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KAKO ŽIVJETI VLASTITI IDENTITET U PODIJELJENU DRUŠTVU
I DISFUNKCIONALNOJ DRŽAVI

KAKO ŽIVJETI VLASTITI IDENTITET U PODIJELJENU DRUŠTVU I DISFUNKCIONALNOJ DRŽAVI

Author(s): Mladen Ančić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2015

Kad je svojedobno Mirjana Kasapović prvi put formulirala svoje stajalište o Bosni i Hercegovini kao podijeljenu društvu i državi, izazvala je otpor u bošnjačkim akademskim krugovima, otpor koji se pretvorio u raspravu što se rastezla i razvlačila na internetskim i stranicama maloga broja tiskanih medija. No bila je to stvarno tek „bura u čaši vode" - rasprava je angažirala tek toliko ljudi da ih se može pobrojati na prste dviju ruku. Sve je to ostalo pokopano negdje na rubu društvenoga života - nekoliko bošnjačkih intelektualaca, uglavnom politologa, tri ili četiri hrvatska povjesničara i sociologa i, što je posebice važno uočiti, nijedan sudionik rasprave na srpskoj strani, razmjenjivali su misli i artikulirali pa onda branili stajališta koja se, bar na prvi pogled, odnose na ključne elemente društvenoga života Bosne i Hercegovine. Nitko se, međutim, izvan toga kruga nije čak ni „počešao po glavi" zbog toga i pokazao kakav-takav interes za tu raspravu.

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“Working Class Gone to Heaven””: From Working Class to Middle Class and Back

“Working Class Gone to Heaven””: From Working Class to Middle Class and Back

Author(s): Tea Škokić,Sanja Potkonjak / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

This paper problematizes the relationship between the working and middle classes in socialism, which was characterized by consumer culture and state of welfare. It also tackles the extinct middle class in the post-socialist context of the economic crisis and economically defined but politically void "new" working class. The economic realization of the Yugoslav socialist model - a hybrid of planned and market economies - combined the capitalist idea of the state of welfare with the communist execution of social rights. The socialist consumer culture, "searching for welfare", established a homogenous middle class as a proof of its own social success, leaving the "working class" to be conveniently invoked only in ideological manifests of the governing nomenclature. The discussion about the capitalist restoration of the post- socialist period gives precedence to the lament over the extinction of the middle class and its high standard of living over the issues of class relations. On the other hand, the majority of the 286,075 unemployed and 15,230 of the employed who did not receive their salaries in the first quarter of 2015 are low-skill or vocational work- ers, i.e., the working class. This new relationship between the working and middle classes problematizes the socialist inheritance of transformation of the working class into the middle class, the recent phenomenon of economically defined working class without a political meaning, the post-socialist class inequality between the employed and the unemployed, and the emancipation of the worker as "the scorned subject" and his mobilization without being necessarily included in the middle-class political activism for the "general good".

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Czarny scenariusz. Strategie obrazowania potransformacyjnego Górnego Śląska w Sercu z węgla i Benku
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Czarny scenariusz. Strategie obrazowania potransformacyjnego Górnego Śląska w Sercu z węgla i Benku

Author(s): Alicja Kosterska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 6/2015

Based on an analysis of pop cultural representations – the reality television show Serce z węgla [Heart of Coal, 2001] and the feature film Benek [Benek, 2007] – Kosterka examines the visualization of post-transformation Upper Silesia in 21st-century Polish film. She draws on psychoanalysis to explore why Upper Silesia has become attractive especially to those directors who aim to highlight the negative consequences of the socio-economic transformations after 1989: poverty, unemployment, frustration and a lack of perspective. The aim of this article is to draw readers’ attention to the fact that in 21st-century representations, Upper Silesia is mostly understood, visualized and spoken about as a space of ‘wilful exclusion,’ which has helped solidify the post-transformation status quo.

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ДУАЛЬНОСТЬ СТРУКТУР ИНДИВИДУАЛЬНОГО ПОТРЕБЛЕНИЯ В ИСТОРИЧЕСКОЙ ДИНАМИКЕ: ОТ СОВЕТСКОГО К ПОСТСОВЕТСКОМУ ОБЩЕСТВУ

ДУАЛЬНОСТЬ СТРУКТУР ИНДИВИДУАЛЬНОГО ПОТРЕБЛЕНИЯ В ИСТОРИЧЕСКОЙ ДИНАМИКЕ: ОТ СОВЕТСКОГО К ПОСТСОВЕТСКОМУ ОБЩЕСТВУ

Author(s): V. Ilyin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2014

The article studies consumption in Soviet and post-Soviet society in the context of its dual structure. The analysis is based on the assumption that consumption always occurs in the context of existing culture and ideology and is a part of social reproduction. Every type of social reproduction features particular type of individuality. Ideally, a person with such a type of individuality is a function of a social system, i.e. an ideal consumer. However, in reality people are reluctant to turn into the ideal consumers who ensure the interests of the existing system and powerful groups who control social reproduction. Activity of these reluctant consumers results in various resistance practices and consumer culture that corresponds to them. As a result, the structures acquire the dual character and serve as a sustainable form of consumer behavior of those citizens who freely materialize their needs within an available amount of resources. This is, however, not an organized protest, but rather an individual form of resistance that the sociologists call “the art of the weak”.

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НОВЫЕ ТЕНДЕНЦИИ В ЭКОЛОГИЧЕСКОМ ПОТРЕБЛЕНИИ РОССИЯН ПОД ВЛИЯНИЕМ СПОРТИВНЫХ МЕГА-СОБЫТИЙ (НА ПРИМЕРЕ УНИВЕРСИАДЫ 2013 г., КАЗАНЬ)

НОВЫЕ ТЕНДЕНЦИИ В ЭКОЛОГИЧЕСКОМ ПОТРЕБЛЕНИИ РОССИЯН ПОД ВЛИЯНИЕМ СПОРТИВНЫХ МЕГА-СОБЫТИЙ (НА ПРИМЕРЕ УНИВЕРСИАДЫ 2013 г., КАЗАНЬ)

Author(s): P. Ermolaeva / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2014

The article investigates the main trends in green consumption in Russia that were inspired by sport megaevents. The analysis is based on the case study of Universiade, which took place in the city of Kazan in 2013. The results of this empirical study confirm that the dwellers of Kazan have become more aware of green consumption and the green consumer practices have started to spread after the Universiade had been finished (for instance, waste sorting and ecologization of way of life and leisure). The author of the article links these trends to the increased availability of urban “green” infrastructure; the Year of Eco-culture that was held in Russia and promoted ecofriendly ideas; the local governments’ reorientation towards international environmental standards that have been maintained in other host-cities of international sport events; the popularization of post-materialistic values; globalization and increased population mobility; and growing value that is ascribed to health as symbolic capital.

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МУЗЕИ-ЗАВОДЫ НА СРЕДНЕМ УРАЛЕ: ОСМЫСЛЕНИЕ ПРОШЛОГО И ИНДИКАТОР НАСТОЯЩЕГО В КУЛЬТУРЕ ИНДУСТРИАЛЬНОГО УРАЛА

МУЗЕИ-ЗАВОДЫ НА СРЕДНЕМ УРАЛЕ: ОСМЫСЛЕНИЕ ПРОШЛОГО И ИНДИКАТОР НАСТОЯЩЕГО В КУЛЬТУРЕ ИНДУСТРИАЛЬНОГО УРАЛА

Author(s): Lidia Dobreytsina / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2014

The article explores the aspects of development and operation of the industrial museums in Middle Ural, i.e. in the towns of Solikamsk, Nizhny Tagil, and Polevskoy. It contains the description of their present conditions, their popularity, plans and projects for further development. Analysis of an image of an industrial museum as it exists in the minds both of local residents and visitors is followed by the attempt to clarify the symbolic function of an industrial museum as a tool for shaping the image of Ural for contemporary age. Also, the article delves into the contradictions between the actual situation of industrial museums and the declarations of their importance and usage made by the local official media (based on the case of Demidov Park project). The main problem here is the failure, both by authorities and by local residents, to comprehend the role and the place of such museums in the future development of local and regional culture; as a result, we can witness underfunding and dismal material conditions of the industrial museums in Solikamsk and Nizhny Tagil, lack of adequate advertising, no interesting projects implemented at these plants and so on.

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ТРАНСФОРМАЦИЯ СОЦИОКУЛЬТУРНОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ ГОРОЖАН В УСЛОВИЯХ ИНДУСТРИАЛИЗАЦИИ ВО ВТОРОЙ ПОЛОВИНЕ 1950-х – НАЧАЛЕ 1980-х гг. (НА МАТЕРИАЛАХ АНГАРО-ЕНИСЕЙСКОГО РЕГИОНА)

ТРАНСФОРМАЦИЯ СОЦИОКУЛЬТУРНОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ ГОРОЖАН В УСЛОВИЯХ ИНДУСТРИАЛИЗАЦИИ ВО ВТОРОЙ ПОЛОВИНЕ 1950-х – НАЧАЛЕ 1980-х гг. (НА МАТЕРИАЛАХ АНГАРО-ЕНИСЕЙСКОГО РЕГИОНА)

Author(s): N.V. Gonina / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2014

The industrialization developed in the late XX century in Angara-Yenisei region promoted not only the territory development and the cities growth but also considerable sociocultural changes. In the cities of the region transition from traditional consciousness to the industrial one goes at an accelerated pace. The important role in this process was played by the large industrial enterprises of the Union value which had defined urban environment development parameters of that period of time. As a result of industrialization and urbanization of the region one can observe the transition from paternalism and collectivism to individualization, understanding of personality worthiness, material needs priority growth. These tendencies are of fragmentary and changeable character. Features of traditional, industrial and post-industrial society in the framework of the Soviet system are interwoven with polychromatic picture of sociocultural identity of a transition period. They gained the greatest expressiveness in the regional centers, the smallest level — in the peripheral not industrial cities.

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Laurent Coumel and Marc Elie, eds. “A Belated and Tragic Ecological Revolution: Nature, Disasters, and Green Activist in the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet States, 1960s–2010s.” Special issue of Soviet and Post-Soviet Review, vol. 40, no. 2, 2013

Laurent Coumel and Marc Elie, eds. “A Belated and Tragic Ecological Revolution: Nature, Disasters, and Green Activist in the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet States, 1960s–2010s.” Special issue of Soviet and Post-Soviet Review, vol. 40, no. 2, 2013

Author(s): Georgios Tziafetas / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2015

Review of: Georgios Tziafetas - Laurent Coumel and Marc Elie, eds. “A Belated and Tragic Ecological Revolution: Nature, Disasters, and Green Activist in the Soviet Union and Post Soviet States, 1960s–2010s.” Special issue of Soviet and Post-Soviet Review, vol. 40, no. 2, 2013.

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Привязанность в действии: психологическая теоретизация связи ребенка и матери в (пост) социалистической Чехии

Привязанность в действии: психологическая теоретизация связи ребенка и матери в (пост) социалистической Чехии

Author(s): Victoria Schmidt / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2016

Attachment theory has been subject to sustained critique by radical psychologists and feminists. The critical stance towards attachment theory among western experts is a matter of long-term analytical practices; neither the work of John Bowlby nor the popular socialist version of attachment theory by the Czech psychologists Zdeněk Matějčekand Josef langmeier has been the subject of such revision. Attachment theory still provides the key arguments in favor of deinstitutionalization and developing family placement in postsocialist countries. This obvious idealization of attachment theory by Czech psychologists limits access to the western critical tradition and blocks the deconstruction of Matějček and Langmeier. This essay attempts to overcome these limitations. A review of critiques of John Bowlby’s theory and his adherents is juxtaposed with a reconstruction of the history of attachment theory in socialist Czechoslovakia. In the first part, the essay embeds Western arguments within the concept of epistemic in justiceas developed by Miranda Fricker. In line with the principle of historicization, the next part explores the combination of forces that drove the formation of attachment theory in Czechoslovakia. The final part investigates contemporary attempts to apply attachment theory to the issue of forced removal of Roma children from their families and examines the options for preventing this practice and the placement of Roma children into residential care settings.

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Советская архитектура и Запад: открытие и ассимиляция западного опыта в советской архитектуре конца 1950-х – 1960-х годов

Советская архитектура и Запад: открытие и ассимиляция западного опыта в советской архитектуре конца 1950-х – 1960-х годов

Author(s): Olga Yakushenko / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2016

This article deals with the impact of western architecture on Soviet architecture during and after the Thaw and Nikita Khrushchev’s reforms in the spheres of architecture and construction. By the late 1950s international postwar modernism became an official Soviet architectural style. The article explains how Soviet architects discovered and learned this new style: through magazines and books, both translated and in their original languages; through business and tourist trips abroad; and through personal connections and official channels. The main argument is that in the 1960s Soviet architecture became embedded in an international system of architecture but at its far periphery. Moreover, the visual westernizing make over of Soviet architecture did not change its inner structure and has rather negative implications for the perception and evaluation of the architectural legacy of the post-Stalin era.

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Douglas Rogers. The Depths of Russia: Oil, Power, and Culture after Socialism. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2015.

Douglas Rogers. The Depths of Russia: Oil, Power, and Culture after Socialism. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2015.

Author(s): Alexander Etkind / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2016

Review of: Alexander Etkind - Douglas Rogers. The Depths of Russia: Oil, Power, and Culture after Socialism. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2015. 394 pp. ISBN 978-0-8014-5373-1.

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XXI YÜZYILDA RUSYA’NIN SANAYİ SEKTÖRÜNÜN YAPISAL ANALİZİ

Author(s): Akif Abdullah,Tahire Hüseyİnlİ / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 18/2013

After starting the process of dissolution of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Russia has faced severe economic crises. Consumer goods and services due to the central economic policies of Soviet-era were lagging behind all around the world. With the economic crisis that erupted in Asia in 1998, oil and natural gas prices have fallen and the Russian economy was greatly influenced by it. When we look at the economy of Russia, it can be seen that, Russia's economy gives foreign trade surplus, is self-contained and seems to have even more. Active labor force of the country's and natural resources give the impression that, the country's economy has a vibrant, sustainable and an open economy. However, high level of oil prices and favorable trade opportunities appearance as important reasons for the strong growth in Russia.

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Anotácie

Anotácie

Author(s): Martin Pekár,Lucia Tokárová,Nikoleta Lattová,Mikuláš Jančura / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 1/2016

HOŘEJŠ, MILOŠ – KŘÍŽEK, JIŘÍ. ZÁMEK S VŮNÍ BENZÍNU : AUTOMOBILY A ŠLECHTA V ČESKÝCH ZEMÍCH DO ROKU 1945; OTČENÁŠOVÁ, SLÁVKA – ZAHORÁN, CSABA (EDS.). SHIFTING DISCOURSES ON CENTRAL EUROPEAN HISTORIES; SOUKUPOVÁ, BLANKA – STAWARZ, ANDRZEJ (EDS.). MÝTUS – „REALITA“ – IDENTITA : NÁRODNÍ METROPOLE V ČASE „NÁVRATU DO EVR OPY“; SPURNÝ, MATĚJ. MOST DO BUDOUCNOSTI : LABORATOŘ SOCIALISTICKÉ MODERNITY NA SEVERU ČECH;

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SECURITY DIMENSION OF CAUCASIAN POLITICS OF THE USA

Author(s): Elnur Hasan Mikail / Language(s): English Issue: 5/2010

After the breakup of the Soviet Union, Russia and the other 15 independent republics remaining from the former USSR emerged. Russia is still pursuing an ideology which regards these independent republics, being Russia's colonies for 75 years, as its own property. The reason is that Russia made countless investments in these independent republics and caused them to be economically and politically dependent upon each other like a chain. The coup d'état staged during the vacation of Gorbachev in 1990 continued with the independence declarations of 15 republics. Russia, which can be deemed as the continuation of the USSR, did not admit this fact in order to be released from the heavy dept that it owes to these independent republics. The first countries joining the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) were Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Russia, by signing an alleged Confederation treaty with these 3 strong countries, was threatening the other counties and showing itself off.

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Opava – The City Memory Changes under Different Countries and Regimes

Opava – The City Memory Changes under Different Countries and Regimes

Author(s): Ondřej Jirásek / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2020

Opava has always been a city on the border. So there have been many changes of regimes and states to which Opava belonged, as well as changes of the city’s ethnic composition. The most numerous and rapid changes happened during the 20th century; whereby the city was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire until 1918, then the first Czechoslovak republic until 1938, then part of the German Reich until 1945, then returning to be part of the Czechoslovak republic until 1993 and finally, as part of the Czech Republic till today. Within the century, Opava experienced a constitutional monarchy and periods of liberal democracy alternating with Nazi and Communist dictatorships. In addition to this, the circumstances of the Second World War changed the ethnic composition of the city. Thus, the history and cultural heritage of Opava are interesting sources for studying the politics of memory, the processes of urban space nationalization, as well as the symbolic changes. The politics of memory are, in certain forms, an expression of ideologies and efforts to fit memory by commemorating chosen cultural moments while other cultural moments are omitted by removing the links that lead to their remembrance. The main power groups try to convince the public of the legitimacy of their government by maintaining an awareness of the history held by the authority position or ideas that justify its legitimacy. In practice, the possibility to decide which elements of the past should be remembered have become an important source of power. The aim of the paper is to analyse and compare the politics of memory and efforts to change Opava’s symbolism. The study focuses primarily on the projection of ideologies and identities onto the symbolic landscape under different regimes during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Within the research the concept of urban symbolism is used in dealing with the city’s cultural dimension with a focus on the distribution and meaning of symbols and rituals in relation to the cultivated surroundings. Urban symbolism is expressed through different phenomena, such as the city layout, architecture, monuments and memorials, street and place names, as well as rituals, festivals and processions, as well as myths, novels, films, poetry, music, and websites. All of them can be considered symbol bearers. The study is limited to the analysis of urban public space aspects, such as the destruction and construction of symbolic sites (plaques, statues, monuments, buildings, graves), the renaming of streets and places, and commemorative rituals. In addition to literary sources, chronicles, periodicals and archival sources consulted. Also unrealized plans were taken into account, because especially plans testify to the politics of memory and the effort to change urban symbolism. The ambition of this article is to answer the following questions: How had been changing the politics of memory during the 20th century in Opava? How the city symbolism had been transforming in relation to the changes of jurisdiction to different states or political regimes and how sublimated into present form. How different approaches of political regimes and states to national history and cultural memory? The paper synthesizes the results of research of urban symbolism and politics of memory in the public space of Opava. It interprets and shows how urban public space has been adapting to the changes of regimes and the city symbolism has been modified consciously but also indirectly. Within all the regimes were obvious significant attempts to “transcode” the urban public space by removal of the sites of memory and the commemorative events and establishing of new ones. The physical and symbolic aspect of the city was influenced by the ideological and cultural values of its representatives and inhabitants as well as by specific socio-political circumstances and the ethnic composition of the city. The politics of memory has always been reflected in street names. Each regime attempted to delete the symbols of the previous one. The regime of the first Czechoslovak Republic wanted to change the monarchic Austrian city into a free Czech city (taking into account the German majority) and commemorated mainly prominent Czech individuals and victims of the First World War. Nazi Germany wanted to change the city image into a clearly German one. After the end of the Second World War, Czechoslovakia returned to the ideals of the “first republic” and tried to abolish not only the Nazi but also German past. The communist regime continued with transforming the public space according to socialist ideology. After the Velvet Revolution all symbols connected with communist dictatorship were removed from public spaces, and once again we can see a return to the ideals of the “first republic”. After the separation from Slovakia in 1993, the politics of memory has not significantly changed and public space is further shaped and transformed with the same approach to the urban symbolism. Despite the fact that the fluctuations between Germany and Czechoslovakia changed significantly the city symbolism from 1945 until today, some similar aspects can be traced, such as commemorating the victims of both wars, celebrating important Czech individuals, heroes and Soviet liberators. Likewise, all these regimes left the cultural memory of the unpleasant history associated with the persecution against Germans after the Second World War. And finally, the regimes of the first Czechoslovak Republic, German Reich and the third Czechoslovak Republic, all tried to make the national identity in the city stronger through a searching of the national architecture.

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Post-Communist Anti-Communism in Romania
Secret Police Files, Transitional Justice and Production of Knowledge
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Post-Communist Anti-Communism in Romania Secret Police Files, Transitional Justice and Production of Knowledge

Author(s): Cristina Petrescu,Dragoș Petrescu / Language(s): English Issue: 3-4/2024

This study examines the phenomenon of post-communist anti-communism in Romania and explores its multifaceted relationship with two key processes that unfolded after the bloody regime change of December 1989: the historical reconstruction of the communist past and the implementation of transitional justice. In Romania, the legal framework for transitional justice was adopted only in the late 1990s, and thus post-communist anti-communism also manifested as a battle for the opening of the archives of communism, including secret police archives. However, these archives remained closed throughout the 1990s, and as a result, memory emerged as the key term associated with justice, along with the complex processes of fact-finding and truth-seeking concerning the abuses committed under the communist regime. In this context, post-1989 research on communist and early post-communist Romania focused primarily on memory studies, as witness accounts abounded while archival sources were scarce, with emphasis on the recollections of those who suffered under communism. When transitional justice legislation was finally adopted, it did not enable lustration but allowed for the systematic public exposure of the wrongdoings committed under the communist regime. Paradoxically, the actual implementation of transitional justice, under the existing legislation, combined with the post-communist anti-communist ethos, led to the creation of a large, open-access online repository. This repository has allowed for a more sophisticated, and definitely more nuanced, approach to the complicated history of communist Romania.

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Holocaust Memory in the Post-communist Romanian Orthodox Church
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Holocaust Memory in the Post-communist Romanian Orthodox Church

Author(s): Anca-Diana Bălan / Language(s): English Issue: 17/2024

The main aim of this approach is to complete the picture of how the Romanian Orthodox Church (ROC) relates in the post-communist period to the role it played in the interwar period in the unfolding of the Holocaust in Romania. Three models of the Holocaust will be correlated to answer whether the ROC is an optic community in the sense that Eviatar Zerubavel confers to this concept: the institutional model of the Church, the scientific model, and the social model. We consider the institutional model of the Holocaust to be at the intersection of the models corresponding to the two levels of the Church under consideration: clerical (including the episcopal one) and lay. In structuring the episcopal model, we used the thematic analysis of articles dealing with the Holocaust or a related topic in the publications of the Patriarchate and the inland Metropolises, the period of analysis being 1990-2023. For the same period, the social pages of priests, laymen, and laity associations, macro- and micro-social media influencers are analyzed at clerical and lay level. The main conclusion of the analysis of the correspondence between the mnemonic models of the Holocaust mentioned above is that the ROC acts as an optic community. At the same time, the Romanian Orthodox Church shows itself as a mnemonic community that recalls the past regarding the phenomenon of the Holocaust in Romania in a certain way and constrains how this past is recalled.

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Програмите на Kорпуса на мира в България (1991 – 2013): цели и реализация
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Програмите на Kорпуса на мира в България (1991 – 2013): цели и реализация

Author(s): Simona Samuilova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2025

The purpose of this article is to examine the activities of the Peace Corps in Bulgaria as an instrument of US “soft power”. It is based on research and analysis of documents from the archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, annual reports and evaluations of the effectiveness of the volunteer organization during the period of its activity in the country (1991-2013). Using a chronological and thematic approach, the objectives of the organization are outlined. They combine a complex balance between the commitment and voluntary two-year service of thousands of Americans to promote „peace” and „understanding” among nations and the organization’s strategic goals of supporting US foreign policy interests in Central and Eastern Europe after the end of the Cold War. In Bulgaria, these are to promote economic reforms in the transition from a planned to a market economy (economic), to increase American influence (geostrategic), to promote democracy and to strengthen the pro-Western orientation of the younger generations (political).

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CHIEF RABBI ALEXANDRU ŞAFRAN AND THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN ROMANIA DURING THE NAZI, COMMUNIST AND POST-COMMUNIST PERIODS, A KABBALISTIC PERSPECTIVE

CHIEF RABBI ALEXANDRU ŞAFRAN AND THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN ROMANIA DURING THE NAZI, COMMUNIST AND POST-COMMUNIST PERIODS, A KABBALISTIC PERSPECTIVE

Author(s): Sorin Benescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 40/2025

This research aims to demonstrate that Rabbi Alexandru Şafran invoked the Sefira Hesed - divine charity, asking for mercy from the Romanian state authorities, appealing to the help of the Romanian Orthodox Church and the Catholic Church, especially the apostolic nuncio, and other international organizations. Through them, the research demonstrates that Şafran received divine mercy, the Sefira Hesed thus manifesting itself in favor of the Jewish community that Şafran led. During the Nazi period, Şafran, together with the community he led, therefore became the recipient of the Sefira Hesed. During the communist and post-communist periods, I demonstrate that Şafran also managed to become a sender, a channel of the Grace of this Sefira for Jews and Romanians.

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Anatomy of the End of Charter 77 (1990–1992): Between Politics, Morality, Business and Coming to Terms with the Past

Anatomy of the End of Charter 77 (1990–1992): Between Politics, Morality, Business and Coming to Terms with the Past

Author(s): Jiří Suk / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

The public appearance of Charter 77 (Charta 77) as the most significant independent civic initiative in communist Czechoslovakia in January 1977 represents a pivotal moment in the heroicizing narrative of the struggle for freedom and democracy in the Czech lands. However, its activities after the fall of the old regime receded under democratic conditions into the background and were overshadowed by the dynamic events of that era. Nevertheless, a considerable proportion of the post-1989 political and cultural elite originated from the Charter milieu, and a number of Charter activists in prominent positions played a significant role in shaping the country’s circumstances, most notably Václav Havel as Czechoslovak and subsequently Czech president. In his study, Jiří Suk presents a systematic account of the final three years of Charter 77’s existence (1990–1992), a period characterized by the struggle to redefine the purpose of its activities and an internal division within the pluralistic community, which had previously drawn its cohesion from solidarity in resisting autocratic government and ideology. In the author’s view, following the Velvet Revolution, the Charter served as both a catalyst for political and social change and a symbol of the dissidents’ seemingly Don Quixote-like efforts and their ultimate satisfaction. The crucial dilemmas for the Chartists arose, on the one hand, from the tension between politics and morality – which can be understood as the conflict between active involvement in the activities of nascent political movements and parties and the tendency to occupy the position of a sovereign moral arbiter over politics – and, on the other hand, from internal divisions within the soon-to-be polarized political scene. The author traces the ways in which, alongside the disappearance of liberal, conservative and radical tendencies among the members of the Charter 77 movement, the relationship to anti-communism and the process of coming to terms with the communist past (including disputes over the lustration law and the publication of lists of State Security (Státní bezpečnost) collaborators) became a significant point of contention. He pays particular attention to the conflicts associated with the Charter 77 Foundation (Nadace Charty 77), which was established in exile by the nuclear physicist František Janouch (1931–2024). Following the events of 1989, the Hungarian-American financier George Soros became a significant financial contributor to the Foundation, thus supporting his Central European business and philanthropic interests. The Soros-linked project to privatize the Foundation, however, was opposed by some Chartists, who perceived it as an attempt to capitalize on the Charter’s “brand”. In conclusion, the author demonstrates how this divergence of opinion was reflected in the discussions at the meetings of the Charter’s signatories, and how it translated into different ideas about its future role and activities. The inability to achieve a consensus resulted in a non-consensual decision to terminate the Charter in the autumn of 1992.

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