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W nocy z 16 na 17 marca 1942 r. o godzinie 22.00 getto w Lublinie zostało otoczone przez SS i formacje pomocnicze1. Na zaciemnionych ulicach włączono oświetlenie. Przedstawiciele Policji Bezpieczeństwa zakomunikowali zebranym pospiesznie członkom Judenratu decyzję o przesiedleniu większości mieszkańców, wyjąwszy posiadaczy wydanych tydzień wcześniej kart pracy. Mieli oni zostać przeniesieni do wydzielonej części getta. Pozostali mieli podlegać deportacji. Wszelkie próby uchylania się od wywózki miały być karane śmiercią. Z miejsca przystąpiono do realizacji tego planu. Oprawcy wdzierali się do mieszkań, wypędzając zdezorientowanych Żydów na ulice. Zastrzelono kilkadziesiąt osób, a 1500 zapędzono na rampę kolejową.
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The main topic of this paper is the history of the Monument to the Jews of Osijek and Slavonia, the victims of the Holocaust, from idea to erection. The work of the sculptor Oscar Nemon (1906-1985), the monument was erected in 1965 in Osijek and Danica Pinterović, PhD, historian and head of the Museum of Slavonia in Osijek, played a significant, if not the key, role in its being put up – as an expert adviser, whose opinion was in demand and appreciated, as a mediator and as a person involved in its realization. However, the outward form of the monument did not comply with the image the artist had in mind – the size should have been much larger. Instead, the maquette, i.e. the plaster model of the monument – the sculpture made by Nemon in his studio in England, a sculpture somewhat larger than life size – was cast in bronze and placed in Osijek. The sculpture has the form of a slender pillar developing into the bust of a mother holding up her child. The symbolism is explained by the artist himself: “My sculpture does not represent a judgemental view, quite the contrary; it is a figure expressing enthusiasm and vitality symbolizing the never-ending yearning of the Jews for philanthropy. The symbol of motherhood is a symbol understood throughout the world.” The monument was Nemon’s donation to the city of Osijek – Nemon made it at the invitation of the Jewish Community of Osijek and dedicated it in form of a plaster model to his hometown. It was placed in front of the Jewish Community Centre of Osijek. The interpretation of the meaning of this monument in Osijek raises the following questions: why was it erected, to whom was it dedicated and what message did convey? The Holocaust of the Jews of Osijek and Slavonia was the reason why this monument was erected – it was primarily a dedication to them and its message was love, that is to say, philanthropy, as stated by the author. Nevertheless, from the very beginning the local newspapers tried to equivocate, in their public correspondence, concerning the information to whom the monument was dedicated; hence the interpretation of the meaning of the monument varied between the war sufferings of the Jews and the universal victims of fascist terror. Nemon’s sculpture was, eventually, put in place, unveiled and read as a monument to the victims of fascism. The reasons for such a presentation and the interpretation of the meaning of this monument were understandable considering the historical-political context of the period in which it was made – the suffering of the Jews in the Holocaust was at that time presented as part of the same tragic fate that the other nations and ethnicities of Yugoslavia had shared. On the other hand, the modified interpretation of the Osijek monument raises the issue of the society facing the heritage of the Holocaust that was hard to bear, as witnessed by the way in which the Tenja Jewish Camp not far from Osijek was commemorated (it was the Ustasha concentration camp from which the Jews from Osijek and the surrounding area were deported to extermination camps in 1942; on the monument there is no mention of this). Today the “Mother and Child” Monument of Osijek should be interpreted unambiguously and without generalization, precisely as it was intended – as a monument to the Jews of Osijek and Slavonia, the victims of the Holocaust. Furthermore, in the Republic of Croatia this monument is the only sculpture established in a public city area – all other monuments dedicated to the Holocaust are established, almost without exception, on Jewish cemeteries. This paper is concerned with scholarship and publications of Danica Pinterović dedicated to the sculptor Oscar Nemon. The first scholarly articles on Oscar Nemon were published by Danica Pinterović in the Encyclopaedia of Fine Arts, 1964, and a more comprehensive scholarly text in the scholarly journal “Osječki zbornik” in 1967 in which she referred to significant biographical data and the chronology of Nemon’s art work. Later authors, studying Nemon’s biography and opus, to a great extent, drew on the text of Danica Pinterović as the foundation for their own considerations and contributions to Nemon’s biography on his life and art.
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The review of: - Dieter J. Hecht in drugi (ur.), 1938: Auftakt zur Shoah in Österreich: Orte - Bilder - Erinnerungen. Milena Verlag, Dunaj 2008, 48 strani. - Werner Koroschitz, Lisa Rettl, Tu smo bili doma ... O judovski družini Scharfberg v Železni Kapli / Wir gehörten hierher ... Über die jüdische Familie Scharfberg in Eisenkappel. Založba Drava, Celovec 2008, 122 strani.
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The review of: Ruth Wodak / Peter Novak / Johanna Pelikan / Helmut Gruber / Rudolf de Cillia / Richard Mitten: Wir sind alle unschuldige Täter. Frankfurt, Suhrkamp, 1990, 401 strani.
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The review of: Der Mord an den Juden im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Entschlussbildung und Verwirklichung. Herausgegeben von Eberhard Jückel und Jürgen Rohwer. Stuttgart 1985, 246 str.
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The review of: Antun Miletić: Koncentracioni logor Jasenovac 1941—1945, Dokumenta, knjiga I, II, Beograd 1986, III, Beograd 1987, 567 + 557 + 877 str.
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The end of the 1930s was critical for the democratic regime of the Czechoslovak Republic and the international situation after the signature of the Munich agreement on 29th September 1938. The movement for autonomy for Slovakia resulted in the declaration of Slovak autonomy on 6th October 1938. The Hlinka´s Slovak People‘s Party (HSĽS) immediately started to establish a single ruling party system. During this relatively short 6-month period, until the declaration of the Slovak State in March 1939, significant political changes were dramatically implemented. The conservative, nationalist, and Christian regime of the HSĽS initiated the process of forming a “new” Slovakia under the protective umbrella of Nazi Germany, including the struggle against its enemies – real and also fictitious. The move to Slovak Autonomy represented a significant transition period when the planning and organisation of the initial phase of the Holocaust and the persecution of other potential opponents was begun by political representatives.
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Antisemitism was part of the anti-Jewish policy of the “ľudák” regime in Slovakia during World War II. Deportations to the concentration camps in occupied Poland meant that the overwhelming majority of the Slovak Jewish community was wiped out. Shortly after the war, two groups of Holocaust survivors were formed. One group, in an effort to prevent their descendants from learning the truth about what they had been through, kept their past secret. On the contrary, the other group felt an inner need to talk about the concentration camps. Even decades later, the succeeding generation of children still experienced the trauma suffered by their loved ones. It has become their own trauma, because they have found themselves in a situation where they, too, have to come to terms with the Holocaust, with the past which is merciless and which has a common denominator for both generations: being impacted by Jewishness.
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The article discusses the issue of using the expression ‘Polish death camps’ and its equivalents in various languages. The author states that language structures and the act of communication are immanently ambiguous and to understand an expression it needs to be specified. The expression ‘Polish death camp(s)’ might be understood in at least two ways: (1) camps that are set in Poland, on the territory of Poland (based on location), and (2) camps set up and administrated by the Polish government, operated by Poles. The choice of one of those meanings depends on the statement and context as well as on the awareness of the recipient. It is conditioned by her personal experiences—social, political, cultural and so much more, at the same time being also conditioned by stereotypes. Even should we assume that all the parties involved show good will in public discourse, the usage of the expression(s) in question might lead to misunderstandings and establishing false historic beliefs about the actual perpetrators.
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Anselm Kiefer has been present on the international art scene for decades. He is ranked among the most outstanding contemporary artists. The significance of his art springs from both the variety and importance of the subjects he treats, in particular the question of the Holocaust, and the diversity of artistic media and originality of formal solutions he employs. His erudite oeuvre derives from German and world history, culture, Bible, Kabbalah, mythology, legends, literature, philosophy, and theories of science. The formula of my article was inspired by the observations on Kiefer’s art articulated in a monograph by Daniel Arasse. I apply elements of analytical and hermeneutic methods to indicate the numerous contexts in which the motif of ‘fall’ appears in Kiefer’s art. I also point to the possibility of various interpretations of this motif. I examine general, formal qualities of Kiefer’s oeuvre and analyze some chosen artworks he authored, e.g., Fallen Pictures, Icarus, Resurrexit, Winter Forest, The Breaking of the Vessels, and Starfall. The motif that comes to the fore in Kiefer’s art is primarily that of the Holocaust and of the possibility of representation ‘after Auschwitz.’ Referring to particular works of the artist, I highlight the issue of the continuation of the myth in the present in his art in order to show how the works in question derive from the antique, biblical and kabalistic traditions, simultaneously connecting these traditions to the drama of the history of the 20th century. By reference to Kiefer’s artworks already analyzed in Polish literature, as well as to those less known, I indicate the complexity of their inspiration and message, as well as the evolution of Anselm Kiefer’s artistic attitude observed during his career.
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The review of: Dalla guerra fascista al campo di sterminio della Risiera (Od fašistične vojne do uničevalnega taborišča v Rižami) Friuli - Venezia Giulia 1940 – 1945
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The review of: Jean-Francois Steiner, Treblinka. Prevedel Marko Selan. Zavod Borec, Ljubljana 1972, 319 strani, 8°
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Stane Terčak je doslej napisal nekaj knjig in člankov s področja osvobodilne borbe. Nekatere med njimi so strogo dokumentarne, nekatere pa literarne. »Ukradeni otroci«, ki jih je izdala založba Borec v Ljubljani in mu zanje tudi podelila Kajuhovo. nagrado za leto 1960, so prav gotovo njegovo najboljše dokumentarno delo. So pa tudi najbolj pretresljivo delo od vseh, kar jih je kdo napisal o narodnoosvdbodilni borbi. Že sama fotografija neznane deklice v zbirnem taborišču v Celju, ki jo je objavil na uvodni strani, je tako' pretresljiva, da nam bo ostala še dolgo v spominu, kot nam bo ostala v spominu pretresljiva fotografija osemletnega židoivskega otroka z dvignjenimi rokami, kj ga nacistična soldateska žene iz varšavskega gheta v smrt. Kakšna podobnost motivov! [...]
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The author of the article analyses the image of Jewish ghetto in Lodz during the WWII in the light of announcements published and distributed within the ghetto. The analysis covered 322 prints in total, which were distributed between May 1941 and June 1944. During the German occupation the announcements were the basic source of information about the applicable rules and organization of life in the Jewish ghettos in relation to all their dimensions: social, religious, cultural, economic and professional. From this short, formal and official texts the author reconstructs the picture of everyday life of the Jewish community closed in the ghetto. The content of the announcements is not only a valuable source of information about the historical truth of that period, but also an unique case study of the way and scope of communication under such extreme and special conditions like life in the Jewish ghetto in occupied Poland and about the functions that the announcements fulfilled as a medium of public communication.
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The author compares the descriptions of the two opposite religious experiences engendered in the period of destruction of the Warsaw ghetto, and the two images of God connected to it. One experience emerges from the consolation sermons of rabbi Kelman Szapira from Piaseczno, in which the immense suffering of the murdered Jews corresponds to the image of God, who suffers. The other experience is contained in the poem of Kacenelson Pieśń o zamordowanym żydowskim narodzie, particularly in the song 9 Do niebios, where the poet, after the vehement accusations against “the heaven” breaks the Israel’s covenant with God, and the murdered Jewish children take his place. The frame for comparison is the motif of transcendental tragedy, which originates as a result of the transformations of the antithetic images of God, combining in one schema of events, derived from the tragedy, the images of “God-tragedy”, blamed for the disaster, and “tragic God”, identified with the faultless suffering.
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This paper deals with the concept of singularity with special regard to the problem of historical singularity. On the one hand, attention is devoted to contemporary thinkers such as Sartre, Badiou, Deleuze, Basso, Hallward, Hardt/Negri and Agamben, in order to reconstruct the main dilemmas and challenges. The author confronts these thinkers by taking into consideration the key notions of these debates: universality, representation, difference/indifference, individuality, multiplicity, contingency, creativity. On the other hand, this paper focuses on the debates over the singularity of the Holocaust by applying the insights of the previous Begriffsgeschichte of singularity. An excursus is devoted to Fatelessness, written by Imre Kertész.
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German camps were the pivot of the invador’s system of occupation in Serbia. The formation of camps was begun after the assault of the Third Reich on the Soviet Union on 22 June, 1941 and was practically finished by July of the following year. There were five principle camps in Serbia: two in Belgrade (in Banjica and the Fair), and the others in Niš, Sabac and Veliki Bečkerek/Petrovgrad. The purpose of the camps was to isolate, torture and (or) liquidate real or potential opponents and even entire nations (Jews and Gypsies). The prisoners served as hostages for German mass reprisals for losses suffered in their battles against the rebels and, from the summer of 1942, these prisoners were also used for labor in work and concentration camps in other occupied lands and the Third Reich. In the second half of 1942 a system of work camps was also formed in Serbia, usually near mines (Bar, Trepča etc.) and on farms in Banat. In May 1942, German camps in Serbia began co-operating with those in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška and, from the beginning of the following year, with German camps in the Independent State of Croatia. The main German camp in occupied Serbia and the whole of the European southeast was the camp situated at the Belgrade Fair. It would be wrong to call these places concentration camps since they represented a subsystem in the European system of German camps (work, concentration and death camps). The question of the number and makeup of the prisoners in German camps in Serbia has still not been answered properly and requires a comprehensive study based on a specific methodology.
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The article describes a largely unknown Swedish effort to intervene in deportations of Jews in Slovakia between 1942 and 1944. Swedish officials and religious leaders used their diplomatic correspondence with the Slovak government to extract some Jewish individuals and later on the whole Jewish community of Slovakia from deportations by their government and eventually by German officials. Despite the efforts of Swedish Royal Consulate in Bratislava, the Swedish Archbishop Erling Eidem, and the Slovak Consul Bohumil Pissko in Stockholm, and despite the acts taken by some Slovak ministries, the Slovak officials including the President of Slovak republic Jozef Tiso revoked further negotiations in autumn 1944. However, the negotiations between Slovakia and Sweden created a scope of actions to protect some Jewish individuals which were doomed to failure due to the political situation. Nevertheless, this plan and the previous diplomatic interventions are significant to describe the almost unknown Swedish and Slovak efforts to save the Jews of Slovakia. Repeated Swedish offers to take in Jewish individuals and later the whole community would have likely prepared the way for larger rescues. These never occurred due to the Slovak interest in deporting its own Jewish citizens and later due to the German occupation of Slovakia.
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