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Przyczynek do dziejów nauki i środowisk naukowych w Polsce w drugiej połowie XX wieku
The memoirs of Professor Stanisław Salmonowicz titled "Life escapes like a donkey" published two years ago constitute the recapitulation of his own life and the scientific autobiography including extensive and important retrospective remarks concerning science and scientific circles in Poland and Europe in the second half of the 20th century. He particularly refers to historical sciences and historical-legal sciences. Against other valuable memoirs of scholars of the period of the Polish People’s Republic, the memoirs by Prof. Salmonowicz are characterized by the thorough description and analysis of attitudes and achievements of scientists and scientific circles in this period. Moreover, as one of the few testimonies of this kind, they stem from the experience of the scholars who, as it was defined by the author, “did not pact with totalitarianism”. Dozens of years of research and teaching in the most outstanding universities in Poland and abroad (despite difficulties generated by the communist authorities) makes the memoirs rich in unique knowledge about the history of science in Poland, particularly in the period of the Polish People’s Republic and to some extent also in the Third Polish Republic. It is of major importance as the research on the history of science and scientific circles in the Polish People’s Republic still remains very scarce. That is why the testimonies of active and important scholars of the period are so significant. They are frequently a more reliable source of information than preserved formal documentation; they allow us to understand how scientific institutions operated in Poland prior to and after 1989 and how it determined their work, development and achievements.
More...Próba syntezy
The Michaelite Fathers (The Congregation of Saint Michael the Archangel) were the last to arrive in the territory of the Chełmno diocese among several orders which had started to operate there during the interwar period. At the same time, their arrival in Toruń was the only case of the order being brought to a given area by a clergyman of the diocese. Despite being involved in the work of St. Mary’s Rosary Institute from the beginning of 1939, the Michaelites did not manage to find their place in the sacral space of the town. They were not to blame for this. When Germans took over Toruń in the first days of September 1939, the only Michaelite was forced to leave the city. Nevertheless, the first steps in the work of the ministry in the city and dioceses had been already taken. The Michaelites returned to Toruń in 1948. They restored their activity in the district of Bydgoskie Przedmieście with a modest small chapel and building of the Rosary Institute. Originally, the priests exercised pastoral ministry among the inhabitants of the district, and later of the whole city, helping parish priests of other parish churches in Toruń. From year to year the congregation extended the scope of its activity among children and young people (until 1961 they taught religion at schools, later in special classrooms adjacent to parish churches), helping the poor, the sick, the handicapped, the blind. They worked also away from Toruń such as in the ministry centre, the parish church in Górsk, where the monks manager to build a sculpture commemorating the death of Rev. Popiełuszko. Prior to WWII, the Michaelites started to make an effort to have their own church built. They continued their efforts after the end of the war. The works lasted over 30 years. In 1949 the monks opened a public chapel, which was later extended, along with a monastic house. The plans of the construction of the church were ready in 1957. In 1963 a lot where the church was to be erected was acquired. The next step in the process of the creation of the Michaelites’ monastic houses in Toruń was the foundation of an independent pastoral centre in 1970. In 1976 the Roman Catholic Parish Church of Saint Michael the Archangel was set up in Toruń. Yet, the cornerstone was laid down in 1983 and consecrated in 1987.
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Smallpox pandemic outbreak happened in SFRY (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) Yugoslavia in March 1972 and it spread throughout SAP (Socialist Autonomous Province) Kosovo, and Social Republics of Serbia and Montenegro. Thanks to a timely reaction of health institutions and government, the pandemic was controlled and exterminated within a little more than two months. Since the state authorities identified haji Ibrahim Hoti as the source of the outbreak and the fact that he allegedly got infected on his way back from the pilgrimage, the Islamic Community of SFR Yugoslavia was placed in a difficult position. The author here discusses the attempts of the Islamic community to defy the accusations against Islam and the Islamic values which followed the spread of this information about the source of the pandemic outbreak. The author also relates about the contribution of the Islamic Community in preventing the further spreading of the infection as well as the impact of this pandemic upon religious life of Muslims in SFRY Yugoslavia in the year 1972.
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The trial of the group „Teodorescu Alex. and others”, being so tragic in terms of consequences, keeps alive only one person out of 16: Rădulescu Nicolae, Emanoil Mihăilescu passing to the eternal life on February 27, 2019. From the desire to bring more light into the investigation of the becoming of Father Daniil Sandu Tudor during the latter part of his life, in 2015, I asked for the support of these last survivors – Nicolae Rădulescu, Emanoil Mihăilescu – true disciples, who sacredly preserved the relief of the flames of the Rugul Aprins (The Burning Bush) in their hearts. In fact, these people are, in our opinion, the most able to recover the course of the Rugul Aprins, since they paid with their own freedom for belonging to this „spiritual group”, notwithstanding the tendencies of the time which they were given to go through in this earthly life. The same reason, of the objective restoration of the investigation and the trial of the group of Rugul Aprins, led to the consultation of the archives of the National Council for the Study of Security Archives (A.C.N.S.A.S.), from which we selected a series of documents regarding the topic of this research. This time, the exercise of demistification of certain interrogation minutes, accusation ordinances etc. was realized by these two protagonists of those – Emanoil Mihăilescu, Nicolae Rădulescu – who engaged in this lucid effort of reconstructing the historical truth, escaping (as much as possible) the subjectivism.
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It is already a well-known reality, proven by the numerous volumes, studies and research aproaches published after 1990 on this topic that the amplitude of the personalities that made up the group of Rugul Aprins (The Burning Bush) still arouses the interest of historians, theologians, sociologists or philologists. The present study aims to reconstruct as truthfully as possible the stage of the arrest of the 16 people who constituted the group „Teodorescu Alex. and others”, also known as the group of the Rugul Aprins, by corroborating the data from the documents in the Archive of the National Council for the Study of Security Archives with the information from the memorialistic literature, but also with the interview of two people who directly had this experience – Emanoil Mihăilescu and Nicolae Rădulescu. The memorialistic literature corroborated with the official documents (see A.C.N.S.A.S.) offers an impressive number of evidences of the fight against the Romanian Orthodox Church, the policy of compromising the Church subordinating itself increasingly diverse and treacherous means.
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Review of: Franko Mirošević - Jasper RIDLEY, Tito (Biografija), Prometej, Zagreb 2000., 532 str.
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Review of: Marko Babić - MARIJAN KARAULA, ŽRTVE I MUČENICI - STRADANJA BOSANSKIH FRANJEVACA U DRUGOM SVJETSKOM RATU I KOMUNIZMU, Svjetlo riječi, Sarajevo, 1999., 335 str.
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Review of: Nada Kisić Kolanović - POČETAK KRAJA SFRJ, STENOGRAM I DRUGI PRATEĆI DOKUMENTI PROŠIRENE SEDNICE IZVRŠNOG KOMITETA CK SKJ ODRŽANE 14-16. MARTA 1962. GODINE, Beograd, 1998, Arhiv Jugoslavije, str. 311.
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On the basis of previously inaccessible archival documents, and the secondary literature, the author shows the aims of the Ustasha movement in emigration after 1945 to combat the communist government and Yugoslavia in order to re-establish the Independent State of Croatia. For this purpose, they planned to organize the guerilla, or "crusader", groups still operating in Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina under the umbrella of so-called Croatian military forces. Counting on support from the US and Great Britain in an anti-communist alliance against the Soviet east, the political orientation of the Ustasha leadership became pro-western. Contact with western agents revealed western interest in military intelligence and information about the military potential of the "crusaders," but they insisted that contact remain with specific individuals and not extend to official recognition. In opposition to the "liberal capitalist" system of the west, the ustasha leadership emphasized the importance of state, communal and private ownership, and likewise the necessity of preserving the peasant smallhold as the basis of "Croatian national life." The anticipated armed struggle was to be carried out exclusively by the Ustasha, but the future state was to be formed on the principles of democracy and national sovereignty.
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This article deals with the issue of communist repression during 1945. The repressiveness of the totalitarian communist system became manifest in many spheres of public, cultural and political life. The primary concern of every communist regime, including the Yugoslavian, is the elimination of political opponents. For this reason, in Croatia, following the Second World War, advocates of democracy among the middle-classes and the intellectuals were targeted. The Survey Commission was the organization that was given the responsibility of “establishing the fact of criminal collaboration with the enemy in cultural matters.” In the area of Zagreb alone, which this article studies, 176 persons were pronounced criminals for “cultural collaboration with the enemy,” 54 complaints were lodged with the public prosecutor for insulting the honour of the nation, and hundreds of “questionnaires” were filled out. These types of activities on the part of the Survey Commission allowed the Yugoslav communist authorities to carry out various forms of repression (including show trials, loss of occupation, jail sentences and even execution).
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Review of: Franko Mirošević - Zdenko RADELIĆ, Božidar Magovac - S Radićem između Mačeka i Hebranga, Hrvatski institut za povijest i Dom i svijet, Zagreb 1999., 261 str.
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Review of: Hrvoje Matković - ZDENKO RADELIĆ, BOŽIDAR MAGOVAC - S RADIĆEM IZMEĐU MAČEKA I HEBRANGA, Hrvatski institut za povijest i Dom i svijet, Zagreb 1999., 261 str.
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Review of: Marko Babić - IVAN DAMIŠ, FRANJEVCI HRVATSKE FRANJEVAČKE PROVINCIJE SV. ĆIRILA I METODA ŽRTVE DRUGOG SVJETSKOG RATA, PORAĆA I JUGOKOMUNIZMA, HKD sv. Jeronima, Zagreb 2000., 156 str.
More...Current State of Research and New Perspectives
What is commonly referred to in Poland as ‘December 1970’ was one of the most important and most tragic moments in the history of this country after the Second World War. Then, a violent suppression of workers’ revolts in several Polish cities on the Baltic coast, by the Citizens’ Militia and the army, and the subsequent changes in the leadership of the Polish United Workers’ Party took place. After fourteen years in power, the First Secretary of the Central Committee, Władysław Gomułka, was replaced by the former member of the Politburo and also the First Secretary of the Voivodship Committee in Katowice, Edward Gierek. The military operations on the Polish coast, alongside the Citizens’ Militia, involved some 27,000 soldiers and 550 tanks, 750 armoured carriers and 2,100 cars. Also, 108 aircraft and helicopters, as well as 40 vessels of the Polish Navy were deployed. Apart from the period of martial law (1981–1983), never during peacetime has the Polish Army been put on standby on such a scale and used to such an extent to pacify the society. According to official data, a total of 45 people were killed and 1,165 wounded on the Baltic coast. Although over 80 books and brochures have already been published on ‘December 1970’, we still do not know the answers to all the questions. The role played by the Soviet authorities at that time has been researched the least. However, without free access to the post-Soviet archives stored in Russia, which seems hardly possible in the near future, it will be difficult to make new findings on this issue.
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The article addresses an important but little-known issue of the conflict over the demarcation of the border between Estonia and (Soviet) Russia in the years 1917–1920, which was important for the international order in North-Eastern Europe after the First World War. The dispute over this matter was much broader than just bilateral, as the normalization of the situation in the Baltic region conditioned the possibility of extending the international order established by the Treaty of Versailles to Eastern Europe. This issue has not received a separate monograph so far, although it was addressed in historical publications, especially in the countries directly concerned. The analysis of the state of research, confronted with primary sources, constitutes the base for the article. After the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, Estonia quickly became an object of interest for the Bolsheviks, which almost ended up with the republic losing its independence. However, the politicians of the newly born Republic of Estonia showed great political skills by manoeuvring between Germany, the White and Red Armies, obtaining British aid and establishing military cooperation with Latvia, which was equally threatened. However, it was the Polish-Soviet War, which ended with the defeat of the Red Army, that turned out to be crucial. During disputes with the Whites and the Bolsheviks with regard to demarcation, Estonia successfully, at least in a short-term perspective, defended its historical rights to the regions of Narva and Petseri against its aggressive neighbour. From the point of view of diplomatic possibilities, the Estonians achieved everything that was achievable. The peace treaty signed in Tartu in 1920 ensured ‘perpetual guarantees’ which, however, lasted only for less than two decades.
More...За автора и неговия дневник - Н. Попетров
The text is part of a diary kept by eng. Yurdan Danchov, who in the period 1942–1945 was the first rector of the Higher Technical School (University) in Sofia. Records from August 1944 to May 1945 were selected, which reflected the public mood on the eve of the Soviet Army's approach to the Bulgarian borders and the looming political change in the country. Also the situation immediately after the coup of September 9, 1944 and the activity of normalizing the educational process were selected. Additionally, the constant attacks by representatives of the new government in order to seize the leadership of the School and to carry out a political purge were selected. The diary provides significant information not only about personal attitudes and public moods, the current ideological atmosphere and changing agenda, but also about the behavior of individual professional groups, the mixing of ideological and career motives and more.
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Politics of Albania during the communist period (1945-1989) is basically defined by two distinct periods. Between 1945-1977, the authoritarian regime of Enver Hoxha always sought political, economic and ideological support from a great power with the same communist ideology, a kind of „protectorate” able to confer economic and state security. Immediately after the war, between 1945-1949, the regime had as ally Tito’s Yugoslavia, which has overextended its protectorate, worrying the regime from Tirana. Relations with Yugoslavia were broken, being replaced by the USSR. Until Stalin’s death, relations were good, but the conciliatory policy of Khrushchev with the western states and Yugoslavia will gradually cool relations with Albania. In addition, the economic support given by USSR was on remand and directed mainly to the agricultural sector and not to the industry, as the regime of Tirana wanted. In April 1962, the USSR relationships came to an end. What followed was a long relationship with China, from which it received a substantial economic and financial aid, with greater freedom in the development of economic, especially industrial goals. Albania supported and implemented its own version of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, which was taken to the extreme. A slight cooling of relations between the two countries occurred with the change in China’s foreign policy (toward the USSR, Yugoslavia and resumption of relations with the US), something that Albania was not consulted of. But Albania needed the economic support of China. In July 1978, the Chinese government, increasingly tired of the vehement criticism coming from the Albanian regime, suspended military and economic relations with Albania. Thus, Albania entered a period of deep external isolation, while internally E. Hoxha strengthened his totalitarian regime. Political and economic independence was taken to the extreme, Albania resisting with internal resources and the accumulation of previous years. This state of isolation was maintained by the Albanian leader until his death in 1985, manifested especially with the great powers, the USA, USSR and China but also to other Western countries and from the communist bloc, like Yugoslavia. His successor, Ramiz Alia, initially continued this containment policy, followed in the 1990s by a relaxation of Albania’s relations with other countries of the world, including the USA.
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