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Natręctwo niepamięci naszej o Zagładzie
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Natręctwo niepamięci naszej o Zagładzie

Author(s): Marek Zaleski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 6/2016

Zaleski describes the pathogenic mechanisms that come into play in Polish society: in the processes of forgetting the extermination of our fellow citizens, Polish Jews, during the last war, as well as in the reasons behind the construction of a false historical imagination/ imaginarium of collective memory.  In the Polish affective economy, ‘the Jews’ are a symptom that allows a noisy ‘neurotic minority’ to cast the collective in the role of victim, to  give permanence to phantasms and pathological structures in our collective identity. Zaleski also expresses his alarm at the fact thatcurrently, official public discourse once again sanctions those practices.

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AN OBVIOUS NONSTARTER: THE POPULAR FRONT IN EASTERN EUROPE
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AN OBVIOUS NONSTARTER: THE POPULAR FRONT IN EASTERN EUROPE

Author(s): Cristina Diac / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2017

Designed to confront serious problems, and to prevent their extension, the Popular Front policy adopted by Komintern in the mid 30’s payed the price for all the mistakes of the past. This article explores, in a comparative fashion, how the Eastern European communist parties behaved in the Popular Front era, what they managed to achieve and what they didn’t, and what caused that state of affairs. The analyze takes into consideration Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland, and explores the attitude of the communist parties from these countries towards the Versailles System, the „national problem“, social-democracy, fascism (as ideology and as political force). Besides all these issues, inherent to Eastern European communist parties, this articles discusses the way in which Komintern itself dealt with “the fascist menace”.

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Лидери под въпрос: историография и памет за Стефан Стамболов и Йон Антонеску
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Лидери под въпрос: историография и памет за Стефан Стамболов и Йон Антонеску

Author(s): Blagovest Nyagulov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2017

Diving into the problems of the leadership and the heroes’ national pantheon, the paper provides a comparative analysis of the historiography and the memory of two former political leaders in the modern history of Bulgaria and Romania. Stefan Stambolov, Bulgarian Prime Minister during the period 1887‒1894, and Ion Antonescu, Prime Minister and ‘leader of the State’ in Romania during World War II (1940‒1944), are controversial historical figures or disputed leaders that gave rise to different historiographical interpretations, and the memory of which was used for political purposes. The interest to the strong political persona and its authoritarian decisions, as well as the revival of the traditional concepts of national ideals, explain their half rehabilitation after their complete refusal of class positions during the years of early socialism. Started during the late socialism, these processes continue in full force after the fall of communist regimes, still being representations of political interests. After 1989 the full rehabilitation of the two former Prime ministers was most desired by politicians, public figures and writers with nationalist views, which have direct links with the former regime and its secret services. The results in both countries were different and even opposite. In the assessments about Stambolov in Bulgaria his dictatorial methods were outweighed by his merits as a politician who defended the sovereignty of the young Bulgarian state during a crisis period and set solid foundations for its modernization. Without being portrayed as a sinless character by the most historians, in the national memory he turnеd into a sort a benchmark for Bulgarian statesman and national leader. On the contrary, the effort for the rehabilitation of Antonescu failed mainly because of the international reactions regarding the silence about his role in the Holocaust. Though his place is still debated, Stambolov is almost a full-fledged part of the Bulgarian national pantheon, unlike Antonescu, whose fame proved short and who is being rejected on an official level by the laws of memory in Romania. These different results do not deny the fact that Stambolov and Antonescu continue to be present in a similar positive way in the society’s memory, respectively in Bulgaria and Romania. The values of the nation and the national state overrule those of democracy and human rights, especially during periods of crises when the security rises in priority at the expense of freedom, while the ‘savior’ again becomes necessary.

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Неосъществените генерали ‒ случаят Борис Чилингиров (Щрихи към погрома над българския военен елит след 9 септември 1944 г.)
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Неосъществените генерали ‒ случаят Борис Чилингиров (Щрихи към погрома над българския военен елит след 9 септември 1944 г.)

Author(s): Petya B. Dimitrova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2017

The article is dedicated to the history of one family, whose members have had a prominent place among the ranks of the Bulgarian military elite. The story about the personal and professional path of Colonel Boris Chilingirov is situated at the middle ground between the topics "elite" and "People’s court" and it also contains details about certain moments of the lives of his father and his first-born son. The goal is to use this particular example in order to show some of the mechanisms and paths, which were used in the crushing of the Bulgarian military elite after September 9th 1944.

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Съдбата на полските бежанци в Балчик през 1939–1940 г.
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Съдбата на полските бежанци в Балчик през 1939–1940 г.

Author(s): Vencislav Chakov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2015

On September 1, 1939 Poland was invaded by Nazi Germany, which marked the beginning of World War II. After the defeat of the Polish army and the occupation of the country by German and Soviet troops, in Romania found refuge over 50,000 refugees, of which about 30,000 soldiers. After an agreement between the Polish government in exile with France and Britain, the formation of Polish troops started to help in the fight against the Nazis. Thousands of military men set off through special channels to these countries with the sole purpose to revenge the enemy and fight for the freedom of their homeland. One of these channels passed through the Bulgarian town of Balchik, which at that time was part of the Kingdom of Romania. The Polish presence in this small seaside town lasted less than a year, during which the relations between the Poles and their Bulgarian landlords were friendly. Some stayed in Balchik for weeks, others for months, waiting for the arrival of the ship that was to take them westwards. The main groups of the military shipped by the end of 1939 with two Greek ships – “Agios Nikolaos” and “Patris”, with priority given to pilots, followed by the other military men. The other refugees, for the most part civilians, left during the spring months of 1940, and the last group set off on September 29 the same year, when Balchik and the whole of Southern Dobrudzha were already joined to Bulgaria. The fact that a significant part of the Polish pilots, who were fighting in the skies of France and have won the Battle of Britain side by side with the British pilots, resided in 1939 in Balchik, still remains little known to the Bulgarian public.

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Полско-германският конфликт и българската дипломация (март-август 1939 г.)
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Полско-германският конфликт и българската дипломация (март-август 1939 г.)

Author(s): Nikolai Kotchankov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2015

The proclamation of the independence of Slovakia and the proclamation of the protectorate Bohemia and Moravia definitely obliterated the agreed in 1938 in Munich guarantees for the territorial integrity of residual Czechoslovakia. The incorporation of the Czech industry by Germany strengthened dramatically the military potential of the country. In political terms, the interests of the Western democracies were seriously damaged and the further inaction of Britain and France would lead to a complete German hegemony in Europe and their transformation into secondary players on the political scene. The study is related to the approaching anniversary of World War II and it discusses Polish-German relations from the perspective of Bulgarian diplomacy. The text is based on the author’s research in the Bulgarian diplomatic archives. It uses reports and telegrams from the royal embassies in Warsaw, Berlin, Paris, Moscow, Stockholm, London, which provide evidence of the undoubted Bulgarian interest in the development of Polish-German relations. It covers the period from the destruction of Czechoslovakia until the conclusion of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which determined the fourth division of Poland.

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Професор Юрген Ровер (1924–2015)

Професор Юрген Ровер (1924–2015)

Author(s): Asen Kozhuharov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/2016

In Memoriam to prof. Jürgen Rohwer

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Формиране на германската стратегия през втората половина на 1940 г.
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Формиране на германската стратегия през втората половина на 1940 г.

Author(s): Vladimir Zlatarski / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 5-6/2016

In the summer of 1940, Germany turned out to be a hegemony in Europe but it was not prepared for this position. The question of how to continue the war had to be discussed. Two opposing ideas were formed among the state leadership: on one side, there were those who insisted on a naval and air war against England, and on the other side were the supporters of the decision to wage war against the Soviet Union. There were months of intensive exploration of opportunities and at the end of the year the opinion of a march in the East finally prevailed. This article discusses the options the Third Reich had and how they were developed in order to arrive at the decision to wage German-Soviet war.

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Arnold Suppan. Hitler – Beneš – Tito. Konflikt, Krieg und Völkermord in Ostmittel und Sudosteuropa. Teil 1–3, Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2014, 2047 S., Fotos, 13 Karten.
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Arnold Suppan. Hitler – Beneš – Tito. Konflikt, Krieg und Völkermord in Ostmittel und Sudosteuropa. Teil 1–3, Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2014, 2047 S., Fotos, 13 Karten.

Author(s): Nikolay Poppetrov / Language(s): German Issue: 1-2/2016

Book Review

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Другие немцы: «Сопротивление спасателей» в Третьем рейхе
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Другие немцы: «Сопротивление спасателей» в Третьем рейхе

Author(s): Samson Α. Madievski / Language(s): Russian Issue: 6/2004

The monograph by S.A. Madievski is a sociological study of one type of the anti-Nazi Resistance. The people who were then called «Jews’ aiders» and today are being referred to as «helpers» and «rescuers», sabotaged, at their lives’ risk, the ideology and policy of the regime at its key point, namely, the racist theory and practice.The work covers the kinds and forms of the help provided to the Jews, examines the variants of motivation behind it and describes the repressions against those «aiding the Jews». The study also depicts different social-psychological types of rescuers and analyses their relationship to the German environment and to those persecuted as well as the relations among the rescuers themselves. The monograph offers the retrospective evaluation and self-evaluation of the rescuers’ activities. It further examines the attitude towards them in the post-war German society and the way they have been dealt with by the historiography in the FRG.The study is based on the testimonies of the contemporaries and participants of the events, the documents of the Nazi regime as well as a wide range of historical literature by the European, American and Israeli authors.

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„Pamięć nie wybacza”. O „Białej Rice” Magdaleny Parys

„Pamięć nie wybacza”. O „Białej Rice” Magdaleny Parys

Author(s): Natalia Żórawska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2017

“Biała Rika” („White Rika”, 2016) presents the trauma of a third generation. Magdalena Parys, referring to autobiographical motifs, recalls past events – the difficult childhood of the main character, specific family relations, and the tragic experiences of a so-called grandmother. The author of the article discusses the types of trauma connected with the experience of war, unsuccessful relationships within a family and the period of growing up. She concentrates on female characters, as the women in „Biała Rika” represent a wide variety of women with different features and values. The aim of the article is to interpret „Biała Rika” in the context of post-trauma with past torments and the work of memory always in the background of one’s consciousness.

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Valhala, Kalvarija i Aušvic

Valhala, Kalvarija i Aušvic

Author(s): Shlomo Giora Shoham / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 01+02/1988

In this work the author seeks for the explanation of the most monstrous crime in human history — the Holocaust, applying his core dialectics theory to the symbolic relationship between the Nazis and Jews. He thus claims that anti- -Semitism of the Nazis is related to the core dialectics of the German social character. The notion of »core dialectics« relates to the author’s core personality theory in which a basic distinction is made between the »separant« and »participant« personality types. This distinction is then applied to group relationships, where German social character is tabled separant and the Jewish participant. The author stresses that in accordance with their separant traits the Germans, having rejected Christianity and the characteristically Jewish participant restraints of law and morality, were liable to accept Hitler and Nazism as reincarnations of the old Germanic mythological values expressed in the amorality of the Northern Gods of war and the pagan tribal family of Aesir in which everything was permitted and where only power counted. On the other hand, a conspicuous characteristic of the Jewish social character is their tendency towards sacrificing themselves, the tendency initiated by Jesus Christ as the archetypal participant victim. The clashes between the Jews and European separant societies, which had started as early as 332. B. C. when Alexander conquered Palestine, resulted in the widest possible range of conflicts, where the Holocaust was the last and the most horrible one in the series.

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Bez dna: Filozofska autobiografija
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Bez dna: Filozofska autobiografija

Author(s): Vilém Flusser / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1-2/2018

Riječ »apsurdno« izvorno znači »bez dna« u smislu »bez korijena«. Kao što je, primjerice, biljka bez dna kad je se ubere, kako bi je se stavilo u vazu. Cvijeće na stolu prostrtom za zajutrak primjer je apsurdna života. Pokušamo li se uživjeti u takvo cvijeće, moći ćemo osjetiti njegov poriv da pusti korijenje i utjera ga u bilo kakvo dno. Taj poriv korijena lišena cvijeća raspoloženje je apsurdna života. Namjera je ove knjige da svjedoči o tom raspoloženju.

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A német nemzetiségi és faji politika Magyarországon a II. világháború idején

A német nemzetiségi és faji politika Magyarországon a II. világháború idején

Author(s): Tibor Dömötörfi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 01/2016

The chief aim of the foreign minority policies of nazi Germany was to secure the acknowledgement of „völkisch” German minorities as an officially organised ethnic group (Volksgruppe) with autonomy rights. But during World War II the integrative ethnic policy with regard to the Germans was gradually pushed to the background by an exclusion policy which the nazi regime applied to the „inferior” peoples and races, and took the form of prosecution and extermination on the basis of ethnicity and religion. Despite the discriminative „Jewish Laws” (1938, 1939), the Hungarian Jewry lived relatively undisturbed under the regime of governor Miklós Horthy. Dramatic change came in this regard with the German occupation of the country (19 March 1944). Then started the stigmatization, ghettoization and deportation of the Jews – predominantly to Auschwitz-Birkenau. The exact number of martyrs is still hotly debated. According to the most authoritative scholarly opinions, the number of deported Jewish victims can be put to between 440 and 550 thousand. Yet in political parlance and public history the round and symbolic figure of 600 thousand has become rooted. Another debated issue is whether the prosecution by the nazis of the Sintis and Roma was done on racial grounds, or they were treated as so-called anti-social elements. The number of Gypsies deported to extermination camps from Hungary can be put to a couple of thousand. From the late 1930s the claim of instrumentalizing the German minorities in the service of the aggressive foreign political aims of the Third Reich became increasingly evident. In Hungary this role was assumed by the so-called Volksbund (People’s Association of Germans in Hungary). From the start of World War II, a new element in the policies of nazi Germany towards the foreign Germans appeared, which can be termed as the idea of „return” to the Empire („Heim ins Reich”). In order to accomplish the re-settlement plans, the Germans concluded interstate treaties with almost all countries in Europe where German minorities lived. (The agreement with Hungary was signed on 29 May 1940, but it was never put into effect.) In the eastern regions occupied during the war an overt and brutal Germanizing policy was implemented, based on the Generalplan Ost, which had been elaborated in offices of the SS specially assigned to this task. In the foreign policies of the Federal Republic of Germany, especially under the aegis of the Brandtian Ostpolitik, considerable emphasis was put on relations with the states belonging to the former German settlement area, such as Hungary, and on strengthening the bridge-function of those German minorities which had remained there after refuge and deportation in the war.

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Georgi Kjosseiwanow, der Krieg und die Regierungskreise in Bulgarien (Februar 1940–September 1944)
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Georgi Kjosseiwanow, der Krieg und die Regierungskreise in Bulgarien (Februar 1940–September 1944)

Author(s): Lyudmil Spasov / Language(s): German Issue: 3-4/2017

Georgi Kyoseivanov, the War and the Ruling Circles in Bulgaria (February 1940 – September 1944). The article discusses the role of Georgi Kyoseivanov in Bulgarian politics after he left the post of Prime Minister until the Soviet army entered the country. The author examines his conceptual views against the background of the main stages of Bulgaria’s participation in the Second World War. He clarifies Kozheivanov’s position on the foreign policy course in the spring of 1943, not to seek the break-up of the alliance with Germany. He also describes the struggle for power between the various political groups after the death of the king, as well as the impersonal policy of the rulers afterwards. He argues that officially G. Kiosseivanov maintained the foreign policy line of the Government, but in a narrow circle expressed the opposite view. However, at the end of August 1944, he still believed that Bulgaria should maintain its pro-German line. The finale marks important moments of Kyoseivanov’s professional, civil and life biography after the coup on 9 September 1944 until his death in July 1960. The article is written on the basis of archival and published documents, scientific publications from the 1970s to the latest monographs, personal documents such as memoirs and diaries published in the last 20 years.

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Peter Daskalov. Bulgaria – the Naval Ally of the Third Reich during the Second World War (1941–1944). ‘Steno’ Publ. House, Varna, 2016. 292 pp.
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Peter Daskalov. Bulgaria – the Naval Ally of the Third Reich during the Second World War (1941–1944). ‘Steno’ Publ. House, Varna, 2016. 292 pp.

Author(s): Valentin Vasilev / Language(s): English Issue: 3-4/2017

Book review

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Zbrodnia katyńska jako ludobójstwo. Próba systematyzacji kwalifikacji prawnokarnej

Zbrodnia katyńska jako ludobójstwo. Próba systematyzacji kwalifikacji prawnokarnej

Author(s): Joanna Kurczab / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2017

The article indicates the legal basis for qualification of the Katyn Massacre in the category of genocide. Polemicising with the arguments put forward by the Russian Federation which persistently negates the validity of regarding the massacre perpetrated under the order of the Politbiuro of the Bolshevik Party Central Committee issued on 5 March 1940 as a non-expiring crime against humanity.

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Sexy Fascism Exemplifying the Relationship between Sex and Power
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Sexy Fascism Exemplifying the Relationship between Sex and Power

Author(s): Jakub Rawski / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

This article discusses the sexiness of fascism as a phenomenon exemplifying the relationshipbetween sex and power. Rawski’s approach to fascism, inspired by Susan Sontag’s well-known essay Fascinating Fascism, spans not only the fields of literary and cultural studies, but also psychology, history and anthropology. By analysing selected cultural texts (novels and films) alongside historical sources that feature the image of the “beautiful Nazi,” Rawski confirms Michel Foucault’s theses about beauty and the relationship between power and sexuality. In the context of the Nazi criminals who were – and still are – perceived as unequivocally erotic objects, beauty appears as a sublimated tool of power over another person.

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Polscy obserwatorzy Zagłady. Studium przypadków z zakresu sztuk wizualnych – uwagi wstępne

Polscy obserwatorzy Zagłady. Studium przypadków z zakresu sztuk wizualnych – uwagi wstępne

Author(s): Luiza Nader / Language(s): Polish Issue: 14/2018

This text is devoted to selected visual records produced in the face of the Holocaust by the following artists: Felicjan Szczęsny Kowarski, Krzysztof Henisz, Aleksander Świdwiński, and Mieczysław Wejman. Vast majority of these works of art comes from the war period (1940– 1944), with a few produced immediately after the war (1946–1948). The author analyzes predominantly their referential layer as well as the modes of representation they employ, the dating of speciϐic objects, and the references to their accompanying historical framework. She also reflects on identity, motivations, and the degree of existential, ethical, and artistic engagement of the artists in the face of the Holocaust, which was happening right before their eyes, in their immediate vicinity. The central question Nader directs not only at the artists and their works, but also at the field of art history is one that Jan Tomasz Gross has asked: “What did you do/What was done to help the Jews?” bearing in mind that doing nothing was also an action with consequences. The most important conception developed in this text is the category of the artist – a close observer of the Shoah. Moreover, this question about Polish bystanders also makes her inquire about the foundations of the field of art history as such. The author postulates changing the episteme in the space of the contemporary and modern history of art in Poland as there still has been no response to the challenge posed by works produced in the face of the Holocaust and from the Holocaust.

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Totalitarizam na vlasti. Tehnologija osvajanja i održanja na vlasti totalitarnih režima u XX veku

Author(s): Srđan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2017

The analysis showed that all totalitarian regimes, although they had significant ideological differences, used almost identical methods of rule. At the heart of these systems is totalitarian terror and brutal repression against political opponents with mass-executions, detention (labour) camps, deportations, political trials and party expulsions of millions of people. Another important element of maintaining power is the absolute control and overall control of society and civil life by the secret police, which is entirely in the service of ideology and the great Leader. The secret police as the backbone of the repressive apparatus represented the basic mechanism of totalitarian power. Civil organizations were only the cover-up of the regime and the extended arm of the Party for complex action and control of the people. A comprehensive system of control over public and private life also involved the co-operation of a network of a million of volunteer-snitchers and informants. Well-organized and aggressive ideological propaganda, the censorship and complete media monopoly strengthened the support of the authorities. The propaganda and terror effi ciency has enabled the advancement of modern technology, as well as the need for the security of existential challenges of „people’s masses“. The system of rule emerged partly from the social and historical conditions and the traditional heritage of worshiping the rulers and the iron fist. Nevertheless, with the victory of totalitarian ideologies, the systematic state repression and propaganda, a completely new system was established, which was meant to create a „new man“ and a new society. Unlike ordinary dictatorships, this system requires from its citizens to involve themselves unconditionally in the construction of a new order. Totalitarianism, unlike other non-democratic regimes, does not limit freedom, but abolishes it completely.

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