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Kada je 1998. god. došlo do reintegracije Podunavlja u sastav Republike Hrvatske Vlada Republike Hrvatske je u dogovoru s UNTAES-om donijela odluku o petogodišnjem moratoriju na učenje najnovije povijesti u školama na srpskom jeziku u Podunavlju. U stručnim raspravama koje je organiziralo Ministarstvo znanosti, obrazovanja i športa zaključeno je da prestanak moratorija treba iskoristi kao prigodu da se nastava povijesti toga razdoblja uskladi sa suvremenim dostignućima u metodici nastave povijesti. Zbog toga je ovaj udžbenik (priručnik?) namijenjen svim školama u Republici Hrvatskoj. U njemu ćeš naći ne samo podatke o zbivanjima u razdoblju od 1989. god. do danas, već također gradivo - izvorne tekstove, članke, govore, slike, tablice i sl. - koji će ti pružiti priliku da pokušaš, uz upute tvog nastavnika, sam zaključivati o uzrocima zbivanja i različitih tumačenja povijesnih zbivanja u razdoblju velikih promjena u svijetu, Europi, bivšoj Jugoslaviji i Hrvatskoj.
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The aim of the text is to analyse the figure of queen Maria Kazimiera (17th c.), the wife of Jan III Sobieski, in the 19th c. women’s press. The paper focuses on four issues: Maria Kazimiera’s character, her appearance, queen as a wife and as a mother. The article shows negative attitude towards politically active women, especially those who were foreigners.
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The ecumenical initiative of the Catholic Church was one of the main outcomes of the Second Vatican Council. Ecumenism aimed for the unification of Christian churches, partnership with other religious communities, and a conciliatory relationship with the socialist regime. In this period, the traditional tolerance between religious communities was practised and the Church established relatively good relations with the government of Montenegro. This is why the Catholic Church in Montenegro embraced ecumenism, which was expressed through the work of the Archdiocese of Bar and the Diocese of Kotor. The Archbishop of Bar, Aleksandar Tokić, and the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Kotor, Gracija Ivanović, made a personal contribution to this initiative. They established close ties with the Orthodox Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, Danilo Dajković, and the President of the Islamic Community (IC) in Montenegro, Šukrija Bakalović. They succeeded in engaging the Orthodox and Islamic leaders in Catholic religious celebrations, while the Catholic priests attended the religious celebrations of the Orthodox and the Muslims. The Montenegrin authorities had their representatives participate in these ceremonies too. This was all prompted by Catholic ecumenism, while the ecumenical strivings of the Catholic Church in Montenegro were also encouraged by the Vatican, i.e. the highest representatives of the Holy See and Pope Paul VI.The ecumenism of the Catholic Church in Montenegro had special features. It was of pro-Yugoslav orientation. It respected the religious, national, and traditional characteristics of Montenegro, and aimed for a partnership with the socialist regime. Archbishop Tokić and Administrator Ivanović also felt a strong attachment to Montenegro and Yugoslavia, and therefore cultivated a genuine friendship with the Orthodox and the Muslim population. Despite the sincere efforts and initial enthusiasm, their ecumenism failed because the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in Montenegro did not accept such politics of the Catholic Church. The SOC was willing to maintain good relations and promote the traditional inter-religious tolerance, but no more than that, because it thought that the Catholic Church’s ecumenism was just a new attempt to impose its dominance. This ecumenism failed to achieve unity or the unification of Christians and churches, though it did succeed in strengthening and expanding interfaith cooperation and dialogue between Catholics and Orthodox Christians in Montenegro. Therefore, this policy can only be conditionally called ‘ecumenical’. The Islamic Community accepted a call to strengthen inter-religious dialogue, but it also produced limited results. It was based solely on the contacts between the religious leaders.
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The change of the border of Poland after the Second World War and the process of the relocation of Poles to the newly established Polish People’s Republic created a kind of melting pot in the Western and Northern Territories, in which transports arrived from the Eastern Borderlands, Central Poland and Little Poland, as well as from Western countries. In these lands abandoned by Germans, it was the emerging population and religious issues that had the greatest importance. In the post-war reality, the integration process was rather slow in these areas, but it must be noted that the establishment of the organization of the Polish church administration and the pastoral work of the Polish Catholic clergy were invaluable in this matter.After the war, Primate of Poland August Hlond returned to Poland on 20 July 1945, at a time when the fate of the state borders, of the system and, above all, of the Church, so severely afflicted by the war and occupation, was to be decided. The post-war reforms, which were introduced by communists and justified by democratic phraseology, were aimed at building socialist democracy. The church at that time suffered due to implementing land reform. Another clear warning was the annulment of the concordat by communists on 12 September 1945. As a result of Poland’s isolation from the West, Cardinal Hlond considered it necessary to make decisions about establishing Polish organization and the church hierarchy in the Regained Territories without cooperation with the Holy See. He thought that the German church administration could not be maintained in the former German lands. Moreover, he believed that these organizational and legal actions would prevent the communist government from creating areas without the influence of the Church, or from establishing Polish church organization completely dependent on communists, which was attempted in 1950.The establishment of the Polish hierarchy in place of the German was seen as lawless in Germany and partly in the Vatican as early as 1945. On 24 October 1945 Cardinal Hlond sent the document (40 pages) to Rome justifying his actions. He stated that seeing the objections expressed by Rome, he realized that he had misinterpreted the powers and instructions of Tardini obtained from the Pope. As a counter-argument, he described the situation in the Recovered Territories and explained that he had had to act quickly in church matters in order to prevent communists from making decisions in this matter, which would have happened if the German church administration had remained. Hlond’s report to Rome was factually credible, and his territorial divisions of the Church and the establishment of the apostolic administrations did not invoke the Pope’s intervention. Soon it transpired that Hlond’s actions were convenient for the Vatican, and thus he saved Catholicism in one of the countries of the Soviet Bloc. That is why Hlond was never disapproved by the Holy See for what he had done. August Hlond’s beatification process began in 1992. It ended in 1996 at the diocesan level. The Federation of Expellees and the German episcopate were against Hlond’s beatification. In 2017, the Theological Commission of the Congregation for the Causes of Saints gave a positive opinion about the Positio of 2008. In 2018, the same was done by the cardinals and bishops of the Congregation for the Causes of Saints. On 19 May 2018, Pope Francis signed a decree on the heroic virtues of Cardinal Hlond. Since then he has had the title of the Venerable Servant of God.
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Artykuł prezentuje rolę filmu w poezji pokolenia ’68 – głównie Stanisława Barańczaka, ale także Juliana Kornhausera, Ewy Lipskiej i Adama Zagajewskiego. Nowofalowi twórcy sięgali w wierszach po postacie aktorów (m.in. Humphrey Bogart, Gary Cooper, duet Laurel i Hardy, Charlie Chaplin, Ali McGraw), bohaterów, tytuły, sceny, gatunki filmowe oraz związane z kinem czy, rzadziej, produkcjami telewizyjnymi przeżycia i wnioski. Pozwalało to werbalizować, wręcz „tłumaczyć” na zmysłowe kategorie kwestie dotyczące wyborów etycznych, kondycji człowieka zagubionego w zderzeniu ze światem i nieraz z góry skazanego w tym starciu na porażkę, przemijania oraz prób ominięcia jego bezlitosnych praw.
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This is a review of Vasile Buga' book Lumini și umbre. Relațiile economice româno-sovietice, 1965 – 1989.
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Holocaust historians and philosophers have been repeatedly confronted with the finding that the Shoah’s unspeakable horrors cannot be rationally reckoned as being most plausible. This study argues that one of the alternatives to the established epistemological paths of historical reconstruction of the Holocaust is increasingly represented by psychoanalysis which, until recently, has played a relatively minor role in the study of the psychology of genocide. It is only relatively recently that scholars, researchers and analysts such as Jacques Semelin, Slavoj Žižek, Dominick LaCapra, Dan Stone, Judith Kerstenberg, Steven Baum, or Karyn Bell, have joined towering figures such as Saul Friedlӓnder, Hans Mommsen or Peter Loewenberg in looking at genocide in ways derived – more or less directly – from psychoanalysis. Their purpose is to deepen and diversify our understanding of social “decontamination” phenomena, whose extreme forms have been regarded by many as incomprehensible. Such a goal equires the rethinking of modern genocide and mass murder, firstly by moving them from the space of exception, into the very fabric of modern societies’ ethos and cultural frameworks. To the Freudian concepts already employed by specialists, the present study adds negative transference as a present collective psychological experience of hostile emotions of an unconscious past origin and singles out the Romanian Holocaust’s powerful revelation of these mechanisms.
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In this paper, the authors examine the yard goods industry in Zagreb in the 1960s, in the context of the Yugoslav textile industry. Due to the complexity of the textile industry as a topic, the paper examines a longer period, from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, as it has been accepted in historiography.Using an analytical-interpretative method, qualitative and quantitative results have been obtained from newspapers and journals from 1959 to 1972. A chronological overview of the studied periodicals has shown more clearly the impressions of the political and economic events on the development and business of the textile industry. The influences of the so-called ‘small reforms’ of 1961, the economic reform of 1965, and the events of 1968 and the subsequent liberalisation process are noticeable. The difference between the first and second half of the 1960s is particularly prominent. The first half was characterised by the production of heavy woollen fabrics for making women’s and men’s tops, particularly coats. The textile industry was slow to adapt to the market through its reorganisations, i.e. attempts to merge, change product ranges, and switch from heavy to light, artificial fabrics. Simultaneously, there was a reorientation towards foreign markets, which had numerous problems related to the import of poor raw materials and finished fabrics as well as exports aimed at keeping labour costs low. Other significant problems were bonification and the trading of imported textiles on the black market. In the second half of the decade, following international trends, the focus was on producing textiles from artificial fabrics, which were easier to maintain, cheaper, and expressed new social trends, especially making the lives of employed women easier.In the 1965–1971 period, stronger demands to transition to a market-based business model are evident in the yard goods industry, but a strong influence of the state is also visible in various aspects: firstly, through ideology, as there was an effort to achieve full employment, develop industry and cities, which led to overemployment and employment that was not in line with the needs of the market; secondly, through direct interference in business activities via legislations, such as the regulations on compulsory export; thirdly, through the Yugoslav international policy of non-alignment, but maintaining simultaneous economic links with the West, which led to unequal relationships (forced import of large quantities of goods, much of them of poor quality, and cheap exports). Insufficient investment in modernisation, which was the result of income being diverted to salaries, led to a lack of competitiveness on the new consumer market. This paper concludes that, despite all modernisation and liberalisation processes, obsolete technology, an unqualified female workforce, and the lowest income among all industries were permanent problems of the yard goods industry from 1959 to 1971.
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The article shows the importance of technological autonomy for the reproduction of social solidarity economy networks through international and Hungarian examples. It argues that technological innovation is necessary for such projects. Through an example of a handmade agricultural vehicle the article demonstrates the way people tend to organize the necessary technological tools for their social reproduction. The case study is situated in a region called the “Golden Triangle”. Here specialized cooperatives were established where the local lands could be cultivated only through technologically or labor-intensive ways, while the goods produced, like grape, sour-cherry or elderberry, were profitable enough on a small scale. Parallel to the development of specialist cooperatives, locksmiths started to put together vehicles, which were capable of maneuvering in tight rows and deep sand. These were adapted from engines and chassis of Soviet military vehicles. According to our argument the liberalization of the production of agricultural vehicles in the region stimulated employment through the creation of entrepreneurs, while at the same time it enabled the necessary technological innovation required to maintain productivity.
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This article explores both the personal and social repercussions of West German expellee travel through former homeland [Heimat] spaces east of the Oder and Neisse rivers in the middle of the Cold War. On the basis of Heimat periodicals, Heimat books, published and unpublished travel accounts, and a variety of state and local archives, I contend that the experience of travel in the old Heimat led expellees to realize in the most rapid and moving way possible that the world they remembered had become a foreign land which they could never inhabit again. Travelers then brought this realization back with them into West Germany and spread it among their friends, family, and acquaintances. As a result, though expellee political spokespeople asserted that eastern Germans would gladly move back to their “rightful” homeland, many Silesians, Pomeranians, and East Prussians had already come to realize that there was no going back long before the 1970 Warsaw Treaty recognized Poland’s western border. I begin my analysis amid the East-West thaw in the mid-1950s, when a few expellees first found it possible to visit their old homeland spaces for the first time since their flight and expulsion. While visiting Upper Silesia in April of 1956, a West German expellee was addressed by one of the remaining natives as a Heimaturlauber, a “Heimat vacationer.” In my view, this term embodies how these travelers came to see themselves when they traveled back to their old homes in the East. Experiencing the former German territory of Silesia as Heimaturlauber, former residents came to recognize that they were no longer at home in the Heimat. The dramatic changes of little more than a decade had made them outsiders. This sense of alienation intensified as, in painstaking detail, they recorded the sheer extent of change – the disappearance of German script and monuments, the ruin of many edifices they had known, and the absence of old friends and neighbors. In place of the Heimat they remembered and tended to idealize, they found a Heimat transformed, often interpreted with negative qualities such as filth and disorder that recalled old German stereotypes about Poles. As in the midst of their journeys Heimaturlauber encountered contemporary Polish residents, their negative impressions often gave way to the realization that human beings with unique needs and desires now resided in the old Heimat and were making it their own. Expellee reflections often culminated with a new awareness at the end of their journeys when they bid their “farewell” to the Heimat: despite a lingering sense that they had suffered injustice through the loss of their old homes in the East, they departed with the knowledge that their physical Heimat was now in the West, while the Silesian Heimat they had known only survived in their memories.
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In the history of every academic institute (department) one can find events that do not deserve to be forgotten. The year 1968 and its consequences deeply affected all aspects of public life including academia. The Faculty of Education (a direct predecessor of Matej Bel University) in Banská Bystrica was no exception. Dy¬namic processes and phenomena, typical of the short period of liberalization of the Communist regime followed by 20 years of so-called Normalization, had a major impact on the destiny of the Faculty staff. The paper shows how the major changes in the Czechoslovak Communist regime influenced the further careers of historians employed at the Faculty in the 1970s and 1980s using the examples of former Dean Július Alberty and Miloš Štilla. Their stories represent two paths that society followed in the discussed period – a path of harassment by the new post-invasion power holders and a path of active cooperation/collaboration with the structures of the regime, as well as cooperation with the State Security (Štátna bezpečnosť).
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The socialist Czechoslovakia, showing latent labor shortages, was trying to engage foreign workers in its national economy in a manner not unsimilar to that of Western Europe of the 1960s (and on). Most of these workers came from the countries of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), which under the leadership of the Soviet Union brought together socialist states, among which, from 1972 also belonged Cuba. This opened an opportunity for Czechoslovakia to involve citizens of the Caribbean island in its labor-migration program. Since the end of the 1970s, several thousand Cubans were coming to Czechoslovakia for work every year. In the mid-1980s, the number of Cuban workers residing in Czechoslovakia was around 5,000, reaching 10,000 at the end of the 1980s. It is estimated that about 23,000 Cuban workers were trained in Czechoslovakia throughout the project altogether. The article offers an introduction to this issue, hitherto unstudied.
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This article presents the biography of an authentic „professional revolutionary” (Elvira Gaisinschi) which activated in higher echelons of the Romanian Communist Party Central Commitee’s Control Commission apparatus, in the first years of the People’s Republic of Romania. Gaisinschi was involved in the investigations of a numerous cases of treasons and collaborations with the bourgeois police by the members of the Romanian Communist Party. Like many others militants from the party’s illegality period, Gaisinschi was formed and educated in an hostile environment for the RCP: clandestine political activities, political detencion, anti-Semitism, chauvinism. Eventually she too fell victim to the internal power struggles whithin the party, being purge and retired after a Plenary of the Romanian Communist Party Central Committee, at which several veterans of the movement were marginalized, or removed from the party.
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This article is intended to describe the relations of the poetess and translator Janina Degutytė (1928–1990) with her mother. The poetry of Degutytė was exceptionally popular in the 1960s and the 1970s; it was read and rewritten by hand. In 1980, literary critic Viktorija Daujotytė was preparing a monograph about Degutytė and asked the poetess to answer some usual questions in written form. The answers from the poetess revealed her tragic childhood due to an alcohol addicted and aggressive mother. These “answers” were not known to the wide audience until they were published in 1996 as a separate publication, together with an “unfinished autobiography,” written during the last months of poetess’s life. This written story about the author’s childhood was the first and, so far, the only Lithuanian text revealing the dark side of motherhood; thus, it became an important text in Lithuanian culture. This article is an attempt to describe and understand the relationship of the poetess Degutytė with her mother. It is based on letters, autobiographical texts and poems. There are two approaches developed in the article: a phenomenological atnhropological approach, which allows us ask what kind of life was lived and how was it lived, and a narratological approach, which helps us understand how the lived life was told in words. The epistolaric material, because of its sheer quantity, is the main part of the texts connected with the mother. They depict the daily relations between the adult daughter and her mother. The letters are much less concentrated texts than poetry pieces or an autobiography, with a lot of extra contexts, such as the realities of the daily life. However, due to them, the daily life acquires its volume and duration and provides a space for concentrated but fragmentary texts of poetry and autobiography. The inclusion of the mother into the autobiographical and poetical texts in this case was not easy and natural. It cost great efforts to the writer but was always pushed by some internal wish to be told. The article summarizes a collection of autobiographical texts encompassing a period of twenty years. We are allowed to observe how slowly and with great difficulty the narration grows about the experiences from childhood, what minimal and concentrated expressions are used. The process of the poetry of Degutytė can be seen as a constant self-opening to the tragic and painful experience. Her poetry becomes more and more explicit and open in tact with the telling about the relation to her mother. This correlation is not a coincidental but is a core fact that organizes the dynamic of the creation.
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In the mid-November 1988, Lech Wałęsa, chairman of the banned trade union Solidarność, was unexpectedly invited by Alfred Miodowicz, chairman of the governmentbacked official trade unions, to a public debate on television. Contrary to the fears of the opposition and to Miodowicz’s expectations, Wałęsa emerged as the victor. A few weeks later, the general assembly of the Communist Party officially declared its willingness to enter into round-table negotiations with the opposition. Was it then this television debate, as the Prime Minister at that time, Mieczysław Rakowski, recorded in his memoirs, that brought about a new political situation? It is the aim of this article to analyse the background, significance and consequences of this media event. It shows that Miodowicz aimed to gain Solidarność as allies, and reconstructs the reasons why. It analyses changes in the relationship between the regime and the opposition that was brought about by changes in international politics, the worsening crisis of the economy, the failure of the referendum in 1987, and the wave of strikes in 1988. It puts forward the thesis that the television debate did not in fact create any new political situation, it made those changes apparent, and strengthened both Wałęsa’s position and the position of the reformers within the Party.
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Research into the power structures of the state socialism dictatorship in Czechoslovakia has understandably focused on the highest echelons of the party hierarchy, or the leadership of the repressive apparatus. An important role influencing the practical exercise of power, however, was also played by the lower strata of the Communist Party. The shifts in their functioning can be seen as a good indicator of the transformations of the basic features of the existing social and political establishment. One such shift that could be observed after 1953 was closely linked to the work of regional and district secretaries of the Party.
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The automobile industry in Yugoslavia started in 1954 at the Crvena zastava factory in Kragujevac. A year before that, the workers` council at the former armament factory voted for introducing cars into their production. The licence was purchased from FIAT in 1954, and a small FIAT vehicle (fiat 600) was assembled at the small range. The new automobile factory was built with the start-up investment of 30 million dollars by FIAT in 1962, for the yearly output of 32 000 cars. It was soon rebuilt and expanded its capacity for the output of 82 000. That marked the beginning of the large scale automobile industry in Yugoslavia. Cars, especially the small-engine ones, were in high demand in the 1960s, but due to the small purchasing power of the Yugoslav population, they were mostly sold on credit. The most popular was "zastava 750", in production for the next 30 years. The Crvena zastava car factory started exporting its products in the early 1960s.
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The Ethnologist Association “Lajos Kiss” this year celebrates the seventieth birthday of Anna Szőke, kindergarten teacher and ethnographer. The lifelong activies of Anna Szőke are recognized not only among ethnologists of Vojvodina, but also among the Hungarian ethnological profession. On the occasion of her birthday, these numerous professional works were published in the scientific magazine “Létünk” (Our Existence). A brief review of the printed essays gives a picture of her diverse professional relationships, of the personality of Anna Szőke, as well as her ability to connect to a community both young and older people, ethnologists, representatives of other humanistic sciences, ethnographers, researhers and top experts from Vojvodina, as well as from the Carpathian Basin. Her unusual lifestyle is not only unique and concious, but it represents a life path of a person who is very active and brave and who realizes her dreams
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The article deals with the reception and integration of Hungarian refugees in the Federal Republic of Germany from autumn 1956 until spring 1957. Based on archival materials, the first part describes the reaction of the Adenauer government and the West German authorities to the refugees and the measures taken to integrate about 14 000 Hungarians who wanted to stay and work in Western Germany. The second part analyses the basic reasons for the highly successful integration of the group, referring to their relatively low number, their social structure and professional abilities, the sympathy for the Hungarians in the fiercely anti- communistically minded Federal Republic, the strong determination of the Hungarian refugees to work and integrate into the Western German society as well as the common European cultural background.
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