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The Michaelite Fathers (The Congregation of Saint Michael the Archangel) were the last to arrive in the territory of the Chełmno diocese among several orders which had started to operate there during the interwar period. At the same time, their arrival in Toruń was the only case of the order being brought to a given area by a clergyman of the diocese. Despite being involved in the work of St. Mary’s Rosary Institute from the beginning of 1939, the Michaelites did not manage to find their place in the sacral space of the town. They were not to blame for this. When Germans took over Toruń in the first days of September 1939, the only Michaelite was forced to leave the city. Nevertheless, the first steps in the work of the ministry in the city and dioceses had been already taken. The Michaelites returned to Toruń in 1948. They restored their activity in the district of Bydgoskie Przedmieście with a modest small chapel and building of the Rosary Institute. Originally, the priests exercised pastoral ministry among the inhabitants of the district, and later of the whole city, helping parish priests of other parish churches in Toruń. From year to year the congregation extended the scope of its activity among children and young people (until 1961 they taught religion at schools, later in special classrooms adjacent to parish churches), helping the poor, the sick, the handicapped, the blind. They worked also away from Toruń such as in the ministry centre, the parish church in Górsk, where the monks manager to build a sculpture commemorating the death of Rev. Popiełuszko. Prior to WWII, the Michaelites started to make an effort to have their own church built. They continued their efforts after the end of the war. The works lasted over 30 years. In 1949 the monks opened a public chapel, which was later extended, along with a monastic house. The plans of the construction of the church were ready in 1957. In 1963 a lot where the church was to be erected was acquired. The next step in the process of the creation of the Michaelites’ monastic houses in Toruń was the foundation of an independent pastoral centre in 1970. In 1976 the Roman Catholic Parish Church of Saint Michael the Archangel was set up in Toruń. Yet, the cornerstone was laid down in 1983 and consecrated in 1987.
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The review of: MICHÁLEK, Slavomír. RIVALI A PARTNERI STUDENEJ ÉRY. (RIVALS AND PARTNERS OF THE COLD ERA). Bratislava: VEDA, vydavateľstvo Slovenskej akadémie vied, 2017, 560 pages. ISBN 9788022416023.
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After 21 years since the end of the Cold War, the balance of power in the Pacific Ocean and Indian Ocean, as otherwise in the whole world, is evolving, changing under the pressure of countries that have become economically and especially military powerful. The US, China, India and Russia have argued over the status of world powers in the area. All these countries have realized that only relating on all levels, directly and continuously, each can fulfill their aspirations for strong global player recognized by the international community.
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On January 1, 1992, USSR disappeared as an international actor. At the same time, the four decades of Cold War ended. It was clear then, at the beginning of the nineties, that the rivalry between USA-USSR would not be prevalent anymore on the world political scene. Less clear, though, was the future development of the new international relations system and the way the relation between the two major actors would evolve.
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We are gathered on an elegant square in The Hague facing a brutalist icon with a group of artists and legal academics for a workshop in and on this building: the former American Embassy, designed by Hungarian born architect Marcel Breuer. It was designed and built to be the American Embassy, and it functioned as such from its inception in 1959 until the Americans left in 2018.
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In 2018, the US government moved its Dutch embassy to a new building in a suburb of The Hague and closed their previous headquarters near the city center. The original building is a 1950 brutalist monument designed by Marcel Breuer, which had always contrasted painfully with the elements of its 18th-century plaza, its beautiful brickwork, imitation gas lights, and linden trees. Of course the Americans did not move for esthetic reasons: its location downtown made it a security risk and the Americans were as unhappy with it as were the local residents who detested the black hole it had made in the urban fabric. This essay is the story of how I came to spend a year in the abandoned ex-embassy, an icon of Cold War architecture.
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One of the key elements that initiated the Cold War was the Polish question: In the last two years of World War II the issue of Poland came up during every general discussion among American, British, and Soviet statesmen. Polish-Soviet wrangling over their common border caused the breakdown of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Controversy over the composition of the Polish government in London-and increasingly over what kind of regime should represent the Polish people-raised tensions, and the period between the October 1943 Conference of Foreign Ministers in Moscow and the dramatic start of the Warsaw Uprising in August 1944 was critical for Poland's post-war fate. British and American statesmen looked at the Polish matter through the prism of relations with their ally, the Soviet Union, and wartime exigencies and pressures forced such an approach. [...]
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In May 1955, as the fate of a divided Germany was sealed, another Central European nation which also had experienced a decade of Allied occupation and administration was reunited and granted its sovereignty. Until December 1954, it had appeared that Austria would remain indefinitely occupied and vulnerable to the whims of the Cold War due to Soviet insistence that the the Austrian and German questions be linked. Ironically, during a period of high international tension, as the Federal Republic of Germany was integrated into NATO and the German Democratic Republic became a founding member of the Warsaw Pact, the Soviet Union, the United States, France and Great Britain came to an agreement to withdraw Austria from the Cold War. [...]
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This article is a review of the development of Latin American Studies in Bulgaria since the very beginning of relations between this country and the remote continent in the Western Hemisphere. While research and publications in the first half of 20th century were scarce and more of a travelogue genre, a new and genuine interest appeared after the revolution in Cuba, which was facilitated by close collaboration in respect to the socialist doctrine. Naturally, all research and publications during the Cold War had to fit ideological requirements. After 1989, the situation has changed and full freedom of scholarly research has allowed for a wide range of opinions to be voiced. However, Bulgaria entered a period of economic stagnation and lost most of its economic and trade ties with Latin America. As a result, there are significant difficulties in developing any studies beyond the European cultural space. Nevertheless, various attempts at refreshing connections with the Hispanic world on academic and other levels have been developed.
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As a result of the end of the Cold War period and the end of the bipolar system, there was a sudden change in the international system. New theoretical approaches have occurred in international discipline as a result of the inability of the dominant theories of the Cold War Period to foresee this development and to be theoretically inadequate in describing the change. As a result, the theoretical approaches that occurred in the discipline, acting on new concepts in the international system statement, developed theoretical propositions and arguments. One of the new theories that emerged in the post-Cold War international system and in the statement was the theory of social construction. Social construction, which considers the concept of identity as a unit of theoretical proposition and analysis, deals with the discipline of international relations through the concept of identity and analyzes the international system and actors in the international system in the context of identity security relationship.
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On April 10, 1975, in an address before a Joint Session of the Congress President Gerald Ford said that “the situation in South Vietnam and Cambodia has reached a critical phase requiring immediate and positive decisions by this government.” In his view the United States had two options. Either to “let the Government of South Vietnam save itself and what is left of its territory, if it can,” or “to enforce the Paris accords with our troops and our tanks and our aircraft and our artillery and carry the war to the enemy”. To help South Vietnam to repel communist aggression, Ford requested that “Congress consider appropriating additional funds” ($722 million) “in very specific military supplies”. Ford also reminded the Congress of the fate of “nearly 6,000 Americans who remain in South Vietnam and tens of thousands of South Vietnamese employees of the United States Government, of news agencies, of contractors and business for many years whose lives, with their dependents, are in very grave peril.” With no Congress authorization for additional funds for Saigon troops, Ford ordered the evacuation of “all American personnel remaining in South Vietnam” (over 1,300 Americans) and around 5,600 Vietnamese. With the fall of Saigon, on April 30, 1975, the war that influenced the foreign policy decisions of four American administrations (Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford) ended. While Kennedy’s support for South Vietnam was based on his belief that “every time a country, regardless of how far away it may be from our borders passes behind the Iron Curtain the security of the United States is thereby endangered”, Johnson viewed the commitment to prevent communist expansion into Indochina as a test of credibility for the United States: “We are in South Vietnam because we have a promise to keep… Around the globe, from Berlin to Thailand, are people whose well-being rests, in part, on the belief that they can count on us if they are attacked. To leave Vietnam to its fate would shake the confidence of all these people in the value of an American commitment and the value of America’s word.”
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This article aims to discuss the main points on the agenda of the Romanian-Bulgarian high-level meetings in the period 1965-1985 and is based mainly on Romanian archival documents. During their frequent meetings, Nicolae Ceaușescu and Todor Zhivkov addressed topics such as the domestic policies of the two countries; the Romanian-Bulgarian bilateral relations (political, economic, cultural and scientific); issues on the international agenda such as the collaboration in the Balkans and with other socialist countries, with the member states of the international organizations of the communist block - W.T.O. and COMECON; European security; disarmament; the international communist and labour movement etc. The two leaders paid a special attention to the bilateral talks, and sincerely intended to strengthen the collaboration between their countries. Since their first meeting, occasioned by Nicolae Ceaușescu's official visit to Bulgaria in September 1965, the idea of broadening the Romanian-Bulgarian relations by strengthening the mutual trust dominated all meetings between the two leaders, being reiterated each time. The differences of opinion on some issues on the international agenda were naturally determined by the different historical conditions in which the two countries evolved.
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Politics of Albania during the communist period (1945-1989) is basically defined by two distinct periods. Between 1945-1977, the authoritarian regime of Enver Hoxha always sought political, economic and ideological support from a great power with the same communist ideology, a kind of „protectorate” able to confer economic and state security. Immediately after the war, between 1945-1949, the regime had as ally Tito’s Yugoslavia, which has overextended its protectorate, worrying the regime from Tirana. Relations with Yugoslavia were broken, being replaced by the USSR. Until Stalin’s death, relations were good, but the conciliatory policy of Khrushchev with the western states and Yugoslavia will gradually cool relations with Albania. In addition, the economic support given by USSR was on remand and directed mainly to the agricultural sector and not to the industry, as the regime of Tirana wanted. In April 1962, the USSR relationships came to an end. What followed was a long relationship with China, from which it received a substantial economic and financial aid, with greater freedom in the development of economic, especially industrial goals. Albania supported and implemented its own version of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, which was taken to the extreme. A slight cooling of relations between the two countries occurred with the change in China’s foreign policy (toward the USSR, Yugoslavia and resumption of relations with the US), something that Albania was not consulted of. But Albania needed the economic support of China. In July 1978, the Chinese government, increasingly tired of the vehement criticism coming from the Albanian regime, suspended military and economic relations with Albania. Thus, Albania entered a period of deep external isolation, while internally E. Hoxha strengthened his totalitarian regime. Political and economic independence was taken to the extreme, Albania resisting with internal resources and the accumulation of previous years. This state of isolation was maintained by the Albanian leader until his death in 1985, manifested especially with the great powers, the USA, USSR and China but also to other Western countries and from the communist bloc, like Yugoslavia. His successor, Ramiz Alia, initially continued this containment policy, followed in the 1990s by a relaxation of Albania’s relations with other countries of the world, including the USA.
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After the end of Cold War and fall of communist regimes in Eastern Europe, Romanian Armed Forces attended to many international missions, on various theatres of operations and on several continents. After being the first country who signed the Partnership for Peace back in 1994, Romania embarked on a long process of political and military transformation in order to meet NATO`s criteria for membership. That necessity and the participation to multinational operations has brought profound transformations both in concepts and the doctrine of the armed forces.
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The paper analyses the role of German Chancellor Willy Brandt in the process of detente in the early 1970s, through the realisation of the ‘Eastern policy’, aimed at relaxing relations with the countries of the ‘Eastern Bloc’, primarily with the Soviet Union, the Democratic Republic of Germany, and Poland, in order to improve the international position of the Federal Republic of Germany and reduce the Cold War tensions. In addition to the analysis of political negotiations and activities, the paper also emphasises the personal relationships that Willy Brandt built with the Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, that is, the importance of the mutual trust of the two politicians, which was reflected in the successful results of bilateral relations between the two countries, as well as in the overall world politics. The paper is based in part on the research conducted during the process of writing of an unpublished master’s thesis entitled ‘The Eastern Policy of German Chancellor William Brandt and Yugoslavia in the period of 1969-1974’, with sections reworked and amended with the results of recent research and published material.
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Similar to sex, the Soviet Union did not have corporations. The famous utterance from the Gorbachev era about a sexless Soviet existence suggests how we might approach what happened to the corporation in Soviet history. Like explicit sex in Soviet culture, the workers’ state formally eradicated the dreaded incorporated bodies of capitalism and gave them no quarter in subsequent ideological battles. But just like sex, the behaviors and practices of corporations kept cropping up in the oddest places to help sustain the Soviet economy, while the West remained a source of inspiration for new ways to do it. To examine the corporation in the Soviet era, this article explores Aeroflot and the routes it shared with Pan American World Airways between the United States and Soviet Union in the late 1960s and 1970s. I argue that operating in the US market allowed Aeroflot to learn how to become a corporation well before the Gorbachev era and the collapse of the USSR. Aeroflot’s adaptations of corporate practices bolstered rather than threatened the airline and the Soviet political economy. In addition, I show how the airline relied not just on Pan Am but also on a network of American businesses and individuals, including émigrés from Russia, to acculturate itself to corporate practices. What Aeroflot’s example suggests, I argue, is that Soviet enterprises could become corporations in all but name beyond Soviet borders and that their models for doing so were not prerevolutionary Russian corporations but Western corporations of the postwar era. This article also demonstrates the ways corporations and state socialist enterprises shaped the Cold War, as well as what closer attention to them can reveal about how the superpower conflict ended.
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Review of the Bulgarian translation of the book “Victim of fate” by Osman Kilic
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The paper focuses on the analysis of strategies of constructing images of Spain and Ukraine by the Ukrainian emigrants of the first wave who arrived in Madrid after World War II to study at the Central University (today Universidad Complutense) and the Polytechnic University. The Ukrainians looked upon themselves as discoverers of Spain for Ukraine and as spiritual ambassadors of their motherland in the Hispanic world. The visions of Spain and Ukraine created by the first wave of the Ukrainian emigration reflect their right nationalist ideology. Being Greek Catholics who served in the Division “Galichina”, the students continued their fight against the USSR in new forms and without any problem accepted the Francoist culture. As a result, the image of Spain disseminated by them contains such features as spirit of chivalry, of Catholic crusade; strong presence of Catholicism which impregnates everything; traditionalism, anticommunism, and anti-consumerism. In these terms, the image of Ukraine is a product of the worldview which is juxtaposed to sovietization, modernization, and globalization, to all those negative tendencies that, in their opinion, could change the eternal National-Catholic spirit. It is a vision of the Ukrainian as traditional, folklore nationalist, and anti-communist, which recognizes itself in the mythical and eternal past, and faces away from history.
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The rally organized on December 21, 1989 for NicolaeCeaușescu to obtain the support of the population of the Romanian capital and to stabilize the course of events that shook Romania, was hijacked and destabilized public order. The author of the article explains the events using archive documents, bibliography and interviews that she herself took to some actors of the events, like Virgil Măgureanu and Dan Voinea, or to some investigators of the events, like SorinRoșcaStănescu.The author shows that the events were also the result of dissatisfaction accumulated and stimulated by the event organizers, but also influenced by foreign intelligence services, making special reference to the CIA.The article also mentions how Nicolae Ceaușescu reacted to this event.
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