Совјетска улога у школовању и припреми југословенског партизанског кадра до почетка Другог светског рата

Author(s): Aleksej J. Timofejev / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2009

Yugoslav students were trained at the „communist military schools” in the USSR till the last school year of “Partisan Academy in the Soviet Union” in 1936/1937. The Yugoslav communist manual for subversive activities captured by the Yugoslav General Staff in 1937 had been written according to the soviet manuals. There are several memoirs on training at the “communist military schools” in the USSR left by Yugoslavs (M. Golubich, V. Begovich, J. Kopinich, R. Cholakovich, B. Maslarich, P. Kostich, etc).. Even Josip Broz Tito had been trained and later participated as a postgraduate assistance lecturer in the work of a “communist military school” in the USSR The Civil war in Spain had a great significance in the reinforcement of the Comintern partisan and revolutionary staff. K. Mrazovich, I. Goshnyak, B. Maslarich and several other Yugoslav communist leaders left their memories about the redeployment to Spain of Yugoslav partisan experts prepared in the USSR. Development of partisan and sabotage operations in Spain, directed by Soviet instructors, was described by the vast number of Yugoslav participants of the events. A large number of Soviet military-technical instructors (H.-U. Mamsurov, N. Patrahalcev, A. K. Sprogis, I. G. Starinov, S. A. Vaupshasov, N. I. Schelokov, G. Sirojezhkin, L. P. Vasiljevski, A. F. Zvjagin, A. M. Rabcevich, N. G. Kovalenko, V. Z. Korzh, N. A. Prokopec) trained the selected members of the International brigades in partisan tactics and sabotage. Jan Berzin, the chief of Soviet military intelligence from 1924 to 1935, was the supervisor. Among those students there was a relatively significant number of Yugoslavs. After the Civil War in Spain, most of the Yugoslav “Spaniards” was hold in a special camp in France. There are some indirect evidences that the return to Yugoslavia of those men trained for guerrilla operations was carried out with the help of Soviet special services. Two hundred and fifty Yugoslav “Spaniards” participated in the partisan war on the Western Balkan since 1941 to 1945. They became one of the most important pillars in organization of the partisan movement in Yugoslavia.

Совјетски савез и Југославија на крају Другог светског рата 1944–1945.

Author(s): Kosta Nikolić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The fate of Yugoslavia was decided within the triangle of the „Great Allies”, and the global agreement between USA and the Soviet Union was of major importance. It is needles to ask if the Yugoslav Communists understood the nature of this agreement – they were just consequently following the instructions from Moscow. Revolutionary logic proved very effective in contact with American officers too: they reported that the partisans were fighting. The estimate as to against whom, in what degree and with which goal depended on experience and sagacity of individual officers, but the partisans always fulfilled the first requirement of the Allied coalition: they fought or they made an impression they were fighting. The American government created on purpose an illusion that Yugoslavia wasn’t handed over to the Soviets, but to an autonomous resistance movement of unclear political orientation. Later reports which testified to the Communist character of the People’s Liberation Movement, about the clear intention of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia to gain power by all means, about outright inimical attitude toward USA, about the reign of terror, about existence of aggressive mix of nationalism and Communism, about proofs that the new Yugoslav regime was a carbon copy of the Soviet system and that Tito was Moscow’s best pupil, didn’t cause any reaction on the part of the American administration. Yugoslavia was in the Soviet sphere of influence. Comparative analysis of British and American influence on the denouement of the civil war and the post-war social system of Yugoslavia shows that apparent disinterest is more nefarious and more important than excessive engagement. The American military establishment decided that the second front in Europe wouldn’t be opened in the Balkans, and Roosevelt drew political conclusions from this decision and left Yugoslavia to the Soviet Union. Churchill’s endeavors to exercise his own influence on Tito and to retain a modicum of political influence, must be seen in this context. USA had both military and political means of influencing the fate of Yugoslavia, whereas Britain hadn’t. USA cared exclusively about its interests and not about the proclaimed principles of foreign policy. Only the facade of democracy was to be preserved.

Сообщения Цк Кпю о состоянии межнациональных отношений в Республиках Югославии в первое десятилетие после Второй мировой войны

Author(s): Jelena Guskova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 18/2018

Закончилась Вторая мировая война. Она была трудной для народов Югославии. Страна была расчленена оккупантами на части, в разделе её территории участвовали Германия, Италия, Венгрия и Болгария. В ка ждой оккупационной зоне создавались режимы с широким репрессивным аппаратом. Уже с лета 1941 г. в стране начинает развёртываться диверси онное движение против оккупантов, что вызвало ответную реакцию гит леровцев в отношении гражданского населения – массовые казни, унич тожение сёл, взятие заложников, открытие концлагерей. Особенностью Югославии было то, что на её территории действовало несколько антиок купационных движений: стихийные сербские выступления против уста шей в НГХ, освободительное движение под руководством КПЮ, четни ческое движение под командой полковника Дражи Михайловича, стремившегося воссоздать королевские вооружённые силы, бороться про тив оккупантов и восстановить монархию во главе с династией Карагеор гиевичей. Два последних антифашистских движения никогда не слились в единый антифашистский фронт, часто воевали между собой. Движение под руководством КПЮ оказалась более организованным, масштабным. Партизанское движение сопротивления, начавшееся как антифашистское и антиоккупацонное, постепенно приобрело черты всенародного восста ния за независимость и народную власть, за равноправие всех народов Югославии.

София, каквато беше 1944-1989

Author(s): Svetlin Kiradjiev / Language(s): Bulgarian

This book presents the city of Sofia from the second half of the 20th century. This period is marked not only by the end of World War 2 but by the change of political power in Bulgaria. Through this book, the author intends to give more information about moments of the development of the capital, it's it's influence over material and spiritual culture and he relates all of this to the citizens of Sofia in the reviewed decades. Sofia is very old city, although it's citizens don't realize it, but its modernization and geographical growth begun after the Liberation of Bulgaria in 1878. After 1944 Sofia has shown rapid development and population growth - for 300 000 to over 1 million citizens for a period lasting over 40 years. The houses have been replaced by modern buildings, the city districts have been expanded, the city has turned into a center of industry and slowly, but steady, Sofia has turned for average Balkan city to a capital with European influence.

Социализм против социализма: феномен чехословацкой оппозиции после поражения Пражской весньи. 1969–1972. гг

Author(s): Ella Grigoyevna Zadorozhnyuk / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

The phenomena of the Czechoslovak opposition after collapse of the Prague Spring, genesis of its ideological and program goals in 1969-1972, when antireform part of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia began repression against the opposition, were analyzed in this article. The representatives of conservative course were victorious and the Prague Spring party’s programs and documents were canceled as „erroneous” (revisionist or opportunist). Opposition demonstrated their adherence to the democratic socialist ideas and this was the main paradox of the movement. The difference was shown within the framework of this movement and it was reflected in formation of some organization trends of the movement - The Movement of revolutionary youth (MRY), The Socialist movement of the Czechoslovak citizens (SMCC) and the Czechoslovak movement for the democratic socialism (CMDS). In general their activities were characterized in this period by double removal of the centers of the opposition’s movement - firstly, from the legal to illegal forms and secondly, from ideology of „socialism with human face” to the ideology of human rights. Confrontation between socialists (Czechoslovakia was named socialist republic) and democratic trends (including ex-communists), who composed the main part of the opposition, was fi nished after their arrests in January and political processes in summer 1972. After this, the Czechoslovak opposition began the search for the new alternatives, in which the socialist ideas did not occupy such important place and the search for new forms such as dissident movement.

Социалистическая партия Казахстана и попытки наследования имущества бывшей компартии (по материалам Архива Президента Республики Казахстан)

Author(s): Nikolay Sergeyevich Lapin,Dostan Nurkatovich Zhumanbaev / Language(s): Russian Issue: 30/2020

Using materials from the Archives of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, one aspect in the formation of a multiparty system in the Kazakh SSR/Republic of Kazakhstan during the collapse of CPSU’s monopoly position is studied. The creation of the Socialist Party, which for a short time became the political and ideological successor of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan after its dissolution in September 1991 is one focus. One key issue in the formation of a new party was material and financial support. The SP, as the successor to the CPK, expected to receive a portion of the latter’s property, and they regularly appealed to state bodies and senior officials of the country. In the first months after the creation of the Socialist Party, its leaders insisted on receiving all the financial and tangible property of the Communist Party. Later the circle of requirements narrowed, confining itself to requests not to return, but to assist in receiving only a part of the property. However, in conditions of partial decentralization of management, and a growing crisis in economy and society, the property of the CPK, despite the Decree of the President of the Kazakh SSR on its nationalization, remained unaccounted for over a long time. This in turn did not allow the government to promptly resolve the issue of allocating part of the property for the Socialist Party of Kazakhstan. In the absence of funding sources, including the impossibility, despite the officially confirmed status of the “successor” to receive part of the financial and material resources, the activities of the SCK for several years almost ceased.

Социальная политика СССР в период Великой Отечественной войны 1941-1945 гг. : гендерный аспект

Author(s): Olga Anatolevna Khasbulatova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2015

The article is devoted to the gender aspect of social policy during the Great Patriotic War 1941—1945. On the base of the wide set of documents the author demonstrates the process of women getting involved in all spheres of economy with the exception of high ranked positions in the government and army. The gender tendency in employment policy was the involvement of women to the professions which were traditionally considered male. The successful labor of women on the front and in the interior demonstrates that division of professions to “women’s” and “men’s” can be characterized as biological determinism. The family policy was the policy of the strengthening of the state regulation of family. The author shows that state policy in stimulating birth rate and strengthening family values was accompanied with limitations of family rights for its independent development. State education policy broke the principles of gender equality as well. In the public administration the gender policy was also determined by conditions of the war time. The author concludes that the essential trait of Soviet social policy during the Great Patriotic War was gender pragmatism.

СОЦИАЛЬНЫЙ СОСТАВ И ИДЕОЛОГИЯ ПОВСТАНЧЕСКОГО ДВИЖЕНИЯ В ЯКУТИИ 1921–1922 ГГ.

Author(s): Egor Petrovich Antonov,Venera Nikolaevna Antonova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 4/2017

As part of the complex research on the Yakut anti-Soviet rebel movement in 1921–1922, which rose to the national level, the social structure and ideology of the rebels have been considered. It has been found that the poor, farmhands, and peasants of medium welfare formed the basis of the movement. Russian officers were responsible for the military command. The ideological guidance was performed by the intelligentsia. The financial support was provided by the merchants. Having analyzed the programs, charters, appealings, private letters, and other papers, we have made the following conclusions: most rebels were for the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, building of the national state by providing provincial autonomy, as well as the multiparty system and democratic liberties. They developed the executive branch in the form of an institute for district intendants and volost, nasleg and village administrations. In the sphere of economy, it was supposed to establish the share system according to the labor rate and to retain the status of a free-trade zone on the coast of the sea of Okhotsk to cope with the goods famine. The available factual material shows the transformation of the aboriginal people of Yakutia into an active subject of the historical process. The reconstruction of the political platform of the rebel movement is a reflection of the period of anticipated and hard development of the ideas about nation building.

СОЦІАЛЬНІ АСПЕКТИ ГОЛОДУ 1946-1947 рр.: ДОЛЯ ДІТЕЙ УКРАЇНСЬКОГО ПРИДУНАВ'Я

Author(s): Alyona Akchebash / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 31/2020

The article presents the events that took place after the victorious end of the Second World War, when the population of Soviet Ukraine had to start a peaceful life hoping that the hardest and the worst was over. However, this was not destined to be. Real life circumstances dispelled all dreams of a happy future. Another test for Ukrainian people was famine. The famine in Ukraine in 1946-1947 was caused by various factors. First of all, it was a planned action of the Soviet authorities in order to remove the remnants of grain from the peasants to help the «fraternal nations» from the socialist camp and to rebuild industry, to restore the military-industrial complex. The second reason was the post-war devastation, which led to the destruction of all parts of Ukraine’s economy. Third reason was a severe drought that finally undermined ruined agriculture. The grain procurement plans of 1946-1947 were unrealistic for Ukraine, but the party leadership withdrew bread from the village by administrative-command methods. As a result, when the plans were fulfilled by only 62.4%, the authorities resorted to repression. The local leadership was accused of sabotage and «anti-Bolshevik attitude to grain procurement. » The population began to starve because people were left without grain. The famine reached its apogee in the winter and spring of 1947. The famine covered almost all Ukrainian territories. The southern regions of Ukraine suffered the most from famine. This tragic page of the history of the Ukrainian people, which was carefully hidden in Soviet times, reveals to investigators terrible historical facts. As is well known, the totalitarian Stalinist regime punished people mercilessly for the mere mention of famine, describing such actions as the spread of slanderous fabrications about Soviet power. Memories of those who died innocently had been erased from people’s memory for many years. Children were especially vulnerable during the years of terrible famine. Young children, as well as elderly people, were not spared by famine. In order to save the life of their child, mothers took them to the city and left them at railway stations, on the porches of residential buildings and on the front steps of hospitals, nurseries, kindergartens, orphanages. Parents tried, by all means, often at the cost of their own lives, to protect their children from starvation. Despite their efforts, children were deprived of any food for a long time and in addition to unbearable physical torture, underwent moral suffering. They did not understand why their mother did not want to feed them, because they want to eat so much, and their father, always so strong, allowed strangers to take everything out of their yard. According to various historians, between 1.5 and 4 million children died of starvation during the Holodomor. And those who survived, grew up and told their descendants about the crime of genocide decades later. They remained for life in the unofficial and unrecognized in Ukraine status of «victims of the Holodomor».

СОЦРЕАЛІЗМ ЯК ПРИНЦИП РАДЯНСЬКОЇ МАСКУЛЬТУРИ

Author(s): Vasyl Vovkun / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2013

The article is devoted to social realism method as a mass totalitarian model culture. That culture be-came official, state manner of representation new reality with special accents on revolution development, communist’s building heroic and ideas of socialist`s Motherland defense. The core of publicity of such sort is mixed on ideology, propaganda, monumentalism and posting. Optimism integrity and disinclination to conflicts` atmosphere is a key feature of such manner of thought.

Специалистите по социални науки и предвижданията за падането на комунизма

Author(s): Miroslav Novák / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2016

Спомени за погребалните обичаи на мюсюлманите по време на комунизма

Author(s): Sevim Kurtchu / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2014

The article presents funeral rites of Muslims in Bulgaria during the period of socialism. The author held fieldwork in the region of Kubrat (Northern Bulgaria). Memories about official communist policies are explored in terms of atheistic assimilatory communist policies.

Спомени и рефлексии за всекидневието на българските турци по време на тоталитарния режим

Author(s): Nadezhda Zhechkova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 6/2019

The proposed text does not attempt to present in detail the transformations pertaining to the Bulgarian Turks that have taken place in the state system and the society in Bulgaria since November 10, 1989. Rather, it attempts to explore a phenomenon which, at first glance, undoubtedly resembles nostalgia, but reveals, after a more thorough looking into it, the Bulgarian Turks‘ memory of the repressive party line of the totalitarian state and its culmination - the policy of forced assimilation, cynically called „revival process“. Also, the new reality of the Transition evokes a certain perception of the totalitarian regime, not in regards to its construction, normative or services, but in regards to its everyday life expressed through work realization, education, organization of public spaces, etc.

Сравнение, трансфери и кръстосани истории: за един рефлексивен подход към транснационалното

Author(s): Michael Werner / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2016

Сравнительное исследование политики Китая и Болгарии в области рождаемости населения (В социалистический период

Author(s): Dan Zhang / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2022

Fertility policy refers to a country’s or region’s governmental attitude towards the fertility behaviour of the population based on the comprehensive strategic interests of the society, economy, politics, resources, and ecological environment, while taking into account the acceptance of the majority of people. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, its population fertility policy has undergone the evolution from free birth through restriction to fertility encouragement, which embodies dynamic and pluralistic characteristics. Compared with China’s continuously adjusted fertility policy under the socialist system, Bulgaria consistently pursued a policy of encouraging fertility and achieved positive results. Bulgaria’s successful experience can provide a reference point for China to stimulate fertility.

Сравняване на социалистическите телевизионни култури: проектът „Screening Socialism“ („Медийно изучаване на социализма“)

Author(s): Sabina Mihelj / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2016

Срби и рат у Југославији 1941. године

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Croatian,Russian,German,Serbian

Почетак Другог светског рата у Југославији обележили су брзи војни слом, комадање југословенске територије и грађански рат који је отпочео на простору Србије. Све то било је последица како непријатељске агресије тако и бројних политичких, социјалних и економских противречности нагомиланих у међуратном раздобљу југословенске државе. Југославија је између два светска рата била земља великих социјалних разлике, привредне неинтегрисаности и културолошких различитости, што је, нарочито после Велике економске кризе, избацило на површину радикалне покрете и на левици и на десници који су у својим програмима нудили привлачна социјална мерила. Југословенска државна идеја, идеја националног јединства, у коју се посумњало убрзо по формирању заједничке државе, дефинитивно је званично напуштена стварањем Бановине Хрватске. Међутим, на плану међунационалних односа, стварање Бановине Хрватске не само да није смирило хрватско-српске супротности, нити задовољило национално-политичке тежње Хрвата и учврстило нестабилне државне темеље него је допринело јачању раздора, изазвало незадовољство Срба и подстакло потребу за преиспитивањем југословенске државне идеје. Стога је у овом периоду, из угла национално-политичких потреба српске нације, једно од најтежих питања националне политике чинила дилема за или против Југославије. [...]

Српски црквени часописи о организацији, ширењу и дјеловању комунизма у Краљевини СХС/Југославији (1920–1940)

Author(s): Nebojša Malešević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2017

The primary intention of the paper is to show Communism organization, expansion and operation followed by Serbian Church magazines between 1920 and 1940 in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Yugoslavia. The author, will by analyzing all available and the relevant church newspapers from that period show how the Serbian Church magazines reacted to Communism. Special attention will be paid to the organization, expansion and (secret) action of the Communists since the founding of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPY) and the Young Communist League of Yugoslavia (SKOJ) until the beginning of World War II. Communism, at the time, was a new political philosophy which was developed as a child of socialism versus capitalism. Communism slowly came to the scene of the new state which was founded after World War I. Communism using the still young, economically weaken, and we can say insufficiently organized, multinational and multi-religious Kingdom, slowly, with a great discipline of his supporters and good organization expanded its field of action. In this paper, we will talk about it, whether, and how, Serbian church magazine recognized organization and expansion of the new political thinking and how it commented on itture.

Српско грађанство између Истока и Запада (1944–1945)

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Serbian bourgeoisie found itself in a particular social and political situation in 1944–1945. Apart from the victory of the People’s Liberation Movement in the liberation and civil war and the take-over by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, it was determined by the division into two worlds, East and West, socialism and capitalism. The Serbian bourgeoisie, like that in other East European countries, found itself between those two worlds. On the one hand, according to the basic ideological values it espoused, it was turned westwards, whereas, on the other hand, geographically and politically it found itself in the area in which the new political and social forces headed by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia strove to establish the values which canceled the very basis of the existence of the bourgeoisie. Particular attention was devoted to democracy, as one of the great ideas of the Serbian bourgeoisie. In meeting and clashing with the revolutionary forces it was defeated and virtually “disappeared”, together with the bourgeoisie as political and social class. After difficult crucible with it met during the previous decades – for instance crucible connected with the fulfillment of the national ideal, i.e. the creation of a democratic state in which all Serbs would live, or temptations occurring within the multiethnic state, or those, particularly hard, created by wars, particularly WWII - the Serbian bourgeoisie was weak, divided, without the aid of a strong monarchy, army and support of the Western democratic powers in that historical moment to defend and save the achievement in which it invested political, economic and intellectual capacity and innumerable human losses. The older generation of the Serbian bourgeoisie which had experienced democratic political life was biologically, politically and in every way tired and spent. It couldn’t understand the new times which demanded changing one’s ideological and political views and opinions, as well as moral values and their adaptation to the new times. Neither did the younger generation of bourgeoisie which was supposed to take over and lead the struggle for democracy have enough strength, unity or capability. It ripened in the years leading to WWII and had no opportunity to realize what the real democratic and parliamentary life looked like. The new times draw them partly into the ranks of the Communist Party in whose ideals they saw beacons for better life and arrangement of social relations.

СССР-КУБА: СТРАННЫЕ ИГРЫ ОБМЕНА

Author(s): Aleksandr Evgenievich Levintov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 6/2014

Перед немногочисленной «партией» (кли- кой, бандой, шайкой, бандформированием), за- хватившей власть на Кубе, возник выбор: искать примирения с Америкой, пойти по пути безрод- ного и космополитического троцкизма, выбрать маоистский путь, пойти навстречу кремлевским эмиссарам. Выбрано было последнее — уж очень заман- чивыми были посулы, которые, кстати, безуко- ризненно выполнялись впоследствии. И Фидель [Кастро] во всеуслышание заявил о выборе совет- ского социалистического направления. Его ничуть не смущало, что из 10 миллионов кубинцев один миллион — миллионеры, один миллион — такси- сты и один миллион — проститутки.