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Interview with Aksel Tamm, Mart Meri and Joel Sang (former editors of Keel ja Kirjandus)
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Interview with Aksel Tamm, Mart Meri and Joel Sang (former editors of Keel ja Kirjandus)
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Äsja lõppenud 2017. aastal toimus Eesti Keele Instituudis juba kümnes soomeugri keeleteaduse küsimusi käsitlev sügisseminar. Soome-ugri sügisseminaride traditsioon sai alguse aastal 2008, mil EKI-s peeti kahepäevane seminar teemal „Soome-ugri keelte sõnaraamatud: mis neid liidab ja mis lahutab?”. Sestpeale on soome-ugri keeleteaduse huvilistel olnud võimalus koguneda EKI korraldatud teadusüritusel igal aastal, saamaks osa peaasjalikult fennougristikale pühendatud põnevatest ettekannetest, kõnelejaiks soome-ugri ja ka teiste keelte eksperdid nii Eestist kui ka välismaalt.
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The article deals with the reception of Finnish plays and adaptations of Finnish novels in the Soviet Estonian theater (1944-1991), relying on the theory of cultural transfer. It first describes the mechanisms to form and control the theater repertoire in Soviet Estonia. The productions of Finnish drama are then examined by different periods: Stalinism and the “thaw” - interruption and then the return of Finnish classics to the stage; the late 1960s and the 1970s - first stage productions of Finnish contemporary drama and productions of classics in a modern style; the 1980s - stage productions based on folklore and the epic Kalevala; the period of the restoration of Estonian independence – politically motivated interpretations of Finnish contemporary drama. In general, the repertoire was dominated by classics; the most popular authors were Hella Wuolijoki and Aleksis Kivi. Regular contact with Finnish contemporary literature only occurred in the mid-1980s. The main strategies of reception were acceptance and adaptation. In the Estonian theater, Finnish dramas helped to construct an imaginary “golden past”, which, on the basis of similarity, fed the nostalgia of Estonians for the lost times and contributed to the preservation of Estonianness. In late Soviet Estonia theatrical productions based on Kalevala and folklore acquired an additional mission of building up a Finno-Ugric identity different not only from the Soviet one, but also from IndoEuropean models.
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Review of: Margit Lõhmus. Sterne. Jutud 2002– 2019. (Värske raamat 23.) Tallinn: Kultuurileht, 2019. 110 lk.
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This study sought to reinterpret the Keynesians and Neoclassical growth models in the Zimbabwe context. The study adopted an Error Correction Model for estimating annual time series data for the period 1990to 2020. Out of the five growth models examined, the results of the study confirmed a positive relationship between real GDP and the Harrod-Domar, Solow, Schumpeter and Nurkse growth models, with Lewis growth model exhibiting an inverse relationship, contrary to the positive relationship that underpins the model. The study, recommend the need for the government of Zimbabwe to come up with policies that enhances the attraction of Foreign Direct Investment which could enhance the growth of fixed capital formation. There is also need for revitalization of the industrial sector given that it is operating below capacity as suggested by the study results. The government of Zimbabwe should continue supporting the agricultural sector through its Command agricultural and Pfumvudza initiatives as this would spur agricultural exports, which are key for growth. The government of Zimbabwe should also come up with initiates that enhances innovation, through making budgets for research and development, and enacting laws that govern patents.
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The article explores the hypothesis that democratic deficit has decisively influenced both the evolution of the media and democracy in post communist Romania. I underline the positioning of citizens “outside” the media and political games whose stake is the establishment of the public agenda. I show the difficulties of establishing a public space as a container of relevant issues and debates. The participation of the citizens and the democratic values kept the pace – when not directly influenced – with the institutional dysfunctions of Romania’s fragile democracy. Another source for politicization is a new type of journalistic discourse that mirrors the political area, namely the populist discourse. I am also interested in the manner in which populism is disseminated across the public space through the media. A distinction is made between “populism expressed by the media” and “populism through the media”. It follows the analysis of what I call “multimedia populism” or “E populism”. The latter combines “citizen journalism” encouraged by the classical media and the attempts of these outlets to gain visibility on social networks.
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This study aimed to analyze whether the political propositions of a Neo-Fisher monetary policy would be valid for the Turkish Economy, and the fact that the interest policies implemented by the CBRT in Turkey are frequently discussed, constitute the main motivation of the study. Based on the basic assumption that long-term permanent interest rate shocks may increase inflation expectations and the Neo-Fisher Effect may be valid in Turkey, unit root tests were conducted by using the data of the Turkish economy covering the 2002-2017 period, and then Autoregressive Distributed Lag Bound Test (ARDL model). The causality relationship between the variables was investigated by using different theoretical models created in the analysis. The results for the first model revealed that the Fisher Effect might be valid in the short run in Turkey. In the second model, it has been found that keeping long-term interest rates high will create an inflationary effect by increasing inflation expectations, and the Neo-Fisher Effect may be valid. Although Neo-Fisherian effects were observed among the variables, it is important to consider the economic situation of Turkey in political conclusions. Therefore, increasing the credibility of the CBRT and focusing on financial stability should be provided rather than a Neo-Fisher policy implementation.
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The main purpose of this paper is to empirically investigate the role of human capital on the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows toward ECOWAS countries (Economic Community of West African States). FDI is seen as one of the most important tools that promote economic growth, employment, technology transfer and currencies’ inflows in a country. In many African countries, despite reforms implemented, FDI inflows continue to be relatively low. Many studies evaluating the main determinants of FDI in African countries have revealed that one of the most important determinants is human capital. However, in many African countries, human capital is among the least developed in the world. Therefore, an empirical analysis is conducted to investigate the role of human capital in the inflows of FDI of ECOWAS countries. For this purpose, a panel data is used for the fourteen members of ECOWAS countries over the period 1991-2015 where human capital is proxied by both adult literacy rate and degree of freedom. The empirical findings revealed that the degree of freedom is the main proxy for the human capital while the adult literacy rate is not statistically significant.
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After the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, the decline of the U.S. hegemony and China’s rise have begun to be discussed. Since 2012 China has started to show its intentions to become the new hegemon. For this reason, relations between the two countries have become increasingly strained. The U.S. first launched a trade war against China in 2016, and then resolutely moved to the Great Decoupling phase. This paper addresses the escalating struggle between the U.S. and China to become the next hegemon and the transformation of the global economic order in relation to the change of the hegemony.
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Stipe Šuvar (1936 — 2004) was a politician, sociologist, publicist and public figure from Croatia. In his public addresses, articles, and political speeches and actions he always tried to unite two peoples, Croats and Serbs. During his long career, which spanned from the early sixties until his death in 2004, he always advocated political and cultural cooperation between these nations. He was also a proponent of the so-called “Yugoslav socialist patriotism”. The idea of a democratic national consciousness was united with the idea of Yugoslavism within the doctrine of Yugoslav patriotism. After 1990, he tried to minimize anti-Serb racist rhetoric, which dominated the Croatian public sphere. With this, he obliged the Serbs in Croatia in a unique way and deserves their permanent gratitude, as his colleague Svetozar Livada noted.
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In this paper we contribute to the literature on determining the real exchange rate by using models that incorporate structural breaks and nonlinearities. We estimate cointegrated dynamic ordinary least squares regressions and quantile regressions. We find that the estimated coefficients for the EU members from central and eastern Europe are different to those for the other member states. We also find that the models are different before and after the crisis that started in 2008, and this affects the outcome of the long-run equations for the EU15 + Cyprus and Malta.
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This study differs in terms of investigating the causal relationship between energy prices and energy consumption for Turkey with traditional and current tests. While doing this, Turkey's economy was analyzed using annual data of Energy Prices and Energy Consumption for the 1971-2019 period. First of all, the conventional ADF was applied to determine the stationarity degrees of the series. Then, Fractional Fourier ADF stability tests -which is an up-to-date technique- were performed. Later, traditional Granger and contemporary Hatemi-J causality tests were used. Findings revealed that there is no causality between variables according to Granger. However, according to Hatemi-J, there is a causality from Energy Prices divided into positive components to Energy Consumption divided into positive and negative shocks, and Energy Prices divided into negative components to Energy Consumption divided into positive components.
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The article provides information about Latif Karić (1905-1991) from the village of Vranovići near Gračanica, a widely known gusle player (guslar), but also one of the most respected locals, a man with a very interesting biography. He was born and grew up in an impoverished rural environment, in a village without an elementary school, but nevertheless he became literate and made considerable efforts in self-education. From an early age, he showed a gift for music and song, learning to play the saz, shargia, and then the gusle. As a guslar, he mainly performed old heroic epic songs. He performed at celebrations, parties, and social events in the wider surroundings of Gračanica, Srebrenik and Lukavac. Before the Second World War he also performed at night gatherings during Ramadan in a coffee house (kafana or kahva) in Gračanica. Besides being a guslar, he also was a reputed blacksmith, and a famous folk dentist. He was also considered a man of progressive views, an advocate of public enlightenment and education. He was one of the leaders of the campaign to build a school in the village in 1939 and 1940, which unfortunately did not succeed then, due to the resistance of other villagers. During the Second World War, he was among the respectable people from the wider area who strongly condemned robbery and looting, especially against the inhabitants of the neighboring Serbian Orthodox village of Gornja Lohinja, whose adult male inhabitants were arrested by the Ustashe and deported to concentration camps. From his youth until the end of his life, he faithfully maintained the tradition of gusle songs and Bosniak folk epics, as one of the last gusle players in North-Eastern Bosnia.
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Review of: HIKMET KARČIĆ, TORTURE, HUMILIATE, KILL: INSIDE THE BOSNIAN SERB CAMP SYSTEM, MICHIGAN PUBLISHING, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PRESS, ANN ARBOR (USA) 2022, 276 STR.
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Review of: Cornelius Holtorf, Anders Högberg (eds), Cultural Heritage and the Future, Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group: London and New York, 2021, 279 pages, ISBN 978-1-138-82901-5
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the currently public and accessible evidence on the alleged 1996 immunity deal between Richard Holbrooke and Radovan Karadžić. Using primarily archival materials of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in the case of Radovan Karadžić, this paper seeks to shed light on how the alleged agreement featured in the trial. While Karadžić claimed that Holbrooke promised him immunity in exchange for withdrawing from public life in 1996, the American diplomat steadfastly rejected such a notion. The issue dogged Holbrooke for years. After Karadžić’s arrest in July 2008, the former Bosnian Serb leader put forth several motions in The Hague claiming that the alleged deal protected him from prosecution. This paper will review the archival documents filed before the tribunal in The Hague and crossreference them with other sources. In doing so, this paper will try to offer insights into what transpired in July 1996.
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Since propaganda is defined as an effort to manipulate other people’s beliefs and behavior, it is clear that the use of propaganda methods was practically inevitable during the war. On the basis of accessible archive materials and relevant literature, this paper analyzes examples of the use of black and white propaganda in the cases of two incidents that happened on April 12, 1993, in Srebrenica. The methods of the mentioned propaganda types, based on the veracity of the information on the one hand, and manipulations on the other, may have a long-term impact on historical memory and historiography. The first example is related to the event in which 11 police officers, members of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Srpska, were killed on April 12, 1993. This event is used to show the cruelty of the enemy soldiers. Without a doubt, it was presented to the public by the white method of propaganda because the newspaper article related to the event did not tend to exaggerate the factual situation. Because of that, as well as because of some obvious shortcomings of the propaganda activities during the state of war, this event was neither covered much by the domestic and foreign press nor mentioned in the reports of the United Nations. On the other hand, a deep mark of black propaganda methods can be seen when it comes to an event related to shelling a school playground in the urban part of the municipality of Srebrenica. Regarding this event that took place on April 12, 1993, we came across the official reports of the United Nations, which, intentionally or unintentionally, served as a platform for reporting on the number of victims in the foreign media (Independent, The Times, El Pais, The New York Times, The Washington Post). By analyzing those reports and newspaper articles, we came across certain inconsistencies about the number of victims on the playground itself. The so-called Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s reports, which were made immediately after the aforementioned newspaper reports were released, and in which the information regarding the number of victims was modified to correspond to the information that had already been presented to the general public, testify that, in the case at hand, conventional methods of black propaganda were used. Attention was also paid to the results of the long-term propaganda activity, so concrete examples were given that show how the paradigm created by black propaganda methods has become an integral part of the historical memory of the Bosniak people and how it was engraved in historiography. To confirm that this is a case of a paradigm, the author used the archive materials and relevant literature listed in this paper and found that 14 people died in the shelling of the school playground in the Srebrenica city center. The shelling of a wider part of the municipality and all the war actions, which were indisputable, could have resulted in the death of 18 more persons, not including the location of the playground.
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The aim of this study is to briefly outline the last 20 years of the trans-formation of Turkish foreign policy. The key player in the period under review was Foreign Minister and then Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu who had significant influence on the transformation of Turkish foreign policy thinking with the doctrine of strategic depth and the idea of „zero problem with neighbors”. This resulted in a new, more active foreign policy in Turkey, where Ankara already saw itself as a center power and began to pursue an increasingly determined, ambitious foreign policy
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Review of: Kulturpolitik in Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa (1945–2015). Hrsg. von Steffen Höhne. (Ostmitteleuropa interdisziplinär, Bd. 1.) Harrassowitz Verlag. Wiesbaden 2019. 238 S., graph. Darst. ISBN 978-3-447-11347-2. (€ 49,–.)
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Review of: Nicole Kandioler: Widerständige Nostalgie. Osteuropäische Film- und Fernsehkulturen 1965–2013. transcript. Bielefeld 2021. 291 S., Ill. ISBN 978-3-8376-4750-1. (€ 34,99.)
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