We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Review of: Leszek Drong - Karolina Pospiszil, Swojskość i utrata. Obrazy Górnego Śląska w literaturze polskiej i czeskiej po 1989 roku, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, Katowice 2016, s. 224. Oprawa twarda/miękka, publikacja polskojęzyczna.
More...
This article explores the subject matter of new political parties’ survival by analysing the recent trajectory of the Green party ORaH in Croatia. ORaH emerged in October 2013; it won 9.4 percent of the vote at the 2014 European Parliament election and subsequently rose to 18.5 percent of public support in October 2014, only to collapse to 1.7 percent of the vote at the parliamentary election held in November 2015. In order to explain ORaH’s initial meteoric rise and its later equally rapid demise, we will employ studies on new and niche parties while we further elaborate our analysis of ORaH’s programme by profiling ORaH’s voter base. We also address a recurrent weakness in political party research by analysing the role of the European level of competition in increasing the chances of a new party’s survival by developing a framework that better integrates domestic and international dynamics of political party development. Our main finding is that despite its success in the 2014 European Parliament elections, and even though its electorate shares important features of the European Green voter, ORaH failed to secure parliamentary representation because of the inability of the party’s leadership to steer the party away from its initial contender status and define OraH’s policy niche.
More...
The article examines the determinants for participation in two Ukrainian revolutions, the Orange Revolution in 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014. These revolutions were proof of the social movement that accompanies post-communist transition in an Eastern European country. This social movement, in a transitional society in the process of redefining traditional ethno-cultural identities, defined a valuerational understanding of democracy and market economy. A result of Ukrainian government action, these two revolts (which occurred less than ten years apart) have both similar and different features. The methods of binary logistic regression used in this research reveal that both protests are the result of macroregional division and the Ukrainian population’s foreign policy priorities. However, in determining participation in the Orange Revolution, these factors also combined with principles of linguistic identity, age, and status differentiation. In contrast, participation in the Revolution of Dignity was shaped by support for democratic and market values.
More...
The aim of the article is to present how the chosen social group acts to appropriate, affect and transform the urban space of Lublin. Members of the group are called social activists, workers for voluntary causes, civil society members or new townsmen and they have taken many actions to modify the Lublin urban space. The article is based on qualitative research. 68 conversational interviews have been conducted in Lublin. The interviewees’ attempts of introducing changes in the city most frequently came down to choosing one of the three ways of involvement: 1) alternative-defiant activities were all types of expression connected with visual and performance street art. They were mostly illegal and the social activists acted unofficially, or they declared their affiliation to this kind of groups; 2) cooperative-consensual actions were connected with the worker’s activities for Lublin’s preparation and participation in gaining title of European Capital of Culture 2016. They were also connected with interlocutors that usually aimed at improving the quality and culture of the urban space, bettering the city’s aesthetics, working towards improving the infrastructure by means of lobbying, dialogue, involvement in the process of area planning; 3) work in organizations focusing on the subject of collective memory and other forms of identity. Social activists in this group organized events related to the history of Lublin, its traditions and cultural heritage to emphasize its value. What is more, five types of activists were possible to identify: 1) personal goals performer, 2) leader of the chosen social environment, 3) volunteer responsible for the common good, 4) analyst improving urban infrastructure, 5) animator concerned about urban space.
More...
Media represent the most important component of media culture and have a huge influence in the contemporary world in general due to their direct role in the process of creating value scales or criteria according to which events or processes in our everyday life are evaluated. The authors of the paper intend to present an approach and writing style that print and electronic media in B&H used to cover a range on topics about geopolitical relations between B&H and Russia. In this paper, we will present results of the comparative analysis of the texts about Russia in two most widely read daily newspapers in B&H from different entities, Glas Srpske and Dnevni avaz, the values and interests mirrored at the audience and finally the analysis of the contents broadcasted in central news on two entity public broadcasters, RTRS /Radio and Television of Republic of Srpska/ and RTV FB&H / Federal Radio and Television/ about British Resolution on Srebrenica which at the session of the UN Security Council from July 8th 2015 did not gain support of its permanent members. The analysis of the informative approach of two entity public broadcasters towards this event shows how people’s opinions and behavior can be successfully influenced Media have impact on the daily news, that is, they determine the type of reports covered and in published in everyday news, but they also ‘frame’ some of the topics by taking a certain angle of looking at the events.
More...
Media represent the most important component of media culture and have a huge influence in the contemporary world in general due to their direct role in the process of creating value scales or criteria according to which events or processes in our everyday life are evaluated. The authors of the paper intend to present an approach and writing style that print and electronic media in B&H used to cover a range on topics about geopolitical relations between B&H and Russia. In this paper, we will present results of the comparative analysis of the texts about Russia in two most widely read daily newspapers in B&H from different entities, Glas Srpske and Dnevni avaz, the values and interests mirrored at the audience and finally the analysis of the contents broadcasted in central news on two entity public broadcasters, RTRS /Radio and Television of Republic of Srpska/ and RTV FB&H / Federal Radio and Television/ about British Resolution on Srebrenica which at the session of the UN Security Council from July 8th 2015 did not gain support of its permanent members. The analysis of the informative approach of two entity public broadcasters towards this event shows how people’s opinions and behavior can be successfully influenced Media have impact on the daily news, that is, they determine the type of reports covered and in published in everyday news, but they also ‘frame’ some of the topics by taking a certain angle of looking at the events.
More...
The tragic events of 10 April 2010 became one of the most important topics of public discourse in Poland. They remain its central issue until today. This paper is an attempt to investigate one aspect of the phenomenon: the impact of the disaster and subsequent events on the presidential election of 2010. It is based on the results of research carried out within the Polish National Election Study (PNES) project. At least three reasons make it plausible that the Smolensk catastrophe had a great impact on Polish politics. Firstly, the disaster had legal and constitutional consequences; the sudden death of a head of state always generates a number of specific actions, policy changes, and (most importantly from the perspective of this paper) determines the election calendar. Secondly, the disaster had psychological consequences; it caused a strong psychological shock for participants in the political process, which redefined political competition, public discourse, and the media coverage. Thirdly, narratives about the events preceding the crash and following it quickly became an important element of Polish politics, especially in the media and in the electoral campaign. The main finding of the paper is that the Smolensk catastrophe did not produce a fundamental change in the political preferences and voting patterns of Polish citizens. At both the aggregate and individual level we observe relative stability in voter turnout patterns and voting preferences. The paper also finds that the catastrophe strengthened existing preferences and behavior patterns, and it petrified existing divisions. This paper is a study of voting behavior in extreme situations. It analyses a unique phenomenon—voting during a huge social trauma and right afterwards. Thus, in addition to the idiographic objective of the paper (explanation of voting behavior in the 2010 presidential election in Poland), it also has a nomothetic aspect, because it contributes to the theoretical discussions about voting behavior in traumatic, exceptional situations. It can serve as a reference point for future studies addressing the issue of electoral behavior in unexpected, unusual contexts.
More...
The political protest against the former decision of Yanukovych to reject the Association Agreement with the EU quickly evolved into mass mobilization against the corrupt socio-political structures that dominated Ukraine throughout its post-Soviet history. For that reason, it became evident that Euromaidan showcased a historical process marking a transition towards the formation of a “prototype” civil society that has been virtually non-existent in the country´s post-Soviet era. In this article, in order to understand these underpinning historical dynamics, the event will be analysed through Hegel`s framework of the state and the historical dialectic. In this context, authors argue that the “Revolution of Dignity” is a historical turning point towards the formation of a new civil consciousness and self-identification with the Ukrainian state through laying down foundations for the creation of a liberal democratic state post-Maidan. As an important step of this analysis, Hegel’s and Marx’s concepts of history were examined. Firstly, Hegel’s view on the state made it possible to argue that the Ukrainian post-soviet state resulted in the alienation of citizens from the state. This idea was furthered by using Hegel’s historical dialectic to allow for an interpretation of Euromaidan as an antithesis to post-Soviet era. Finally, the focus was shifted towards the limitations of applying Hegel’s theoretical framework to the 21st century events.
More...
More than twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe, the region is still grappling with the problem of its new identity and the choice of an appropriate name to reflect it. There has been considerable talk about a “return to Europe,” as well as the emergence of a “new Europe” and, as a consequence of the latter, the birth of a “new Eastern Europe.” Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova are often viewed as the core of the “New Eastern Europe.” These countries have recently found themselves in a unique geopolitical position, sandwiched between the extended European Union in the west and Russia in the east. They had never been thought to constitute a distinct region and thus had no established group identity. This article explores the question of whether looking at the history of Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova as that of one region can help us better understand its past and explain its current situation.
More...
The purpose of the article is to explore the sociocultural integration of Roma into Ukrainian culture in the XXI century, to determine the phenomenon of Roma art among prominent figures in the Ukrainian scene (Based on the work of Igor Krykunov, Petro Chornuy), to trace the interconnection and interplay of their creativity on the formation of Ukrainian culture. The methodology of the study is based on the use of cultural-genetic, sociological, structural-systemic, comparative methods for identifying sources of origin and essential characteristics of representatives of different ethnic groups of Roma as a specific component of cultural life and the newest structure of the Ukrainian society. The scientific novelty of the article is that it first defines the concept of "Roma art," compares the characteristics of different Roma groups ("servu" and Ruska Roma), reveals the origin, formation, contemporary status, and influence of Roma art on the development of Ukrainian culture of the XXI century. Conclusions. The sociocultural integration of Roma has a significant impact on the development of Ukrainian culture of the XXI century. A large number of Roma ethnic groups live in Ukraine. Three groups of the Roma population were most widespread: "servu" or Ukrainian Roma, Ruska Roma, and "lovari" (Hungarian Roma). Roma were actively involved in social processes, bringing their own cultural values to the country where they lived. Yes, the contribution of Roma artists is quite essential in contemporary art. The study of the creativity of contemporary Roma art gives grounds to claim that these personalities position their creativity as an integral part of Ukrainian culture. This is reflected in the work of Petro Chornuy and Igor Krikunov; their creativity is an asset for the Ukrainian culture. It clearly demonstrates the sociocultural integration of the Roma into Ukrainian culture of the XXI century.
More...
Since 2016, a change in the policy on foreign direct investment (FDI) can be observed in the European Union. This change was significantly influenced by global processes, which resulted in a particular interest in direct investments carried out by transnational corporations from China, India or Russia. In particular, countries such as France, Germany and the United Kingdom, observed a significant increase in the number of mergers and acquisitions of domestic enterprises in 2010-2016. Therefore, in 2018 the process of creating a European Screening Mechanism was initiated, which entered into force in March 2019. At the same time, at the end of 2019, the outbreak of a COVID-19 virus pandemic stopped the process of further globalization by breaking global supply chains, and by restricting the flow of goods, people and capital.
More...
This paper deals with various issues concerning the establishment and inauguration of the first Croatian supplementary school in Italy, the shaping of the curriculum and the forming of heterogeneous learning groups. The paper also deals with the political aspect of the new institution. This school, located in Rome, has remained active to this day, with a curriculum that differs from the one in use in the Molise region, the home of the officially recognized Croatian national minority. The methodology is based on the analysis of the statistical data issued by the Italian Ministry of Education, of the legal regulations in effect at the time when the school was established, as well as today, and on the analysis of the pedagogical and linguistic theories by Bruner, Such, Widdicombe, Ivir-Ashsworth, Jelaska and Cvikić. The paper aims to show the modern and, indeed, progressive qualities of educational and cultural procedures in Croatian supplementary school in Rome, based on the principles set by the above mentioned authors. The task accomplished by the school is set in the context of creating/enforcing the national identity based on the cultural, historical, psychological and sociological principles, expounded by the monk Martinac, and by Fromm, Smith, Supek and Anholt. The establishing, organizing and functioning of the school is also analysed in consideration of the legal framework in the period from 1998 to 2015, as well as regarding the aspect of cultural diversity and cultural integration.
More...
Novi Muallim is a magazine of the Ilmijja Association in Bosnia and Herzegovina and thus it is natural that ulama is one of the fields covered within the content of topics of the magazine. This field is dedicated to imams, mu’allims, religious studies teachers, muderrises, muftis, raisu-l-ulamas, but also to all those Islamic scholars who aided the mission of the Islamic Community through various intellectual endeavours. In this work we present Bosniak, but also the other ulama through a textual analysis of articles published in Novi Muallim in the past twenty years. This analysis show that Novi Muallim published articles dealing with biographies of renowned Bosniak ulama and that most commonly at the occasion of their death or birth anniversaries. It was also noted that the magazine published articles dealing with ulama from Sarajevo mostly and very rarely with ulama outside of Sarajevo. Keeping in mind that we have many noteworthy scholars throughout the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, this article may also serve as an invitation to all future contributors to the magazine Novi Muallim to write about their own local imams and mua’llims.
More...
The article discusses the language and orthographic turmoil in Croatia between 1991 and 2012, and the Government’s language policy.
More...
Osnutkom hrvatske države 1991. i proglašenjem hrvatskoga jezika službenim na njezinu državnom teritoriju temeljem članka 12.
More...
Black Lives Matter (BLM), a civil movement that originated in the United States of America in the year 2013 to condemn racism and police brutality against African American people, has recently sparked more interest around the world. The teaching of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) has moved from solely linguistic and grammatical approaches towards a more inclusive cultural and social experience (Peterson & Coltrane 2003). The EFL classroom reality should focus not only on the linguistic aspects of the target language, but also foster learners’ critical thinking, cultural awareness and societal core values. This article introduces the basis for a theoretical and pedagogical proposal around the topic of anti-racism urban protests in the USA, the UK and other places around the globe. The cities have a dual role in this context; on the one hand, as performers of ideal nucleus of freedom of speech, liberation and justice; and on the other hand, as places that allow and even promote violence and feelings of anger and frustration to be released, which may result in the destruction of urban elements, such as furniture and memorials. The ultimate goal of this proposal is to design a didactic unit to be later on implemented in the EFL classroom as part of the course curriculum of English Bachelor’s Degree subjects. Integrating urban cultural awareness in the EFL classroom could be applied to any educational level, as it is a meaningful way of developing critical intercultural competence in the EFL learners and grasping the current urban realities around the globe.
More...
The Bologna process is generally described as a joint effort of European education policy makers and universities in creating a common higher education area in Europe aimed at increased student and staff mobility, as well as overall comparability and compatibility of higher education systems across Europe. The large-scale reforms have inspired and generated volumes of academic publications from a number of perspectives, e.g. economic, legal, political, and so forth. What seems to be lacking at this point is a more practical investigation into how the Bologna process has transformed the education systems of some of its less visible member countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina. More specifically, the aim is to show how the reforms have affected what goes on in the classroom by comparing select aspects of studying in both pre-and post-Bologna times at one of the country’s universities. Examples have been given of courses taught and taken at the University of Banja Luka’s English Department pre-and post-Bologna to draw a parallel between some of the coursework and examination requirements now and then.
More...
The political life of the Albanian minority in Serbia in the period 2010-2014 abounded in local level micro-conflicts motivated by numerous family, interpersonal and career confrontations. They reflected the differences existing among the three municipalities with considerable numbers of Albanian population usually referred to collectively as the “Preševo Valley”. The influence of the historical leader Riza Halimi was challenged by various powerful figures on a local scale and particularly by the faction of the former fighters from the Liberation Army of Preševo, Medveđa and Bujanovac. “Preševo” Albanians have alternated moments of cooperation with the Serbian government with moments of boycott, without ever discontinuing informal and behind-the-scene contacts. In 2012 the Albanian minority parties participated in the local, parliamentary and presidential elections, thereby ultimately fitting into the Serbian political system.
More...
What marked the Croatia’s history from the 1990s to the beginning of the 21st century was its accession to the EU after long and difficult six-year membership negotiations (2005-2011). It was the only state from the Western Balkans region that so far had succeeded alone and not in a group in joining the Union as its 28th member on July 1, 2013. Unlike Slovenia, Croatia lagged dramatically in the 1990s, possessed by a strong nationalism, hostile to the very idea of a united Europe. Only when the nationalistic Croatian Democratic Union lost power in 2000, the foreign policy of the country became pro-European and pro-NATO. But Croatia faced many difficulties on its road to EU. It had to solve its border issues with Slovenia. The cooperation with the Hague tribunal for war crimes in the former Yugoslavia was also very painful for the Croats. The country officially entered the Union in 2013 but that happened in a moment when Europe was in a deep economic crisis and it had no chance to gain sizeable economic benefits from its membership. So, the Euroscepticism became quite popular among Croats soon after their country became part of the huge European community.
More...