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The break-up of the former Yugoslavia resulted in the establishment of seven states with manifestly different citizenship regimes. Relating the politics of citizenship to the dominant nation-building projects, this paper argues that in the post-Yugoslav countries in which nation-building projects are consolidated (Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia) citizenship regimes converge around ethnic inclusiveness, while in those where nation building is contested (Macedonia and Montenegro) territorial rather than ethnic attachments are articulated in citizenship policies. In the case of Kosovo, and to a certain degree Bosnia and Herzegovina, policies emphasise territory due to international involvement in the shaping of their citizenship regimes. Even though all of these states have adopted ius sanguinis as the main mechanism of citizenship attribution at birth, the different approaches to naturalisation and dual citizenship indicate that the politics of citizenship are inextricably linked to the questions of nation building and statehood. To explore these issues, the paper first outlines the main traits of citizenship policies in contested and consolidated states. It proceeds by looking at different naturalisation requirements in the two groups of states. It argues that extension to ethnic kin occurs only in countries in which statehood and nation building are consolidated, where it serves to project an image of national unity. In states that are challenged by several competing nation-building projects, citizenship attribution through ethnic kinship is impossible due to lack of internal unity. The paper also analyses approaches to dual citizen-ship, identifying patterns of openness and restrictiveness. By doing so, it links the politics of citizenship to the interaction of foreign policy mechanisms in post-Yugoslav countries and identifies the points where these regimes overlap or conflict with each other.
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The purpose of the research is to define the main features of the cultural transformation of modern Belarusian society. The research methodology is based on the interdisciplinary approach and modern sociological, cultural and anthropological concepts and consists in using of the methods of system analysis for indication of strategic objectives and basic principles of cultural and structural-functional development, which allows viewing culture in its historical, axiological and functional integrity. Scientific novelty is connected with the new understanding of cultural transformation of the modern Belarusian society. The inchoate national identity, lack of support of the Belarusian language, and spiritual crisis hinders the development of the Belarusian national culture and do not resist cultural assimilation and erosion of the nation spiritual foundations. Conclusions. The development of the Belarusian culture depends on the Belarusian identity and statehood. The cultural transformation of the modern Belarusian society is characterized by the following features: the desire of the national elite to preserve the Belarusian cultural paradigm defined by the phenomena of revival, Christian enlightenment, a unique coexistence of the multi-confessional and pagan cultural forms, tolerance, openness and liberal form of thinking; a tragic gap between the creative sphere (intellectual, cultural and creative activities of the national elite) and the sphere of cultural functioning (non Belarusian mass culture, cultural assimilation, and Russification); the crisis in the Belarusian culture, caused by the crisis of the global Christian culture and by the post-Soviet nihilism as well as by low level of the national identity, decreasing of the Belarusian language use; a split of the Belarusian society mainly on the basis of geopolitical orientation and social identity and at the same time growing understanding by authorities of the necessity to strengthen the Belarusian cultural identity as well as their attempts to build a political nation on the basis of the state ideology.
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The paper proposes a short reflection on the nature of the post war political transformation in Sierra Leone, taking the visual signs of the streets as a starting point. The author observed the post-conflict democratisation process over five years, between 2008 and 2012, and describes how reading the political slogans, bill boards and popular graffiti allowed her following the subtle socio-economic changes characterising the country. The underlying argument is that the largely externally led liberal peace building using foreign and local NGOs as engines of a deep social transformation was based on abstract promises that ultimately failed to realise. Without effectively changing people’s lives, these abstract promises normalised a value system that prepared a capitalist take off but ten years after the end of the civil war capitalist development still worked only for a tiny minority, making many people doubt about the benevolent nature of globalisation.
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This paper focuses on the set of ideological means and systems of scholarly argumentation presented by the field of geographical science between the two world wars in an attempt to prove the unity of the Hungarian national space and demonstrate the impracticability of the spatial confines within which the state had to exist due to the ruling implemented after the Paris Peace Treaty. Specifically, I will elaborate on the geographical myths used to legitimize the so-called Hungarian state space, with special attention devoted to ethnic mapping as an ethno-political device and means of articulating discourses of power discourse.
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In the article attention is spared research of becoming and development of basic directions of foreign-policy activity of Kievan Rus ІХ-Х st. and their influence on state creative processes.
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The period of Abdurrahman Khan with the nickname of “Iron Ameer”, who ruled Afghanistan between 1880 and 1901, is regarded as the beginning of modern Afghanistan. The first major and comprehensive reform effort in Afghanistan took place after 1880, in the time of Ameer. In this period, it was aimed to transform Afghan State from a tribal state to a modern central state by reforming especially in political, social, economic and religious field. For this, it was necessary to annihilate the autonomy and the economic forces of the traditional power groups in the society, the rule of the kingdom, the tribal leaders and the religious institutions. In addition, the most important characteristic of the period is that the central government in Afghanistan has become stronger than ever. In this study, Emir Abdurrahman Han period will be tried to discuss. Rather than the political and military events of period, a series of reforms and the results of these reforms Ameer Abdurrahman's made in political, social, economic, religious and cultural fields in order to establish a modern and central Afghanistan will be tried to be explained in the study.
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The article evaluates the experience of nation-building in the case of ideological activity of Social and Cultural Association “Polisse”. The author analyses causes of its appearance, the tools used by its creators and the potential of the ethno-political myth they produced. The myth created by “Polisse” was a comprehensive and theoretically elaborated concept, which radically contradicted the previously adopted mythological narratives. Despite a wide range of ideas and rich argumentation, the myth failed to become a part of local identity, since it was rejected by the population of the region.
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The authors associated with the periodical Sztuka i Naród were highly critical of the art of the interwar period. In their common opinion, it was unpatriotic and limited to the worship of individualism, which proved to be disastrous for the state and its social structure. Still, Wacław Bojarski, the acting editor-in-chief, decided to honor Bruno Schulz with an obituary even though the writer had nothing to do with the nationalist ideology. Schulz did not write any “engaged” or “nationalist”, but for some reason the editors of Sztuka i Naród resolved to save his name and literary achievement from oblivion.
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Despot S. Badžović (1850–1932) was one of the Serbs in Macedonia who after his schooling in Serbia became teacher in kruševo, whereas in 1875 he had to quit this job and go back to Belgrade. In Belgrade, he was one of the most prominent national operatives (Sava Dečanac, kosta A. Šumenković, etc.) who advocated during the Congress of Berlin the annexation of Macedonia to Serbia. for that purpose, he wrote a document called “To which Slavic Branch do Slavs in Upper Albania and Macedonia Belong” (Kojoj slavenskoj grani pripada ju Sloveni u gornjoj Albaniji i Makedoniji) (1878). As a member of “Brotherhood between Serbo-Macedonians and old- Serbs” he wrote a document called “Honest Wording of Serbo–Macedonians” (Iskrena reč Srbo-Makedonaca) (1885)and “Macedonian issue” (Makedonsko pi tanje) (1893). These two documents were dealing with historical and ethnographic circumstances in Macedonia.
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Kad se piše o konstituisanju Srbije kao složene federalne jedinice 1945. godine, ne može se to konstituisanje objasniti bez poniranja u istoriju srpskog naroda i Srbije od stvaranja Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca 1918. i osnivanja KPJ 1919. godine. Iz aspekta sadašnjeg državno-pravnog i međunarodnog položaja Srbije postavlja se svakom istoričaru pitanje kako je Srbija kao država posle uspona u 19. veku i početkom 20. veka došla u položaj meke okupacije, kako neki sociolozi ocenjuju. Dosta se piše da su poslednjih deset godina 20. veka bili presudni kada su Srbi pretrpeli brojne poraze, a manje je onih koji prate dugotrajan proces rastakanja Srba i Srbije u 20. veku i njihovog poistovećivanja sa jugoslovenstvom i državom Jugoslavijom. Branitelj srpstva i veliki skeptik Dobrica Ćosić smatra velikom greškom sve što su Srbi uradili u 20. veku. „Velike greške smo učinili u 20. stoleću sa dobrim namerama. Ako neki narod ne zna šta čini na poslovima istorije, onda je to srpski narod“. [...]
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Der Aufsatz behandelt die theoretischen Grundlagen, die methodischen Probleme und die Forschungsthemen der wissenschaftlichen Tätigkeit des Historikers Lajos Thallóczy bis zur Jahrhundertwende. Seine Geschichtsauffassung wurde von der positivistischen Naturwissenschaftlichkeit dieses Zeitalters, von der Akzeptanz der Wirkung der naturgeographischen Gegebenheiten und von der Gültigkeit der Naturgesetze auf die menschliche Gesellschaft stark beeinflusst. Methodisch neigte er zur totalen Quellenerfassung des Positivismus und dem kritischen philologischen Faktizismus zu. Bewusst erweiterte er die Thematik und die geographischen Grenzen der ungarischen historischen Forschung und begann systematisch die Geschichtsquellen und die Geschichtsschreibung der benachbarten Balkanvölker zu studieren. In seiner Laufbahn stellte der Auftrag vom gemeinsamen Finanzminister der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie, Benjamin Kállay in 1884 zur Aufarbeitung der Geschichte von Bosnien und Herzegowina eine entscheidende Wende dar. Der für die Verwaltung der okkupierten Provinzen zuständige Minister erwartete von ihm die Konzipierung der „historischen Meistererzählung“ von Bosnien und Herzegowina, um mit der Bewertung der Vergangenheit zur Bildung einer gemeinsamen historischen, kulturellen und nationalen Identität der konfessionell geteilten bosnischen Bevölkerung beizutragen. Die grundlegenden inhaltlichen Elemente des fehlenden bosnischen nationalen historischen Narrativs legte Thallóczy während der Vorarbeiten des Geschichtslehrbuchs für die Grundschulen fest, mit der die Ansprüche der multikonfessionellen Schülerschaft in Betracht gezogen wurden. Das 1893 offiziell eingeführte Lehrbuch „Geschichte Bosniens und der Herzegowina für Grundschule“ wurde von seiner Geschichtsdeutung bestimmt. Während seiner zehnjährigen Forschungsarbeit brachte Thallóczy mit positivistischer Gründlichkeit aus mehr als hundert in- und ausländischen Archiven und Bibliotheken über die Geschichte Bosniens ein ansehnliches Quellenkorpus zustande. Wegen des Verbleibs der systematischen Erschließung der Archive von Ragusa und Venedig, sowie infolge der schweren Zugänglichkeit zum osmanischen Quellengut fand er dies doch nicht ausreichend, um die große historische Synthese, die Landesgeschichte Bosniens und der Herzegowina bis zum Pariser Friedenschluss von 1856 fertigzustellen. Zur Dokumentation der bosnischen Sonderentwicklung wurde die regelmäßige Edition der bosnischen historischen Quellen geplant, die mit der Veröffentlichung der gesammelten mittelalterlichen Urkunden beginnen sollte. Mit der Gründung der „Monumenta Bosniae“ wollte Thallóczy langfristig die Grundsteine für die wissenschaftliche, kritische Aufarbeitung der bosnischen Geschichte sowie für die Entstehung einer bosnisch-nationalen Geschichtsschreibung legen. Trotz der positiven Stellungnahme der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften übernahm der Gemeinsame Finanzminister, Kállay, der diese Forschungen bisher unterstützte, die Finanzierung der mehrere Jahre lang beträchtliche Ausgaben mit sich ziehenden historischen Quellenediton nicht mehr. Das Quellenmaterial, das Thallóczy während seiner Forschungen zur Geschichte Bosniens erschloss, wurde mit der Finanzierung der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in einer neuen thematischen Quellenedition unter dem Titel „Urkundensammlung der Nebenländer Ungarns“ (= Codex diplomaticus partium Regno Hungariae adnexarum) verwertet. Dieses Vorhaben beschränkte sich nun nicht mehr auf Bosnien, sondern umfasste alle Länder und Banate entlang der südlichen Grenze des mittelalterlichen Ungarn. Über die Geschichte Bosniens lieferte Thallóczy um die Jahrhundertwende für eine breite Leserschaft eine überblickende Darstellung, die im Musterwerk des gesamtmonarchischen Patriotismus, im Bosnien-Band der bekannten Serie „Die österreichisch-ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild“, veröffentlicht wurde.
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The article is devoted to the formation of Albanian state in 1908-1912. The role of Great Powers is also analyzed in the article. Research is based on unpublished documents from Russian archives.
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This article provides one of the first studies of nation-building in Yakutia from 1922 to the end of the 1930s. The largest ethnic community in this region became the subject of a global process of activating national movements at the site of disintegrated multinational empires of Europe and Asia under the influence of the First World War and subsequent revolutions. This political and cultural project involved both the central authorities of the RSFSR and the USSR, as well as the leadership of the Yakut ASSR, established in 1922. The existing preconditions for the formation of a Yakut nation (commonality of historical destiny, unity of language, existence of a national intelligentsia, etc.) and the political struggle between supporters of centralization and federalism forced the creation of necessary national attributes (autonomy, written national literature, national modernized culture and economy). There were some clear successes achieved by national policies, taking into account local peculiarities (e.g. temporary reconciliation and cooperation with non-partisan intelligentsia, tolerance for believers, most of whom were Yakuts, and creation of mass written language). At the same time, they were hindered by haste in modernizing and raising the cultural level of the Yakut population (spasmodic economic transformation, political ambitions by part of the Yakut intelligentsia not supported by objective conditions, thus encouraging indigenization) Yakutia’s nation-building had two phases: phase 1 (1922 to the end of the 1920s), and phase 2 (late 1920s to the end of the 1930s), which corresponded to stages of prevalence of the national trend and the transition to non-national politics . Among the main results and lessons of nation-building were: truncated autonomy, but the experience of national government (successful experience of internal regionalization and defining the boundaries of the YASSR), defeat of the old national intelligentsia, creation of mass national writing, repression of religion and traditional beliefs, and raising the general cultural level).
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The author examines the last volume of the Kronprinzenwerk on Croatia-Slavonia in the context of the interaction between empire- and nation-building processes, that is, the ways in which imperial expectations of the Kronprinzenwerk differed from the final product done by the local experts. Special emphasis is put on the volume’s editor, Izidor Kršnjavi and his editorial policy as well as on the image of Croatia-Slavonia and internal Croatian public debates which occurred during the editorial process of the Kronprinzenwerk and its political implications.
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The review of: Stefan Karner, Lorenz Mikoletzky (ur.), Österreich. 90 Jahre Republik. Beitragsband der Ausstellung im Parlament. Studien Verlag Innsbruck Wien Bozen, 2008. 636 strani.
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The review of: Rosvita Pesek, Skupščinski koraki k samostojni državi: izbor iz dobesednih zapisov sej Skupščine Republike Slovenije, odločilnih za nastanek neodvisne države Slovenije v obdobju 1990-1991, s komentarjem. Zveza zgodovinskih društev, Ljubljana 2008, 484 strani, ilustr.
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The review of: Božo Repe, Jutri je nov dan: Slovenci in razpad Jugoslavije. Modrijan. Ljubljana 2002, 459 strani
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The review of: Slovenska osamosvojitev 1991: pričevanja in analize: simpozij, Brežice, 21. in 22. junij 2001: zbornik. Ur. Jurij Perovšek … et al. Ljubljana : Državni zbor Republike Slovenije : Zveza zgodovinskih društev Slovenije, 2002, 389 strani (Knjižna zbirka Državnega zbora Republike Slovenije)
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