the historic literature in this field is scarce, this paper has been, as the one that was related to the first phase of resolv ing Debar and Veles question 1906–1907 and published in Vardarski Zbornik Vol. 10, written on the basis of original and so far unused documents belonging to the Ministry of Foreign affairs of the rS (the said documents were published in the SaSa edition called “Documents on the Foreign Policy of the Kingdom of Serbia 1903–1914, Belgrade 2004–2012) as well as other unpublished documents belonging to the Ministry of Foreign affairs for the period october 1908–December 1909, placed within the archives of Serbia in Belgrade.
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The Menologion (Calendar) painted in the monumental three-naved narthex of the Dečani katholikon was studied on several occasions and almost all of the surviving illustrations have been reliably identified. In the generally well-preserved programme of mural decoration in the narthex, the Calendar section illustrating the month of August, the last month of the Menologion, is significantly damaged, due to which the illustrations of that month’s holidays are the least known. In the middle bay along the north wall, above the northern entrance to the narthex, the days from 16 to 24 August are illustrated in a single field, but the images for 21–23 August are not identified. Based on the scarce fragments preserved in situ, as well as the drawings and the description of the scene reading “the beheading of an elderly saint whose head and body were thrown into the water”, it may be concluded that the illustration corresponding to the 23rd day of August shows the passion of Saint Irenaeus of Sirmium. Saint Irenaeus was the first Bishop of Sirmium evidenced in historical sources. He was killed in the spring of 304 AD, after the proclamation of the fourth persecutory edict against Christians. Shortly afterwards, the cult of the bishop martyr Irenaeus was established in the city of Sirmium, where a basilica was dedicated to him. Thanks to the Passion, which has survived both in Greek and Latin versions, it was soon disseminated beyond the boundaries of Pannonia. In the period preceding the hagiographical reform of Symeon Metaphrastes, the feast dedicated to Irenaeus was celebrated on 26 March and the first known example of his passion in the Old Church Slavonic language bears this date. It can be found in the Codex Suprasliensis, compiled in the late 10th or the early 11th century in a scriptorium of the Preslav Literary School. The feast of the Bishop of Sirmium can be found under the same date in the famous 11th-century illustrated imperial Menologion (Codex Mosquensis 376), which also contains the oldest known illustration of the passion of Bishop Irenaeus of Sirmium. In the Byzantine Empire, after the reform of the liturgical calendars by Symeon Metaphrastes, this saint was celebrated on 23 August, the same day as the eponymous bishop of Lyon, a prominent adversary of heresy in the late second century. In the 11th century, a common service was composed for the two eponymous bishops and both were mentioned under this date by Christophoros of Mytilene, an 11th-century (ca. 1000 – after 1050 or 1068) poet from Constantinople who compiled an ecclesiastical calendar in verse. His verses accompany the illustrated Menologia in the church of Saint Nicholas Orphanos in Thessaloniki and the church of the Holy Virgin in Treskavac, where 23 August is illustrated by the half-figure of Bishop Irenaeus. However, it is not clear whether the image shows the bishop martyr of Lyon or the Sirmium saint. In the Dečani Menologion, the scene of the martyrdom of Irenaeus of Sirmium is the illustration for 23 August. Keeping in mind that Irenaeus, the Bishop of Sirmium, is not mentioned in Serbian medieval liturgical sources, it can be inferred that the model for the painted Menologion in the Dečani monastery was of Greek origin. By identifying the scene in Dečani, we contribute to the modest iconographic dossier of the Sirmian bishop martyr, listing so far no more than two or three depictions in Byzantine and Serbian medieval painting.
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The well-preserved paintings in the vault of the church of Saint Nicholas at Velika Hoča include nine rectangular, almost square fields with the depictions of the Pentecost, the Holy Trinity, Christ Pantokrator, Emmanuel, Transfiguration / Holy Virgin, the Angel of the Great Council, the Ancient of Days and the Archangel Michael. The three calligraphic inscriptions frame the depictions of Pantokrator, the Angel of the Great Council and the Ancient of Days. The use of the text from Psalm XXXII (XXXIII) and Psalm LCCII (LXXVIIII), and especially Psalm CI (CII), in painted scenes can be traced back to the 13th and 14th centuries. Along with the text of Psalm CI (CII), written out around Christ Pantokrator, a prominent place in the church of Saint Nicholas is occupied by the text of Psalm XXXII (XXXIII), which runs around Christ the Ancient of Days. The depiction of the Angel of the Great Council is surrounded by the words of the prophet Isaiah (9: 1). Painted with confidence, clarity and inspiration, the characters depicted in large medallions, especially the different emanations of the Lord, reveal the exceptional style of the main painter. The background composed of ‘multiple heavens’, star light and light beams is the feature found in the best iconographic programmes of vaults prior to the paintings in the church of Saint Nicholas at Velika Hoča. A direct model could have come through the ready-made templates that could have belonged to one of the painters working in the narthex of the Patriarchate of Peć. The poor visibility before cleaning did not allow for the identification of most of the prophets and saints of the fifth zone. As many as twenty-four prophets were painted. In the limited selection of saints, the depictions of all five Arme nian martyrs were given a prominent place because of the relics kept in the Pa triarchate of Peć. In the church of Saint Nicholas, the interest in Serbian saints is evidenced by the depictions of Saint Sava in the sanctuary and King Milutin, Emperor Dušan and King Stefan Dečanski in the naos, and is additionally highlighted in the vaults, by the images of Saints Menas, Vincent and Victor, celebrated the same day as Stefan Dečanski.
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The paper deals with an icon from the monastery of Dečani painted by the zographer Longin. In the older literature, it was not treated with the same attention as other works of this painter, most probably due to the poor state of preservation of its paint layer. Based on new high-resolution images, all the remaining fragments of the painting have been analyzed. This analysis has led to the revision of the previous interpretation, according to which the depicted fi gures were identifi ed as Saint Sava with Saint Simeon and Three Saints. It has been concluded that one side of the icon shows Saint Sava of Serbia and Saint Barbara, while the other features an enthroned Saint Nicholas in full fi gure and half-fi gures of the Holy Virgin and Jesus Christ. Saint Sava is wearing a sakkos with crosses inscribed in circles, while Saint Barbara, in a red cloak, is shown holding in her hand a model of the tower in which she was locked. Saint Nicholas is wearing a sakkos with crosses, whereas the pages of the open Gospel in his hands show the text from the Gospel of Luke (6, 17). It is with great probability that the work can be classifi ed among Longin’s calendar (Menologion) icons for December–January. The surviving calendar icons painted by the zographer Longin also include another two icons from Dečani (for March–April and September) and one from the church of Saint Nicholas in Nikoljac (for September). The whole group of icons are dated to ca. 1596.
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Christian confessions are differ significantly in their approach to termination of marriage by means of divorce. The Orthodox Church, accepting the sacramental character of marriage, allows for divorce and agrees for marrying again. An important role in shaping of religious norms is played by the autocephalous system within the Church. In accordance with it, the church canons based on the dogmas of the Orthodox Church must be interpreted with respect to the situation of the local church and with respect to the particular point in history. The legal perspective determined in that way indicates the sensitivity of the Church for social changes, which also influence the way termination of marriage is interpreted. The article discusses the internal statutes of the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church regulating the rules for terminating the marriage, since the emancipation of the Orthodox Church in Poland until today.
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From this study, the reader will find out that the reception of the Roman Law, and especially of the old Roman Law (ius antiquum) – consisting of the utterances of Roman jurists about Law and its nature etc. – in the Carpathian-Danubian-Pontic space, went through a new phase during Justinian (527–565), who actually managed to master a part of the north-Danubian territory. Both the old “Law of the Land” and the “Nomocanons” (Pravila), which contain elements of Roman and Byzantine Law, and also of customary law, confirm that Justinian’s legislation – accompanied by comments by the great jurists of the time – was also disseminated in the Carpathian Danubian-Pontic space.
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The proclamation of the Constitution from 1866 represented an essential step on the road of completion of modern organization od the Romanian society, because not only a historical period of Romanians was elaborated, but, by firmly stating the national sovereignty and aspiration for independency, by the tone on which it was written, by some stipulations and especially by ignoring the Ottoman suzerainty and the warranty of great powers, it was brought out as a fundamental statute of a free country. Thus, in the year 1867 a new draft oragnic law was made for the Romanian Orthodox Church for which in the year 1869 the consent of the Hegumenic Patriarch Gregory the 6th (1867-1871). The lack of synod canonical authority in the Romanian Orthodox Church that was supposed to regulate the dogmatic and disciplinary issues determined the Romanian Government, through the report no. 12693 from 1872, drafted by Christian Tell, the Ministry of Cults and Public Education, to propose to the Legislative Bodies a law for the election of metropolitan bishops and eparchy bishops and the establishment of the Holy Synode of the Romanian Orthodox Church. This project was voted by the Chamber of Deputies (4th of December 1872) and by the Senate (11th of December 1872) and ammended on the 14/16th of December 1872, under the name of Organic law for the election of metropolitan bishops and eparchy bishops and the establishment of the Holy Synode of the Romanian Autocephalic Orthodox Church.
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The article is an attempt to systematize, in a critical way, the development of the idea of the religious image in the Christianity. It demonstrates how that idea of the image, i.e. the nature and functions became gradually clear in practice of living, in the thought of Fathers, in conciliar statements. In the first point the article shows the base of depicting – that is the mystery of the Incarnation. In the next part, the article discusses the image at the ancient Church, i.e. catacomb paintings, paintings of the Constantine age, the first critical voices of images, as well as voices of supporters of images and the first guidelines in their matter. In the final part the article demonstrates the iconoclastic dispute and ultimate victory of the orthodoxy announced in the iconological dogma.
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The presented article discusses the reasons justifying the introduction of changes in motu proprio De concordia inter Codices. According to the analyses, replacing the term “Ecclesia ritualis sui iuris” with the term “Ecclesia sui iuris” in cann. 111–112 of CIC as well as adding to can. 112 of CIC a new § 3 concerning the effectiveness of transfer to another Church is fully justified. In the first case, terminology used in western legislation was correlated with terminology used in eastern legislation which is more adequate for system solutions. In the other case, a loophole existing in CIC was removed. The author believes that what arouses controversies is adding to the structure of can. 111 of CIC a new § 2 regulating the question of church membership of achild in asituation where one party of a mixed marriage is a catholic. He states that in this case the argument used by the canonists who point out the practices of the Congregation for the Oriental Churches is unjustified. He thinks that introducing the rule now codified in can. 111 § 2 of CIC not only stands against the agreement in ecumenical dialogue but is also incoherent with normative code solutions concerning one’s membership in a community of faith (cann. 96, 204 § 1 of CIC). According to the author, such an ambiguous legal status will lead to a situation in which the norm codified in art. 1 § 2 motu proprio De concordia inter Codices will not be applied rigorously but only in appropriate conditions.
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From a problem that concerned only a small number of people, migration has become a constant concern both nationally and internationally. The concrete realities in different regions have become over time subjects of analysis and reflection in order to find solutions that meet the many theoretical and practical issues raised by migration. In Romania people are increasingly discussing about migration and its implications on all sectors of human life. In this context, the Romanian Orthodox Church is called by his priests, to contribute to the integration of people of other nationalities, cultures and beliefs that are established here and at the same time, to help her spiritual children living and working in different parts of the world to preserve and to confess their Orthodox Christian faith. Moreover, it should take care of their families in the country and to contribute to the education of children, whose parents are away, in the spirit of the Christian tradition.
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The preaching of John the Baptist was of short duration. Having prepared people to receive the Saviour, he ended his life with a martyr’s death. Soon after the baptism of the Lord, John was put in prison by the Galilean King Herod. John upbraided King Herod because he had married his brother Philip’s wife, Herodias, even though his brother was still alive. Herodias became embittered against for this and wanted Herod to kill him. About a year passed after the Forerunner’s imprisonment, when Herod celebrating his birthday gave a banquet for his courtiers, and officers, and a thousand leading men of Galilee. Salome, the daughter of Herodias and stepdaughter of Herod, also came to this banquet. She danced for Herod, which pleased him and his guests. Herod sent a soldier to the prison to cut off the head of John. The soldier fulfilled the order of the king, brought the head of John the Baptist on a platter and gave it to Salome, and Salome gave it to her mother Herod . The day of the martyrdom of St. John the Baptist is commemorated by the Holy Orthodox Church on the 29th of August and is called the Beheading of John the Baptist. The Holy Church teaches that St. John the Forerunner is the greatest of all saints after the Mother of God.
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For the Orthodox Church, the mid-18th century was a milestone, the start of a new stage, for reorganization and re-acquirement of ancestral rights. The first episode was the ample movement for religious awakening, initiated by the Orthodox hieromonk Visarion Sarai, originating from Bosnia and arrived in Banat in January 1744. On his way to Transylvania, he stopped in Lipova, erecting a cross on the edge of the town, where he would preach the crowds gathered about the “true Greek-Oriental faith”. In just a few weeks, the solitary Orthodox had disorganized the entire infrastructure united at the south of the Ardeal.
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