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The aim of the present article is to analyze the ideas promoted into the programmes of the political parties to repudiate the political and economic restrictions imposed on the Principality of Bulgaria under the Berlin Treaty. Although the ideologists and the leaders of the bourgeois parties did not work out in detail specific resolutions to gradually deprive the foreign subjects of their privileges, the programme documents gradually and more and more emphatically propounded the demand to repudiate the political and economic dependence imposed by the Berlin Treaty. With their practical actions the governments, and in particular those of the People’s Liberal Party and of the People’s Party, contributed to the de facto annulment of the capitulation regime, and paved the way for the recognition by Turkey and the Great Powers of the independence of the Bulgarian State, which was declared on 22 September 1908.
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Most countries in Africa are both “multination” and “polyethnic” states. This is due partly to the forced amalgamation, by the European colonialists, of the continent’s “ethnocultural nations” into single economic and political units that were called “colonies.” These colonies eventually evolved into what are today’s independent African countries. Today, many of these ethnocultural groups want to secede and form their own independent polities in order to have more autonomy over policies that affect their well-being, including especially their cultural and traditional values. The struggle by these groups for either outright secession or so-called enhanced rights has created many challenges for governance, national integration and nation-building in many countries in Africa today. Throughout the continent, inter-ethnic conflict, for example, over the allocation of scarce resources, has produced sectarian violence that has led to civil wars (as occurred in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, and Nigeria) and significantly endangered prospects for peaceful coexistence. It has been suggested that the solution to this political quagmire is the creation of differentiated citizenship rights for each of these groups. The paper suggests that of the three types of differentiated citizenship that have been suggested as a way to accommodate diversity—self-government rights, polyethnic rights, and special representation rights—self-government rights pose the greatest threat to social, political, and economic stability in the African countries. The solution to this governance challenge may lie in inclusive and robust dialogue, which can help these groups find a way to remain citizens of their present polities, while at the same time, retaining their cultural identities.
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The communication presented, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the enthronement of Alba Iulia, wishes a tribute and pious gratitude to King Ferdinand and the politician of deep patriotic resonance, who was for almost 15 years the president of the Conservative Party – Alexandru Marghiloman. Both the king and the true conservative politician were animated in the years of the First World War, by a special perseverance to fulfill the great desideratum of the full unication of all Romanian territories and the creation of Great România. The “unifying” king, closely advised by a competent chamberlain, I would say, who had at his top the incomparable liberal leader I.I.C. Brătianu and Queen Maria. Even if he did not excel in the specific skills of at rue political leader, being more inclined to scientific and cultural concerns, King Ferdinand knew how to choose his advisers and engage them in the fulfillment of national ideals. Such was the case of Alexandru Marghiloman, who, due to his special abilities, was elected by I.I.C. Brătianu and proposed to the king to form a government that would treat and conclude peace with the Central Powers, when the country was in great danger, in the spring of1916. In our paper, we insisted on the most realistic presentation of the way in which Alexandru Marghiloman and his team acted to save the country, but especially of those measures and actions taken under the conditions of concluding the armistice and signing the separate capitulation by the defeated Central Powers. I also insisted on a more realistic presentation of the two personalities of the time, who also left their mark on the front page of what would become, through the joint efforts of the sovereign, also of the president of the Conservative Party, Greater Romania.
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The holy act of reuniting with Bessarabia (March 27 / April 9, 1918) is intrinsically linked to the personality of the conservative politician Alexandru Marghiloman. According to him, the process of denationalization of Romanians had reached much more alarming levels in Bessarabia than in Transylvania.The brightest moment of his government was the union of Bessarabia with the Kingdom of Romania which interfered with both the military and the Orthodox church.The renowned author of the Political Notes 1897–1924 provides us with valuable information about the memorable historical moments and about the mood of the artisans of those long-awaited moments, integral parts of the multisecular project of National Integration.In the sense of the “Wallachian lord”, the union of Bessarabia with the Motherland, after 106 years of Tsarist occupation, was the fruit of divine providence.
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The Prime Minister of Romania Alexandru Marghiloman had a stay in Chișinău for only two days, participating in the works of the Country Council (Sfatul Țării) on March 27, 1918. We set out, based on the „Political Notes”, to re-establish the route followed by Al. Marghiloman to know the Chișinău of those times to see the metamorphoses of the city and how today’s generation contributes to the rehabilitation and promotion of this important part of the cultural and historical heritage. Our itinerary includes Chișinău station, The London Hotel, V. Herța’s urban villa, Gymnasium no. 3, Chisinau Military Circle, Cathedral of Christʼs Nativity and The Club of Nobility.
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Sesiunea Națională de comunicări Științifice "Românii din Sud Estul Transilvaniei. Istoric. Cultură. Civilizație" organizată de Centrul Ecleziastic de Documentare "Mitropolit Nicolae Colan", din cadrul Episcopiei Ortodoxe a Covasnei și Harghitei, Muzeul Național al Carpațiilor Răsăriteni, Centrul European de Studii Covasna și Harghita, Ministerul Culturii, Liga Cultural Creștină "Andrei-Șaguna" și Centrul Cultural Toplița, cu sprijinul Consiliului Județean Covasna, a Consiliului Local Sf. Gheorghe și al S.C Stefadina Comserv Srl București, începând din anul 1995 a devenit o manifestare recunoscută pentru valoarea contribuțiilor din domeniul cercetării istoriei, culturiiși civilizației românești din Sud-estul Transilvaniei. Ajunsă la ediția a XIX-a, sesiunea s-a impustreptat ca una dintre activitățiile științifice cu impact social și cultural semnificativ la nivel local, regional și național.
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The peoples of SE Europe have gone through hard tests and great sufferings of the extremely painful condition, called “Balkanization” in the world encyclopaedias. The causes for the sorrowful1 glory are as much of a regional character as they rest in the egoistic geopolitical schemes of the Great Powers. As a matter of fact no more wrongs were done in the southeastern part of the Old Continent than in the other “civilized” countries. Globalization in the economy does not mean that the Europeans will be standardized to the extent of not knowing what sort of people they are. Difference leads to unity in variety and is no obstacle to joining the achievements of the others. The inhabitants of the Balkans are not “second class” Europeans. The Balkans can be not only the end but also the beginning of Europe depending on the point of view. Today the Balkan peoples return not to Europe but to the forgotten economic and political values. They may cure themselves of the “Balkanization” and prove that the Balkans are an inseparable part of Europe.
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Averkii Petrovich was one of the figures who distinguished themselves in the field of education during the mature period of the Bulgarian national Revival. From his youth to his death he devoted himself with consistency and zeal to the modernization of the Bulgarian society that had lagged behind owing to the centuries long isolation from the development of Europe. A. Petrovich was born about 1829 in Sopot at the foot of the Stara Planina Mountains. Very young he became a monk at the Sopot monastery, and in 1845 entered the Belgrade seminary. During his studies in Belgrade which he successfully ended in 1848 he translated two Serbian books. After his return to Sopot, without leaving the monastery, for a few years he worked as teacher in the school there and continued to translate books. In 1858 A. Petrovich left for Kiev and joined the Kiev Theological Academy. Four years later his thirst for knowledge led him to Dresden where he studied German and French and continued to occupy himself with literature. In 1865 Petrovich went again to Belgrade and afterwards to other Serbian towns where he worked as a school master and continued to translate. At that time he did not dare to return to his motherland, fearing persecution by the Patriarchate of Constantinople. In 1872, after a prolonged struggle, the newly established Bulgarian Exarchate began to function and A. Petrovich was elected Metropolitan of the Vratsa diocese. Unfortunately, he soon clashed with the contradictory interests of the Turkish administration and the Bulgarian church community. Although highly educated, he lacked the practical skill to overcome complicated political situations. This compelled him after one year to hand in his resignation and to return to Constantinople. There for another few years he engaged in ecclesiastical and literary work, and died in early 1878, only months before the establishment of the new Bulgarian State.
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The text of B.N. Chicherin’s memorandum “The Peace of Berlin before Russian Public Opinion” is accompanied by an explanatory text of Associate Professor Sergey Leonidovich Chernov of “M.L. Lomonosov” Moscow State University, a researcher of Russia’s foreign policy problems during the second half of the 19th c. The article acquaints the readers with the principal view that existed in Russian society in 1878 on the decisions of San Stefano and Berlin, and with the specific opinion of B.N. Chicherin of the role of the state and particularly of Russia in the dynamically changing process in the European Southeast. B.N. Chicherin developed in detail this position in the document published where also he sought a behaviour of the Russian Empire adequate to the established situation and advantageous for the interest of the state.
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Although the memoir of Alexander Exarch is known to Bulgarian historians, it has not been printed in full. The authoress interprets the Memoir which in point of fact was a political declaration of the Bulgarian political centre in Paris in the early 1840s. It clearly defined the ways in which the all-Bulgarian movement for spiritual and political development should be realized. The memoir gives also a clear idea of its author, Alexander Exarch, one of the most active champions of the cause of Bulgaria’s liberation in the middle of the past century.
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The goal of this article is an in-depth analysis of subject matter in Kristaps Ģelzis’s (1962) oeuvre, attempting to specify important trajectories in the artist’s development. Ģelzis is considered a master of Latvian contemporary art whose career dates back to the 1980s. He has participated in both local and international exhibitions. Ģelzis is one of the so-called trespassers’ generation of artists along with Oļegs Tillbergs (1956), Ojārs Pētersons (1956), Sarmīte Māliņa (1960), Andris Breže (1958) and others known for their different artistic means of expression and broadening the concept of art in Latvia. Ģelzis also belongs to the so-called first generation of conceptualists whose manifestations were characterised by expansive and imaginative installations, large-scale serigraphs as well as meticulously refined procedural works. The range of media used by Ģelzis is almost unlimited. He expresses himself in any available material or medium; what matters is that the specific medium resonates with and executes the artist’s sharp-eyed and typically witty insights. Therefore, this article focuses on the growing significance of the content-based dimension of Ģelzis’s work, which is becoming a major point of reference for any analysis of specific stages of his oeuvre, placing thematic analysis centre stage.Assessing Ģelzis’s oeuvre over time, one must conclude that socio-political critique thematically prevails. In the context of Latvian contemporary art, Ģelzis is among the few whose artistic output is also notable for a sharp, candid, ironic and critical reaction to the events of the day in both local and international contexts. Ģelzis utilises individual history and experience (the environment, state, political events and consequences arising from systemic changes) to introduce his observations and to speak candidly and ironically about the nature of socio-political transformations and their impact on society. He possesses a sensitive command of symbolic elements of the local environment, which he masterfully integrates into his works, reflecting on the societal issues of the day. Oftentimes, Ģelzis’s works are characterised by the presence of humour and paradox in which the observation or image of a specific event fit into the broader logic of events.In the late 1980s and early 1990s, it was criticism of the Soviet apparatus, the relationship between the individual and authority with its ideological manifestations in the context of current socio-political events and changes (“Above I”, “Above II”, “Aggression”, all 1987; “Fall”, “Dismantling the Wall”, both 1988; “Laundry Day”, 1990). During his career, Ģelzis has focused in-depth on the relationship between authority and control (“Monument”, 2009, “Once Again Nothing’s Happening”, 2010). During the 1990s transition from the socialist system to the transnational capitalist society, criticism of capitalism and consumer society began to appear in Ģelzis’s works, manifested through his use of global pop culture images, along with criticism of brands (“The Stuffed Free Potato Eater”, 1997; the “Mask” series, 2001–2002; “Mrs Smith’s DNA”, “Britney’s Strings”, both 2007). Thereafter, he created critically-oriented, symbolic references to domestic and international political events in various media (“Fire Centre”, “Swedish Buffet”, both 1997; “Bin Fear”, 2007; “Sand Castle”, 2012), paying particularly critical attention to issues of Latvian national identity and the concept of statehood (“What’s Happening in Latvia”, 2005; “Flag”, 2013; “Anthem”, 2015). The artist was also preoccupied with ecological crises and environmental problems (“Shoots”, 1987; “Eco Yard 2000”, 1994–2004; “Countryside LV” and “Countryside U.S.”, 2000; “Plastic Coffee”, 2007; “The Run for a Million”, 2008).Ģelzis’s art should not just be considered in the context of socio-political references. At the start of the 1990s, before turning to the societal impacts of pop arty kitsch, the artist created formally laconic objects and installations in a style reminiscent of minimalism, which were more centred on the work of art itself, examining its nature and the mechanisms of perception (“Three Graces”, 1990; “Language Lesson”, “Power Box”, “Structure”, all 1992; “Twin Elements”, 1994). His work “Dream Journey” (1994) is notable for the interplay between language and form typical of a linguistic conceptualist. A subject of particular importance to Ģelzis (especially during the period when he had to divide his attention between his artist’s career and job in an advertising agency), concerned the artist’s role in society (“Nothing Personal”, “Personal Cube (Parade Self-Portrait)”, both 2001; “One Hundred Years”, 2005; “Art Police”, 2010), which he often examined using his own self-image. In contrast, Ģelzis’s Venice Biennale exhibition “Artificial Peace” (2011), which contemplated the relationship between contemporary monumental painting and landscape, was distinctly poetic.Reflecting upon Ģelzis’s body-of-work, one deduces that it is challenging to systematize the artist’s oeuvre according to specific media or thematic developments, because he works in an extremely furcated manner. He uses the most eclectic media including graphic art, painting, installation, video, digital print, and found art among others, because what matters most is a credible execution of the idea in his mind. In the context of Latvian art, Ģelzis’s postulation stands out through the fact that in his installations, large watercolours, found objects, video works and sheet paintings, he continually talks about the events of his time, stating his position on issues of relevance to the state and the public, at the same time concentrating his attention on the artworks’ form and the idiosyncrasies of perception. Ģelzis is a sensitive observer, who finds an infinite source of new ideas for execution in the public and social space, often toying with the aspects of socio-political critique. He combines the completeness of the crafted work of art with unexpected, ironic and thought-provoking interpretations of domestic and global aspects of socio-political events. In Ģelzis’s oeuvre, one can discern certain subjects that change over time or interact, which the artist has been interested in throughout his career: the relationship between the individual and authority, interest in environmental issues, depiction of topical socio-political events, criticism of global pop culture, as well as interest in the mechanisms of perception and the artist’s role in society. It would be valuable to prepare a comprehensive and analytical description of Ģelzis’s oeuvre, including the artist’s biography, a list of his exhibitions, as well as focusing in-depth on specific aspects of his work. Likewise, an all-encompassing exhibition of Ģelzis’s works would provide the opportunity to view and contextualise the oeuvre of this major Latvian contemporary artist from the 1980s through to the present day.
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The article examines the death of Damyan (Dame) Gruev – one of the founders of the IMERO (Internal Macedonian-Edirne Revolutionary Organization) and its main leader. His assassination in December 1906 is presented not only as an accidental act. Gruev’s death was partly a result of the large-scale measures taken by Ottoman authorities, aided by Serbian diplomats in Ottoman Macedonia, as well as the deep crisis and division in the IMERO.
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At the beginning of the foreign rule, Bukovina had a population of approx. 67–73 thousand people, and Bessarabia – at least 300 thousand inhabitants. Most of the inhabitants were Romanians (Moldovans), both in Bukovina (about 59–60% in 1774) and in Bessarabia (about 75–76% in 1812). In both provinces, the most massive migration processes took place in the first decades of the foreign administration (in Bukovina – until the 1920s and 1930s, in Bessarabia – until the middle of the 19th century). In 12 years, the number of inhabitants almost doubled in Bukovina (from 67–73 thousand people in 1774, to about 135 thousand people in 1786) and Bessarabia (from at least 300 thousand in 1812, to approximately 583 thousand in 1824). Subsequently, the migration processes decreased in intensity, and the number of inhabitants increased due to the natural growth.In the first years of the Russian rule, simultaneously with the relocation of the wandering peasants from across the Dniester to Bessarabia, there was a reverse process of refuge of Moldovan peasants in Moldova west of the Prut. Similar processes took place in the first years of Austrian rule also in Bukovina, when many Romanian peasants fled to Moldova. In the first decades of foreign rule, most foreign immigrants arrived in both Bukovina and Bessarabia, mainly Ukrainians from the north and east of the Dniester. As a result, it was during this period that the ethnic structure of the population in both provinces changed radically, to the detriment of the local Romanian population. Towards the middle of the 19th century, Bukovina was populated by approximately 380 thousand inhabitants, including 48.5% Romanians, and in Bessarabia, the proportion of Moldovans was reduced to approx. 52–56% (in the years 1850–1862).
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Pisanje povijesti izravno utječe na nacionalne identitete. A to je posebno Istaknuto kad vidimo kako se pisanje i tumačenje povijesti osporava kod tri istočnoslavenska naroda (Rusi, Ukrajinci i Bjelorusi). Kad je osporavanje vrlo naglašeno, kao u ukrajinsko- ruskim odnosima Nakon raspada SSSR-a, pisanje i tumačenje povijesti također utječe na njihovu unutrašnju i vanjsku politiku i, što je posebno važno, na njihove međudržavne odnose. Za rusku elitu, kao i za većinu Rusa, Ukrajina i Bjelorusija nisu »strane « zemlje.
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Excerpts from discussions between Alexander Arhangelskii, Adam Michnik, Georges Nivat, Bohdan Osadchuk, Miroslav Popovič, Konstantin Sigov and Roman Szporluk.
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Infrastructure is one of the main parts of football industry in contemporary time. Pitches, stadiums, sporting goods stores, museums of different teams and clubs are very important now. These facilities began to appear in Central-Eastern Europe at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. The aim of this research is the comparison of knowledge transfer process about football infrastructure in Kharkiv and Sofia. This article shows participants and ways to disseminate knowledge about football infrastructure, location of football pitches and stadiums in two non-port cities. It also illustrates the importance of local educational institutions and businesses in disseminating such information. More generally, the comparison provides insight into the influence of the administrative status of the city and the level of its industrialization on the speed and the scale of the implementation of knowledge in practice.
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Ján Čaplovič (1780 - 1847) was one of the major figures of the Slovak national-revivalist generation, in large part due to the role he played in bridging the professional and language gaps during the reform course of the rulers of the Austrian monarchy, and the struggle of the Hungarian nobility for Hungarian independence in the late 18th and early 19th centuries due to the search for soft but effective forms of nation-defence activities. This study presents the enlightenment and nation-defence profile of the Slovak patriot Ján Čaplovič who has received minimal attention from the Slovak academic community after 1990s. Although he is not considered a prominent national revivalist, his publishing devoted to ethnographic and national defence issues significantly contributed to Slovaks taking their stance in the multinational Austrian monarchy, in strengthening their ethnic identity, and in fostering the process of codification of their literary language as the most important national identification sign in 1843. The study is divided into three relatively separate but interrelated sections. The first part outlines his enlightenment profile, with special attention paid to its most important component, which was used in his ethnographic and patriotic works. The second part profiles the Slovak national defences of the first four decades of the 19th century of authors such as Pavol Senický, Juraj Rohonyi, Samuel Hoič, Matej Šuhajda, Ján Chalupka, Jozef Meltzer, Ondrej Soltys, Ľudovít Štúr, Ján Francisci, and Michal Miloslav Hodža. Their defences played an important role in supporting active political forms of enforcing the ethnic-emancipatory demands of the representatives of the Slovak nation-forming elite for a more democratic settlement of the contemporaneous conditions in the monarchy, especially in historic Hungary. The last part analyses in detail the national defences of Ján Čaplovič and evaluates their expressive value.
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The present article aims to carry an overview how the Bulgar/Protobulgarian tribes seemingly kept changing in the 5th – 7th c. or at least they did in the eyes of the contemporary writers and chroniclers. The text follows the main sources and comments on their information, comparing evidence and drawing conclusions. The first period reviewed is the one immediately after the collapse of Atilla’s state and then the 6th c., when Bulgar troops became well-known as enemies and mercenaries of the big empires of the time – Byzantium, the Steppe empire and Sassanian Iran. It is considered that the Bulgar own political organization kept developing, culminating in the establishment of Old Great Bulgaria. The text contain many references to well-known sources, but also to not so popular or even ones that have not been commented at all in the Bulgarian historical tradition as the poem by pre-Islamic poet Al-Asha. Cases like the “Bookolobras affair” from the late 6th c. have been reviewed and connected to early Bulgarian history. The general conclusion is that the Bulgar ethnonym had ethnic but also strong political dimension from its very first appearance until the founding of Danube Bulgaria and the changing political situation also brought significant ethnic changes, described by key scholars as “Second Bulgarian ethnogenesis”.
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The present study reveals the activities of the Austrian vice-consulatein Rousse along the Danubian coastline in the wake of the Hungarian Revolution(1848 – 1849). The Austrian vice-consul in the city, Emmanuel von Rössler, developed diligent intelligence and public service activities in Rousse, Vidin and Shumen, with which he privileged Habsburg loyalists and hindered the activity of separatist defectors in the Ottoman Empire. In the spirit of “new” diplomatic history, the contribution pays particular attention to the relationship between thevice-consul and the many disaffected soldiers and emigrants who relied on his instructions and resources in the tense political situation after the revolutionary1848. Also, the article rethinks the place of consular institutions in the world of international relations through the lens of transnational history, emphasizing their relative independence and presenting a more accurate picture of the active interactions between different consular missions and units. Last but not least, the study uses the methodology of “entangled” history to rethink the role of local events in the Ottoman lands between Stara Planina and the Danube in the context of the global Age of Revolutions, analyzing the processes in this region as an integral part of revolutionary and counter-revolutionary dynamics in the middle of the “long” XIX century.
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