Presa Partidului Comunist Român adresată militarilor în perioada interbelică
Article promoting communist ideology about the press of the Romanian Communist Party addressed to the military in the interwar period - propaganda paper.
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Article promoting communist ideology about the press of the Romanian Communist Party addressed to the military in the interwar period - propaganda paper.
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Article promoting communist ideology about the National Archival Fund and its contribution to the knowledge of the history of the homeland and the Romanian Communist Party
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This paper proposes a historical approach of Romanian communist education as it is reflected in the textbooks edited in the second part of XX century. For communist regime the textbooks, especially history ones became a tool of promotion political principles. There are many pictures, texts, exercises, additional readings which offer enough examples about what behaviour ought to be (non)appreciated and manifested by students, what they have to feel, to act or not. Also, scientific contents of textbook transmit to students a set of beliefs and values even if the teacher do not intend to focus on them. In this way, history textbook could be a perfect promoter of communist thinking and lifestyle. In addition, the textbook narrates about some 'heroes' and their acts, gestures, political and military victories. Talking about them, it is a good way to promote those personalities that could become 'models' for younger generation. Using theoretical research methodology, we have structured human models, as they had presented in the history textbooks, placing them into a communist human typology. As a result, this paper demonstrates that the textbooks have been important ideological tools, having a bigger impact to students’ consciousness and behaviour.
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This text attempts to trace the evolution of the political and philosophical thought of Georg Lukács, after his magnum opus History and class consciousness, as well as the influence that historical events had on this evolution. Against the dominant consensus that dismisses Lukács’s late work as an effect of his alleged “reconciliation with reality”, I argue that the line of continuity in his thought was the idea of peaceful coexistence, derived from the objective conditions – the isolation of the Soviet Union and the stabilization of Western capitalism. So, rather than explaining his choice to defend coexistence, or “socialism in one country” as a consequence of his reconciliation with, or surrender to Stalinism, one should see his compromise with Stalinism as a consequence of this choice. His commitment to the coexistence thesis shaped his final version of Marxism in a number of ways. From a political perspective, a readjustment of the temporal scale of the transition to socialism in post-revolutionary society constrained him to advocate a more realist strategy that combined revolutionary movements with evolutionary processes – this was reflected in his option for the Popular Front strategy and later in his support for the Western pacifist movements. His late philosophical work also bears the marks of this enduring political choice.
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Po uchwyceniu władzy w Rosji przez bolszewików w październiku 1917 r., rozpoczął się okres prób wcielenia w życie karykaturalnych elementów komunizmu poprzez narzucenie systemu zwanego dyktaturą proletariatu, a w rzeczywistości będącego dyktaturą partii nad proletariatem i całym społeczeństwem. Utworzona zaś z inicjatywy Włodzimierza Lenina w marcu 1919 r. III Międzynarodówka Komunistyczna, zwana Kominternem, miała realizować główne założenia bolszewików, które sprowadzały się przede wszystkim do szybkiego „rozlania rewolucji”. Hasła „eksportu rewolucji” i rzekomej „proletariackiej solidarności” stały się narzędziem w ręku imperializmu radzieckiego. Nastąpiła tzw. rusyfi kacja marksizmu.
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The article presents the history of the anarchist movement in Poland since the 1980s. The first anarchist group formed in Poland after World War II was the Alternative Society Movement, established in 1983. In 1989, the Anarchist Federation was founded. The most important anarchists periodicals were: Mać Pariadka, Inny Świat (Another World), and Przegląd Anarchistyczny (Anarchist Review). The Polish anarchist thought was dominated by anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism.
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During the Vistula Operation, an operational group was established to prosecute the Freedom and Independence groups, who at night on 2 to 3 July 1947 at Puchaczów killed 21 people accused of supporting the official authorities. The Puchaczów Operational Group during round-ups in the Włodawa, Chełm, and Lubartów districts, killed several people and detained several hundred more. Some of the families associated with the underground were forcibly displaced to the so-called Western Lands. The activities of the Puchaczów OG show that the basic aim of the Vistula Operation was to strengthen power of the Polish Workers’ Party in post-war Poland.
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Following the definitive triumph of the Bolsheviks in Russia, tens of thousands of Russian exiles were accepted by the fledgling Czechoslovakia. Many did return to Russia although as prisoners of the Soviet NKVD political police, which hauled them off from Czechoslovakia violently, despite the fact that they were in many cases de jure Czechoslovak citizens.
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The issue of families split after 1948 by the Iron Curtain is one of the historical topics that are somewhat neglected. Yet, as only a few others, these painful stories fundamentally affected the people concerned and completely changed their lives. This is a typical totalitarian phenomenon without any equivalent in previous times. Children became hostage to the state and a tool for arbitrary punishment and extortion of their parents.
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The study deals with the ideas of domestic and foreign Slovak resistance during the World War II on the form of the post-war Czechoslovak Republic regime. In addition to the opinion on the consistent state restoration of Czechoslovakia (1918—1938), there was also the idea of modifying the regime of Czechoslovakia (1918—1938) through its transformation, which under the influence of strengthening the importance of the Soviet Union in the war took the form of a people’s democratic establishment.
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The article is devoted to the Polish reception of science-fiction cinema; the statements of film critics from 1956-1965 were analysed. During this period, science fiction, previously absent from the screens of Polish cinemas for ideological and censorship reasons, returned to the repertoire and became the subject of press discussions and reviews. The analysis of articles devoted to this genre and published at the time allows reconstruction of the cultural context in which science-fiction productions operated. The article consists of three main parts. In the first of these, the author describes which science fiction films were present in Polish cinemas at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s. In the second part, he analyses press statements devoted to the history and aesthetics of the genre. The subject under consideration in the third part is the reception of two productions, which at the time enjoyed the greatest interest from contemporary critics: Godzilla (Gojira, 1954, dir. Ishirō Honda) and The Silent Star (Der schweigende Stern 1960, dir. Kurt Maetzig).
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In this paper I propose to analyze the thought of Jacek Kuron, a prominent oppositionist during communist era and an important politician after 1989, from republican point of view. Kuron ’s thought is analyzed with the use of Hannah Arendt’s notion of public sphere and Philip Pettit’s theory of republicanism. The major themes proposed by Pettit appear in Kuron ’s thought as well, the most important of those being the citizens commitment in public life. Kuron, as an active politician was responsible for building institutions of a liberal state after 1989, including a free market – a change that caused a dramatically high level of unemployment. In his political writings which are referred to in this paper we can find Kuron ’s comments on economical dimension of democracy and proposals of solutions to the problem of economical inequalities that are formulated in a way that might be interpreted as coherent with the philosophy of republicanism.
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The article comprises an analysis of Sławomir Mrożek’s autobiographical texts in which he describes his attitude to the Polish government of the communist era. Mrożek initially approved of the official ideology of the Polish State, but in time began to ‘play a game’ with the censors, exposing the ubiquitous propaganda by means of stylistic and rhetorical devices, such as parables, symbols, allusions, and parodies. Having begun to live abroad in 1963, he initially employed a cautious strategy of not breaking the bonds with Poland despite his status of an émigré, but after the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, a military operation with an active involvement of the Polish army, declared his dissent and publicly denounced the Polish government. The article describes also Mrożek’s response to the declaration of martial law in Poland in 1981, as well as his misgivings about the political transformation of 1989.
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Based on an analysis of the correspondence between Jerzy Giedroyc and Witold Wirpsza (continued from1981 to 1985), the article relates the agony of the communist government in Poland, triggered already decades earlier by the fact that the ideology supporting that political system fell into a gradual decline. The author of the paper explores how Leszek Kołakowski’s idea that “the crisis of the communist consciousness did not come about through lack of new knowledge about the world; it came about through the collapse of the mythology which gave shape to that knowledge,” expressed in his essay “The Death of Gods,” is reflected in the letters in question. In their open dialogue, exchanging pieces of information, as well as pure speculation, Giedroyc and Wirpsza, both living outside Poland, the former in Paris and the latter in Berlin, describe the decay and disintegration of the communist rule not only in Poland, but all over the Soviet Empire. Having examined the epistolary material, the author of the paper reconstructs the history of the gradual fall of the system employed in the former communist countries to organize the social (mental as well as moral) consciousness so that an explanation of facts inconvenient to the government could always be found within the body of its ideological myths. The intellectual exchange between Jerzy Giedroyc, editor-in-chief of the Polish-émigré journal Kultura in Paris, and Witold Wirpsza, a brilliant poet and essayist who frequently contributed papers to Kultura, shows that the foundation myth of the communist rule was in time losing its credibility and that the authors of the studied letters were of the opinion that the communist government could merely apparently justify its actions by reference to the ideology. A reading of the letters in question, which are rich in political analysis and include numerous polemics around literary works as well as around events of the time, not only shows that they stem from the historical context in which they were written (the time of martial law in Poland), but is also an opportunity to reconstruct the rhetorical perspective they exhibit. The author of the paper explores how the facts-based discourse the letters express is subjected to figurative literary techniques and points out that the image of the decay of the communist rule they convey falls into the convention of figural realism.
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Review of: Rafał Stobiecki - Anna Ziębińska-Witek, Muzealizacja komunizmu w Polsce i Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, Wydawnictwo UMCS, Lublin 2018, ss. 341, [56] s. tablic.
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This paper is a response to the article “What Typological Appellation is Suitable for Tito’s Yugoslavia” published by Sergej Flere and Rudi Klanjšek in Istorija 20. veka, in which the two authors reflected on our article “Was Tito’s Yugoslavia Not Totalitarian?” Instead of engaging in an open academic debate based on arguments and empirical data, Flere and Klanjšek concentrate their approach on detecting textual mistakes, which they then use as proof of our superficial and counter-factual approach. In this article, we focus on providing arguments and empirical data which demonstrate that Flere and Klanjšek’s arguments as well as their newly introduced views on the subject hold little merit. In fact, we have shown that their attempt to discredit us is nothing but an example of how an academic debate can turn into a blatant non-academic debate when scholarly based approach, academic professionalism and facts are run over by sentiment.
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En 2006, un jeu-concours organisé par la Télévision Roumaine (suivant une recette de la BBC) a eu pour but de désigner, par un suffrage prétendu universel, la personnalité la plus importante pour le peuple roumain, représentative à travers le temps. Pour opérer cette sélection, on a choisi, comme critères, certaines qualités: courage, génie, grandeur, habiletés de dirigeant, héritage spirituel. Finalement, la première place revint à Étienne le Grand, prince de Moldavie (1457–1504), qui recueillit 22,76 % des voix exprimées, suivi à une certaine distance par Charles Ier, prince et puis roi de Roumanie (1866–1904) et par le grand poète romantique Mihai Eminescu (1850–1889), ayant recueilli 14,42 % et, respectivement, 13, 66 %. Le résultat de ce jeu, qui fut, sans aucun doute, un grand succès médiatique, déplut à une partie des participants, qui, sans perdre le temps, manifestèrent leur mécontentement, parfois d’une manière assez violente et grossière (sans élégance, en tout cas), surtout pour contester la légitimité du gagnant. On a pu saisir, à cette occasion, une discordance inattendue entre l’image offerte par les résultats des recherches historiques et celle qui hante, comme un fantôme, certains esprits de nos contemporains. Pour certains d’entre eux, le résultat du concours ne fut que la conséquence d’un soi-disant mythe communiste insinué dans l’esprit des Roumains et que la Moldavie d’Étienne le Grand n’aurait pas été un pays habité par des Roumains, que les Moldaves de cette époque-là n’auraient pas parlé la langue roumaine et que le prince lui-même n’aurait pas été au courant de l’origine latine de son peuple. On a pris l’habitude d’attribuer à Etienne un grand nombre d’enfants illégitimes, fruits de ses relations avec d’innombrables maîtresses. De nos jours, on lui reproche d’avoir fondé un trop grand nombre d’églises et de monastères, tandis qu’il aurait mieux fait de jeter les fondements d’une université... L’auteur expose les arguments capables de réfuter ces allégations et surtout la théorie du „mythe communiste”.
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The study analyses the political decisions of Gustáv Husák from his election to the position of first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969 until December 1970. On basis of the original sources, it evaluates the development, in which important normalization measures were applied in the political leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia.The position on the so-called anti-socialist forces in the Communist party, rehabilitations,expulsion from the Communist Party, the policy of the “ultra-leftist forces”and evaluation of the developments before and after January 1968 were changed.G. Husák’s Normalization policy was carried out under pressure from Moscow,which supported the domestic conservative forces.
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The article analyses the situation at the Czechoslovak Embassy in Budapest during the Hungarian Revolution of autumn 1956. Most of the information comes from the telegrams exchanged between the Budapest representatives and the Foreign Ministry in Prague. The apparatus of notes not only gives the archive sources, but all explanatory information on individual persons and events.
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The main aim of the article is to check whether traditional medicine practice could be a possible code of post-memory. Supporting traditional medicine in modern Mongolia by the government and the World Health Organization seems to be an interesting example of such a combination. After spending a long time under the communist rule, Mongolian society returns to their traditional concept of health and illness. Traditional Mongolian knowledge defines the state of being healthy as a harmony of three elements: khii, šar and badgan. Treating a disease which is perceived as a state of imbalance between these elements is strongly intertwined with Buddhist tradition practised by healers who are called emchi. Restoring such concepts among Mongolian society after the dominance of biomedical model of health during communism could possibly be a sphere of post-memory.
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