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The essay aims to analyse the "Adriatic communism" policy implemented in the period from World War II to the eve of the schism between Stalin and Tito in 1948, with the subsequent rift in relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and the expulsion of Belgrade from the socialist camp. The essay focuses on the figure of Vittorio Vidali, an Italian communist leader (born in Muggia, near Trieste) with a long and prominent militant role in the Soviet intelligence services as evidenced by his involvement in various events both in Europe and the United States. The choice to focus the analysis on Vittorio Vidali is based on the decisive role he played in the "Adriatic communism" in the stages immediately preceding the Tito–Stalin split and then during the years of the Cominform's opposition against the Party and the Yugoslav regime after 1948.
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The review examines the edition of Estonian history of art: Eesti kunsti ajalugu. Kd. 6: 1940–1991: I osa (Tallinn: Eesti Kunstiakadeemia, 2013); Eesti kunsti ajalugu. Kd. 6: 1940–1991: II osa (Tallinn: Eesti Kunstiakadeemia, 2016).The ambitious six-volume project of the history of Estonian art was launched in 1999, and the two-part volume examined here is the largest addition to the series.The richly illustrated series is published in Estonian; however, quite substantial English summaries (28 pages in part I, 31 pages in part II) allow also foreign readers to grasp at least a broad outline of the facts, structure and methodology
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Prikaz/The review of: Александар Животић, Југославија и Суецка криза 1956-1957, Београд, 2008, 349.
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Међународна конференција „East-Central Europe in the Cold War,1945–1989“, Варшава, 16–18. октобар 2008 / International Conference „East-Central Europe in the Cold War, 1945–1989“, Warsaw, October 16–18 2008
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Југословенски (Титов) сукоб са СССР-ом (Стаљином) 1948. године представљао је сложено размимоилажење кроз које су се преламали различити фактори: идеолошки, партијски, политички, војни, економски, културни, лични итд. Југославија и Тито су до сукоба били верни следбеници прве земље комунизма и совјетског вође Стаљина. Идеолошка сродност није била спорна и управо су Ј. Б. Тито и партија (Комунистичка Партија Југославије – КПЈ) уз совјетску помоћ дошли на власт у Југославији. Због тога су од западних земаља окарактерисани као најтврђи следбеници совјетског вође, у свету који jе након завршетка једног, кренуо у други, „Хладни рат“. Сукоб је изненадио Запад који у почетку мислио да је реч о „породичној“ свађи Истока. Увиђајући да је реч о спору који се неће превазићи заузео је став Титовог одржања, пружајући му подршку. [...]
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Међународни научни скуп „Балкан и проблеми међународних односа за време Другог светског рата и на почетку хладног рата: пројекти стварања федерација, информбиро, совјетско-југословенски сукоб“, Београд, 23–24. октобар 2009. годинe / International Conference “The Balkans and Problems of International Relations During the WWII and at the Beggining of the Cold War: Projects of Federations, Cominform and Soviet – Yugoslav Split”, Belgrade, 23–24 October 2009
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The Cold War was neither a national nor a bilateral conflict. It was multilateral in many respects. Research into military activities vis-à-vis third states and especially the so-called Third World, therefore, cannot be limited to individual states like the GDR. Rather, successful research inevitably calls for a supranational and multilateral point of view. To determine the historical scale and impact of GDR military aid it would be necessary to take a short look at the military commitment of other states, east and west, and their armed forces in the Third World and in Southern Africa in particular. However, due to the limited scope of this paper, this point cannot be addressed further more. Only this aspect: To protect their interests in Africa, Middle East or Latin-America the superpowers exploited the conflicting parties. East and west regarded the conflicts in Southern Africa as a Cold War sideshow, albeit not quite that „cold“. The East German NVA was by far not the only actor in this play. Weapons from the north, from east and west, were used against the civilian population. And with the end of the East-West conflict neither the delivered weapons nor the guerilla fighters disappeared. To this day, the military commitment of East Germany in the Third World, in particular in Southern Africa, has been the topic of sometimes unfounded speculations. This paper set out to contribute to an academic reappraisal of this secret part of GDR history. Between 1967 and 1989 the GDR supported its partners in Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America in military matters. For more than 20 years the East German military provided so-called solidarity assistance. East Berlin supplied weapons and military equipment but also medical relief goods and food. The GDR army trained foreign military personnel at its schools in East Germany. At least in the cases of Southern Africa and Mozambique in particular there is no evidence in the files and other proofed sources that East Germany deployed military combat units or a large number of military advisers. The above-mentioned initial research results have confirmed that military contacts with foreign countries were by no means a sole responsibility of the NVA. Rather, they were determined by the foreign-policy objectives and ideological principles of the state and party leadership and specified down to the last detail. The armed forces acted on the explicit directions of the party leadership. The People’s Army therefore acted as part of the GDR’s agreed foreign policy and met the requirements and objectives of the SED leadership. Sensational reports have always been in demand. But they do not do justice to the diversity of motives and the very varied, repeatedly conflicting and quite contradictory interests and objectives of the GDR. However, East Germany did not provide any political solution in the so called Third World. Given its weak international standing, the GDR was not in the position to do so.
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Научни скуп „Хладни рат – прошлост, садашњост, будућност“, Сарајево, Коњиц, Мостар 2–5. децембар 2010. године, / Conference “The Cold War – past, present, future”, Sarajevo, Konjic, Mostar (Bosnia and Herzegovina), 2nd to 5th of December 2010
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The article examines the impact that the political crises which occurred in 1956 in two communist countries in Eastern Europe (Hungary and Poland) had on the translation in France of literary works originating in these countries. The aim is not to analyse the dynamics of these crises as such, but their effects on the internationalization of the professional trajectories of writers who expressed a political commitment on this occasion, and on the circulation of their works. The analysis also takes into account the reconfiguration of the intellectual space in which these works were translated, targeting the redefinition of the positions of various actors who favoured the literary transfers. These different angles of analysis enable one to investigate, on several levels, the link between political commitment and the international circulation of literary works, showing that an overlapping between the political and literary stages occurred far beyond the national spaces in which the crises of 1956 took place.
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Prikaz/The review of: Љубодраг Димић, Југославија и Хладни рат. Огледи о спољној политици Јосипа Броза Тита (1944–1974), Архипелаг, Београд 2014, 388 стр.
More...a Smith-Mundt-törvény
This study analyses the 1948 Smith-Mundt Act in relation to the broadcasting station Radio Free Europe. The Act, which enabled the US Government institutions – especially the State Department – to overtly spread media propaganda materials abroad, has to be understood within the context of the Cold War’s world-wide political mediapropaganda. This study also looks into the “afterlife” of the Act, the Smith-Mundt Modernization Act of 2012, which amended the original United States Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948 in order to authorize the Secretary of State and the Broadcasting Board of Governors “to provide for the preparation and dissemination of information intended for foreign audiences abroad about the United States, including its people, its history, and the federal government’s policies, through press, publications, radio, motion pictures, the Internet, and other information media, including social media, and through information centers and instructors”.
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On the basis of available archive materials, the following contribution outlines the role of the Yugoslav leadership in the first skirmishes of the Cold War, especially the mine laying in the Corfu Channel. Namely, in 1946 the relations between Yugoslavia and the Western Allies became very tense, and this lasted until the ultimate break-up between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. This phenomenon was not only characteristic for Yugoslavia. However, this country was most consistent and independent of all the communist states, which did not always make the best impression on the Moscow circles. Yugoslavia also intervened fatally in the international relations of its close but subordinated ally Albania with the West. Namely, with the agreement of the narrower Albanian leadership it prevented the British recognition of the Albanian government and the improvement of the Albanian relations with the Western superpowers, ensuring, in the key moment, the strengthening of its influence in Albania, which then became also formally and legally almost all-encompassing.
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In Today’s world the USA known as super power in International Relations and involved almost all crisis by using it’s economic, politic and military power either solve or incite the problem in order to its national interests. The USA can be seen sometimes behind the stage and sometimes directly within the events, therefore the methods and approaches of America generally accepted as controversial in world politics. This situation based on exceptionalist characteristics of USA because the America called as hegemonic power or gendarmerie of world by many scholars. The aim of this study is to examine US policy toward Cyprus after post cold war period until Annan Plan. In that case, the study is consisting generally three parts. In the fırst part, the new conjuncture of the world after cold war and situation of Cyprus Question in US foreign policy was examined. In the second part, the developments and American policy during 1995 - 2001 was determined and finally in the third part, the process before Annan Plan and later developments was examined by considering US foreign policy.
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The future and the obstacles faced by the relations between Serbia and the European Union are subject of many studies. An interesting fact is that most of these studies lack analysis on the historic experience gained when Serbia was part of Yugoslavia. Even recent European publications and handbooks do not mention the longstanding cooperation with Yugoslavia before 1989. This silence is completely undeserved. Yugoslavia has a long and successful collaboration with the European Economic Community created in 1958. The relations between Serbia and the EEC follow and are synchronized with the process of integration with Western Europe. The relationship between the EEC and Yugoslavia can be divided into four phases. The first phase is from 1958 to 1968, the second phase is from 1968 to 1976, the third phase is from 1976 to 1989 and the last – after 1989. Concrete steps have been taken, but there was no historic time for Yugoslavia to join the European Community.
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The review of: Darko Bekić: Jugoslavija u hladnom ratu, Globus, Zagreb 1988, 764 str.
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In international politics, certain periods have been called by the names of the states that have stamped those centuries or by the agreements that have been made. For example, the period during which the Roman Empire ruled, which had vast territory for many years and inspired the later States from law to the system of administration, was called the “Pax Romana”, the “Roman peace” period. With the Treaty of Westphalia signed in 1648, the term "Westphalian period" began. Although a different era has started in the political arena of the World, a few centuries later the larger empires led the international system. In the first quarter of the twentieth century, the League of Nations was founded at the end of the First World War, which caused great destruction. After the Second World War, it was renamed the United Nations.
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Eurasianism, which is a movement of idea that emerged in time of crisis in Russia, gained influence in the Russian political thought at the end of the 1980s, when the USSR began to give signs of collapse. This understanding, which is called as New Eurasianism, has started to be mentioned with Alexander Dugin, who has made his voice heard outside of Russia and who has ability to direct Russian political elite. Essentially, Dugin’s idea of Eurasianism is based on the competition between “land” and “sea” powers, which he borrowed from Mackinder. Dugin, who claims that this competition has came into existence in the rivalry between Russia and the USA today, has argued that the formation of a Eurasian Empire, where Russian Empire take place in its center, is vital to gain the upper hand in this struggle. Although Dugin pointed out that Turkey was an important threat to Eurasianism project in his book titled as “Russian Geopolitics”, which he wrote at the end of 1990s, he has begun to mention to include Turkey to Eurasianism as a partner in the following process. However, historical geopolitical competition between the two countries, which expressed repeatedly by Dugin himself, stands as an obstacle in front of this partnership.
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For over thirty years United States diplomacy during World War II has been one of the major battlegrounds of American historiography. Like other areas of intense dispute, the history of this period has inspired a large volume of literature, has been assessed in the light of present-day issues, and has been affected by the emergence of distinct schools of interpretation. In at least (two areas, however, the historiography of World War II diplomacy is unique. Owing to an apparently insatiable public interest in the war and the availability of massive documentation, the number of historical works is not simply large; it is enormous, and continues to grow rapidly. And while these works can be divided into schools of thought which parallel those for other major historiographical issues, interpretations of United States World War II diplomacy often have a distinctive quality because of the influence of the cold war on its interpreters. Throughout the postwar era, in fact, World War II diplomacy has been treated not as an event unto itself, but as an explanation of the events that followed. The impact of the cold war on World War II historiography may not appear as great as it did during the 1950 s and 1960 s, but that is because the conflict itself is more uncertain and non ideological than it was in the past. Just as the interpretations of the 1950 s reflected the cold war consensus and those of the 1960 s reflected the breakdown of that consensus, so recent interpretations reflect the more balanced and polycentric approach of the United States to Soviet-American relations in the 1970 s. As long as the victors of World War II continue to play a major role in international affairs, the state of their relations will continue to have a major impact on interpretations of United States World War II diplomacy.
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Organizational culture is formed by and joins with further cultures — particularly the comprehensive culture of the societies in which it functions. This comment climaxes the encounters that global organizations face in launching and upholding a amalgamated culture when functioning in the framework of numerous national, regional and international cultures. In NATO’s foundation years, it was impossible for NATO to resist against Soviet Union’s conventional power. Therefore a new organizational culture, in other words, NATO culture had to be formed as West and strategy was depending on the nuclear weapons’ dissuasive role, and the usage of nuclear weapons was accepted as the fundamental factor of the strategy concept in case of Soviet Union’s aggressive attitude to NATO countries. But, a nuclear duello between USA and Soviet Union may cause an irreparable destruction in Europe and America, so one side’s victory does not mean too much, because of this attitude massive nuclear retaliation concept was abandoned, and changes were done in strategic concept in the frame of more rational and soft principles. In the tension period, NATO’s defense planning was founded on two strategic concepts; selective use of Nuclear Weapons and Trip Wire Strategy and organizational culture is developed accordingly.
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