Priča o dvama sustavima
If Slobodan Milosevic were being tried in a United States court, the current debate about his right to defend himself would simply not be taking place.
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If Slobodan Milosevic were being tried in a United States court, the current debate about his right to defend himself would simply not be taking place.
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For the purpose o f this paper, two features of the upheavals in the realm of former "really existing socialism" are of great importance. 1. The "socialist" state, which in many respects favoured the "working class" but in legal terms did not prescribe or condone discrimination on any ground but political opinion, was generally replaced by an outwardly liberal democratic state, which in most instances is heavily loaded in favour of the dominant ethnic group.
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Aujourd’hui, les activités d’exploitation maritimes consistent en de la pêche et l’extraction de minéraux pétrole, gaz et autres. Dans l’avenir, ces activités seront probablement touchés par d’importants changements en profondeur, qui va effectuer une grande variété de matières organiques, étant donné que la biotechnologie marine commence à exploiter le potentiel dans les organismes marins vivent. Il ya donc un intérêt d’une approche fondée sur la collaboration et l’intégration, qui sera le centre de toute future politique maritime. En conséquence, la Commission européenne a inclus ses objectifs stratégiques. Nécessité d’adopter et de mettre dans le travail de la PMI (2008‐2018), visant à développer une économie prospère, le potentiel des activités d’une manière qui soit durable et écologiquement viable.
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Contract de bareboat. Nava sechestrată 43 de zile. Răspunderea chiriaşului pentru beneficiul nerealizat datorită imobilizării navei. Lipsa de relevanţă a apărărilor debitoarei privind absenţa culpei sale în sechestrarea navei.
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In the minds of Estonians Abkhazia is associated mainly with Estonians living there. When the Georgian-Abkhazian war broke out in August 1992, the Estonian state evacuated about 170 Estonians and their families from Abkhazia in the autumn of the same year. The reception of the war itself in the Estonian media was low and related to the situation of Estonians there, but the motives and direct causes of the war and the development of war events were also examined. One Baltic News Service journalist observed the evacuation of Estonians and wrote about the events of the war on the spot, but most of the authors operated in Estonia and used various sources. In today’s context, it may seem surprising to what extent materials from Russian information channels were used, but at that time it was understandable: Russia covered events in its border countries more actively than Western agencies. Materials translated directly from Russian newspapers were also published in the Estonian press. The choice of sources also influenced the framing in which the events of that time were mediated. The coverage of the war in the Estonian media has undergone significant developments over the decades. The articles published during the war presented the events in a neutral way, rather sympathizing with the Abkhazians than the aggressor. While in the first half of the war the fighters of the Confederation of Mountain People of the Caucasus were presented as allies of the Abkhazians, the articles published at the end of the war sometimes included Russians, although the contribution of the Russians was not explained. However, even at the end of the war, the coverage remained largely neutral, conveying the views of both Georgians and Abkhazians. From the middle of 1994, the reception of the war began to change, which was related to Georgia’s international self-assertion. Reports from international organizations increasingly highlighted the issue of Georgian war refugees and Georgia’s claim to territorial integrity. This was also reflected in the Estonian media, where Abkhazians were increasingly called separatists without the right to independence. However, until the end of the 1990s, some articles were published that also provided Abkhaz views on events. Estonia had taken a clear direction towards integration with the West, but there was no clear understanding of Georgia’s orientation, which also influenced the attitudes of Estonian media towards Georgia-Abkhazia relations. Georgia’s leader, Eduard Shevardnadze, maneuvered between the West and Russia, pushing Abkhazia into an economic blockade and concluding agreements with Russia, while seeking integration with NATO and the European Union. The situation changed dramatically after the Rose Revolution in Georgia, when Mikhail Saakashvili, who had come to power, began to move unequivocally on the path of Western integration. At the same time, Georgia’s relations with Russia deteriorated. Georgia, a small brave country in conflict with Russia, suddenly became Estonians’ ally and friend. The common enemy unites, and when Saakashvili’s rhetoric gained a firm foothold in Georgia’s territorial integrity, Abkhazia was clearly positioned in the Estonian mainstream media as a separatist Russian puppet. Retrospectively, the reception of the Georgian-Abkhazian war changed – the pluralistic approach of the 1990s was replaced by the Georgian version. In this connection, the portrayal of the role of the Russians in the war also changed: peace mediators in the early 1990s or postcolonial implementers of the divide et impera principle now became allies of the Abkhaz. After the Law of Occupied Territories was adopted in Georgia on 23 October 2008, the concept “occupied Georgian territory” as an epithet of Abkhazia appeared in the Estonian media. As Russia continues to be in the position of a negative external “stranger” for the Estonian media, Russia’s relations with Georgia continue to influence our media attitudes towards Abkhazia and interpretations of the Georgian-Abkhazian war.
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Smail (Halila) Mešić, rodom iz Svjetliče kod Doboja, prije rata aktivno vojno lice i oficir JNA, na službi u Srbiji. Početkom agresije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu, preko Makedonije se probija do Hrvatske, te vraća u rodni kraj, gdje se priključuje snagama odbrane. Obavljao je dužnost načelnika štaba 109. brigade, a zatim komandanta 111. brigade, nakon čega je postavljen za načelnika štaba 22. divizije Armije RBiH. Po okončanju rata, raspoređen je u komandu 2. korpusa, gdje ostaje u profesionalnom vojnom sastavu Armije RBiH, tj. Vojske Federacije, a kasnije i Oružanih snaga BiH. Penzionisan je u činu pukovnika.
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In this study, it has been tried to reveal the success levels of participation banking systems within the general banking system by giving examples in terms of the size of the participation banking system within the general banking system and the performance of the participation banking systems in terms of factors such as service diversity, numerical proportionality and dividend distribution since the establishment of the participation banking systems. . The interest-free banking system, which is called the participation banking system, came out of the idea stage in the 1970s and started to be implemented in Egypt for the first time in 1976. Private Financial Institutions, which were established in Turkey in 1983 with the Statutory Decree (Executive Decree), and Participation Banks with their new names, have shown rapid acceleration on a global scale and especially in Turkey in the last twenty years. Participation banking system in Turkey has shown a serious development especially after 2001 and has become competitive with commercial banks. The fact that participation banking systems were subject to the Banks Law with the amendments made in 1999 and 2001 and that participation banking systems had similar rights in the legislation with commercial banks had a significant impact.
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Material from the conference “German Reunification - Successes and Challenges in the Light of Contemporary Debates": Ostalgie, Russia friendliness and right-wing populism. Contemporary debates in Germany and their historical sources.
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Materials from the conference “German Reunification - Successes and Challenges in the Light of Contemporary Debates: (New) perspectives of the process of transformation.
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This paper examines the data from a period when hukou migration was severely restricted, and aims to provide a reproducible analytical methodology with machine-learning methods to model migrants’ willingness to change their hukou. The data in this work is based on questionnaires and interviews collected in five factories in Dongguan from 2005 to 2007. After performing stepwise variable selection, our best-performing model is based on three main predictors: having children, education level, and household income. Analysis of interviews suggests that citizenship is regarded as an individual’s legal status and is used in exchange for other types of capital.
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Bibliography of the journal "Kultura Popullore"
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The purpose of the work is to analyse the prepared and unprepared techniques of improvisation in foreign jazz instrumental music of the second half of the XX century, as well as to determine the trends and features of their development. The research methodology involves the use of historical, analytical, and comparative methods, which allows revealing the peculiarities of the development of creative techniques in jazz instrumental music of the stated period. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that prepared and unprepared improvisation techniques in foreign jazz instrumental music of the second half of the XX century are investigated for the first time, the analysis of which makes it possible to find out how these techniques and jazz instrumental music of the specified period developed as a whole. Conclusions. In the second half of the ХХ century, prepared and unprepared improvisations developed dynamically. Prepared improvisation is a fairly common creative technique in jazz music, which has its roots in academic music. The main principle of prepared improvisation is that it is planned in advance by the performer. It becomes widespread in jazz in the first half of the ХХ century during the swing era, during the heyday of big jazz orchestras and big bands. In the second half of the ХХ century the prepared improvisation technique develops freely, interacts with other improvisation techniques (collective, solo, choral, and modal). However, at the same time, jazz music has been associated precisely with unprepared improvisation since its inception. This technique does not require prior preparation, the birth of music occurs directly at the moment of making music. If prepared improvisation can be positioned as a phenomenon of limited improvisation, then unprepared improvisation gives complete creative freedom to the musician. In addition, it should be noted that the principles of unprepared improvisation are quite close, similar and related to the techniques of free and spontaneous improvisation. To a large extent, these techniques are used in avant-garde trends and free jazz. In the development of unprepared improvisation in jazz instrumental music of the second half of the ХХ century it is difficult to single out specific periods that are marked by certain characteristic and innovative tendencies of formation.
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The present study concentrates a synthesis on the lyrics of Arcadie Suceveanu, a Bessarabian poet who asserted himself in the 70-80s and man aged to build rather a bridge between romanticism and modernity, putting an important emphasis on the construction of the imaginary, leaving sentimentalism behind, but not as a term of opposition, but as a pretext for poetry’s leap into modernity.
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During 1991, the security services of Bosnia and Herzegovina began to monitor the telephone conversations of high-ranking officials of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS). These recorded conversations reveal part of the truth to the preparations for the war and the genocide that followed. Intercepted conversations also show the connections that Serbian officials in Bosnia and Herzegovina had with Belgrade, that is, with Slobodan Milošević and other officials of the Yugoslav leadership. These conversations were recorded until the beginning of the aggression, that is, until they left the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in March and April 1992, by persons whose phones were tapped. This paper will deal with conversations that were recorded in the period from May 1991 to March 1992. One of the most common topics of these conversations was the issue of Islam, that is, the thematization of terms such as „Islamic Republic“, „Islamic Declaration“, „Islamic way of life“, „Islamic fundamentalism“, etc. The paper shows how the Serbian political elite used this terminology to instill fear in public opinion, but to a certain extent they also believed that an increased birth rate would lead to the establishment of a Muslim-majority state. For the purposes of writing this paper, research was done on primary sources, i.e. transcripts of intercepted conversations. The transcripts were used as evidence by the Prosecutor's Office of the Hague Tribunal during the trial of high-ranking Serbian officials. In addition to the research, sorting and analysis of the transcripts, this paper will also identify the most prominent participants in the conversation of the Serbian leadership. Also, given the aforementioned specificity of telephone conversations through their private nature, it is possible to dissect important topics in the conversations, which are often not military and political, and will contribute to finding additional answers. This makes these conversations even more important because they show a more intimate side of the genocidal strategist. Participants such as high-ranking officials Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, Biljana Plavšić, Nikola Koljević, Momčilo Krajišnik, Dobrica Čosić and others, shows what and how those at the top thought in their private telephone conversations in those days in 1991 and 1992. On the other hand, through the conversations, one can see how well the SDS leadership managed the situation on the ground. Low-ranking figures who performed various political and social tasks such as Todor Dutin, director of the SRNA, Rajko Dukić, president of the SDS Executive Committee and a local strongman in Milići appear in the conversations; Vojo Kuprešanin, member of the Main Board of SDS and a key man in Krajina; Vitomir Žepinić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Radoslav Brđanin, head of the Autonomous Region of Krajina, Zvonko Bajagić, a prominent member of the SDS in Vlasenica, Gojko Đogo, writer and essayist, a close friend of Karadžić, Momčilo Momo Mandić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina and later wartime Minister of Justice of the so-called „Republic Serbian“,; Trifko Komad, head of Radovan Karadžić's Cabinet and member of the SDS Main Board and many others. Also, what is important to mention is the visible 'radicalization' of the participants in the talks. As the political situation on the ground worsened, hate speech and threats became more frequent and serious. This paper aims to further approach this important topic of intercepted conversations and to popularize its greater use in scientific research works. With the advancement of technology and means of communication, the primary sources for research are slowly shifting and taking on a new look. Thus, this paper also tries to analyze these intercepted conversations to give some insight into the complexity of understanding the genocidal intentions of the Bosnian Serb leadership.
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The topic of this article does not cover the views of all Serbian politicians on the language in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the 1990s, at least not those who remained in the convocation of the Assembly of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and who were opponents of the policy of the Serbian Democratic Party, that is, they did not agree with it. In this paper, we analyze shorthand notes from the so-called Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1991 to 1995 (from January 1992, the so-called Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina; and from March 1992, the so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and from September 1992, the Republic of Srpska). The aim of this paper is twofold. One is analyzing the nationalist attitudes of Serbian politicians about the language in Bosnian society from the beginning of the 1990s, while the other is pointing out the presence of some open and tolerant attitudes. Topic wise, we follow the narrative about the use of the alphabet or the discussion about the relationship between the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. Moreover, particular focus is on the discourse about the name of the language and the mutual relationship between the linguistic identities of Serbs, Croats and Bosniak Muslims. Lastly, we will pay special attention to the issue of Ekavica (ekavian speech) and the model of political partialness and imposition of the Ekavian language of identity in the dialect space to which it does not originally belong. As the use of Ekavica was the biggest point of contention in the debates of Serbian politicians, in this paper we will additionally refer to a brief historical overview of the status of Ekavica in the Bosnian society, especially in education. Documents about the usage of Ekavica in special circumstances will also be presented in this paper. As the documents show, however, Ekavica is a means of spreading Serbian national interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following some ideas of proposed or adopted legislative acts on language from the beginning of the 1990s, we will analyze the transcripts from a total of thirteen parliamentary sessions where language was discussed, along with about twenty individually expressed views during parliamentary procedures. As a thorough presentation or analysis of all of the above would exceed the usual article length, we will present only some parliamentary positions directly as sources. Other views will be systematized and analyzed as a group through the discussion and conclusions. Views that directly concern the current organization of our society and state will be particularly dealt with. In that regard, significant data on how Serbian is positioned in relation to the Bosnian and Croatian languages through the directly stated views of Serbian political representatives on several occasions and at separate parliamentary sessions can also be observed. Two opposing models were found – tolerance in language views, on one hand, and open discrimination and linguistic imperialism in the misuse of language for political purposes on the other hand. The starting motive for research of this type is a contextualized relationship to the current situation in connection with official negative attitudes towards language rights in the Bosnian entity the Republic of Srpska, with a special contextual connection with the latest legislative acts – the so-called unity of the Serbian cultural space, the guidelines for the unified cultural and educational policy of the Serbian people (from 2019), and the Declaration on the borders of the Serbian language (from 2022) – without directly entering into the content elements thereof
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The goal of this paper is to analyze the role of Congress in the formulation of American foreign policy towards Yugoslavia with special reference to the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1991. The paper is based on currently available Congressional archival materials, archives of individual former Senators, and media reports from that period. This paper will try to prove that some key members of the Senate started following the events in Yugoslavia very early on and that through their activities in the Senate they tried to shape the US foreign policy towards Yugoslavia in 1991.
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There is an ongoing debate on the changes in the activity of the labour movement in Europe: whether strikes are still the dominant form of action or were they supplanted by demonstrations and civil activism. The question is urgent in countries such as Poland where the number of registered strikes is very low. We verify the hypothesis that the labour movement in Poland shifts from the labour rights to civil rights model of contention in five dimensions: the scale of protest, mobilizing structures, repertoire, claims, and addressees. To avoid pitfalls of relying on official strike data, we use protest event analysis to gather data on workers’ protest from the national press. The conclusion is that the official data on strikes does not reveal the full scope of protest but work stoppages remain the dominant form of action. Results question the reliance on the official strike data to measure labour movement activity.
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Review of: Općinska udruga Nositelja ratnih odličja HVO Žepče – Udruga Nositelja ratnih odličja HVO-a Zeničko-dobojske županije, Glasnik HVO-a 111. xp brigade Žepče – Pretisak 1992.-1995., Općinska udruga Nositelja ratnih odličja HVO Žepče – Udruga Nositelja ratnih odličja HVO-a Zeničko-dobojske županije, Žepče, 2022., 595 str.
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Based on archival sources and relevant literature, this paper portrays political circumstances and security situation in Western Slavonia from 1989, that is, from collapse of the communist systems in Europe and destabilisation of Yugoslavia by the political leadership of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, up until August 1991 when the overt Greater-Serbian Aggression started in Western Slavonia. Democratic processes in Europe also seized western Yugoslav republics, Slovenia and Croatia. These republics advocated either the restructure of Yugoslavia as a confederal state, or their independence in case that the political agreement with other republics about common state system was not feasible. Conversely, Serbian political leadership’s goal, supported by pro-Serbian oriented leadership of the federal Yugoslav People’s Army, was to impose Yugoslavia as a centralized state under the domination of Serbs, as the most numerous Yugoslav nation. After this policy failed, Serbian leadership attempted to create Greater Serbia which would comprise all territories which Serbian leadership considered as historically and ethnically a Serbian territory. Among others, that also included Western Slavonia where a certain part of population were ethnic Serbs. Part of these Serbs, as well as ethnic Serbs in certain other parts of Croatia, supported by Belgrade, gradually commenced rebellion against the Croatian authorities. Insurgency was led by representatives of Serbian Democratic Party whose centre was in town Knin. In the first phase of destabilisation the emphasis was on the thesis that the Serbs were endangered in Western Slavonia, in order to radicalize as many as possible, which was successfully implemented, and finally led to terrorist actions culminating with the open aggression in Western Slavonia.
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The authors analyze events that have occurred in the municipality of Konjic throughout the March and April of 1993. Special emphasis was placed on crimes committed against the Croatian population of that municipality. In the early morning of April 16, 1993, Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) committed a war crime in the northern Herzegovinian village of Trusina, where 22 Croatian civilians and captured Croatian Defence Council (HVO) soldiers were killed. This crime was the result of a previously planned attack by the Army of BiH on the Croatian population and the HVO in the Konjic municipality, which began on April 14, 1993. The main attacking forces of the Army of BiH on the village Trusina on April 16, 1993, were members of the Zulfikar Special Purposes Detachment . They were under the direct command of the Supreme Command Staff (SVC) (i.e., General Staff of the Army of BiH) from their formation to just a few days before the crime in Trusina was committed. They have then become an integral part of the 1st Corps of the Army of BiH based in Sarajevo. As an integral part of the 1st Corps, members of the Zulfikar Special Purposes Detachment became the main perpetrators of a previously planned attack and war crime against the Croatian population of Trusina.
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