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Starting with April 1964, when the Central Committee of Romanian Workers Party published a Statement that stressed the equality of all communist parties and critised the conflict within the international communist movement, the Romanian foreign policy became the number one issue in the Romanian-Soviet relations. The freedom portrayed by Romanian leadership by taking a stand in foreign policy events in the international arena disturbed Moscow because the Soviets saw it as danger tot he monolithic unity of the Warsaw Pact.
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Review of: Roman Graczyk, "Demiurg. Biografia Adama Michnika.",, Zona Zero. Warszawa 2021. 679 S. ISBN 978-83-66814-00-4.
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A 14 janvier 1989, au rez-de-chaussée du palais Ghica de la ville Comăneşti on a ouvert une exposition d’éthnographie des objets exposés représentent les aspects principaux de la société traditionelle appartenant à la microzone du Trotıış montagneux...
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Viaţa lui Iulian Antonescu, care ne-a părăsit pentru totdeauna, e un roman, un roman-fluviu.
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Cit şi cum îl vom redescoperi po distinsul om de cultură, de înaltă tiindire şi aleasă simţire IULIAN ANTONESCU, ne vom da seama dacă îi vor fi publicate studiile, discursurile, conferinţele, prelegerile, creaţiile artistice, consideraţii le critice, eseuril e, toate izvorîte din personalitatea sa elevată, avînd plenitudinea omului de ştiinţă, cercetător, istoric, diplomat, filosof, poet, critic de artă şi orator neîntrecut...
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The article is aimed at identifying the role of women in the gender structure of the Soviet merchant marine and reconstructing gender stereotypes about women seafarers within and outside the professional community in the 1960s and 1970s. To reach the goals the authors employ the approaches of microhistory and oral history. The main primary source for the research is the series of 19 interviews with the veterans of the Far Eastern Shipping Company collected from June 24, 2019 to January 20, 2020 as a part of the research project “Marine Vladivostok: Daily Practices and Professional Culture of Merchant Marine Seamen of the Late Soviet Period”. The interviews were supplemented by a wide range of published sources such as statistical data, regulations, press, memoirs, fiction, and films. The authors characterize the range of positions occupied by women on merchant marine vessels most often and the responsibilities associated with them as well as analyze the motives for choosing a seafaring profession. Special attention is paid to identifying scenarios for the formation of stereotypes about Soviet women seafarers placed against the wider background of the gender order of post-war Soviet society and its transformations.
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The article concentrates on Estonian performance art and its reception in the Finnish print media during Perestroika, mainly the years 1988–1990, when the first trips of the artists across the Iron Curtain took place. The period of study is framed by the metaphors of “kiss” and “loss of innocence”. The former designates the first encounters of the Estonian performance artists with the west, marked by a specific event in 1988 when the artist Siim-Tanel Annus (b. 1960), having for the first time sailed on a ferry from Tallinn to Helsinki, kissed the Finnish cost on arrival – an event which was widely covered in the Finnish media at the time. “Loss of innocence” stands for the transition from earnestness to cynicism in performance art at the end of the 1980s as described by the artist Raoul Kurvitz (b. 1961). The transition corresponds with the shift from idealisation of the west to the sobering to the reality of capitalism. Contemporary art reviews offer ample study material of the tension between metaphorically loaded performance art of the era and the turbulent politics of the day. Having been situated simultaneously in the mythical as well as contemporary reality, performance art acted as a living metaphor for the political events.
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Dans cet article I'auteur essaie une analyse d'un important chapitre de notre histoire: l'evolution de I'exil rournain apres le deuxierne guerre mondiale. Ainsi, l'auteur insiste sur I'activite d'une personalite speciale - Grigore Gafencu - un homme de valeur continentale, avec idees qui aujourd'hui sont posees en practique sous la forme de l'Europe Unie.
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Communist Party of Burma (CPB) represents an interesting case studies in the international communist movement. It is interesting by its independence: CPB grew from local, Burmese tradition of nationalism and for many years, if not decades, had little contact with external communist parties (mostly with Communist Party of India and, later, Communist Party of China). Hence, it remained independent from both Moscow and Beijing (later, in 1960s it leant towards the latter). A few times close to getting to power, CPB never achieved that goal, even though it controlled large area of Sino-Burmese borderland in 1970s and 1980s. Until its demise in 1989 it remained the second political force in Burma and Rangoon’s biggest opponent. Initially independent and nationalistic, later it embraced Maoism which contributed to CPB’s failure: first in central Burma in early 1970s and later in the borderlands in 1989.
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The article analyzes a nomenclature policy of the VKP(b) Central Committee during the World War II and the early postwar period. As the key sources the authors study following documents: lists of nomenclature positions, reports about changes in the number of positions, information on the composition and number of executives and another documents created in the Central Committee of the VKP(b). This paper briefly explores the dynamics of the quantity of nomenclature, the internal and external factors that determined the growth and decline of nomenclature positions. The greatest increase in nomenclature positions occurred in 1939–1941, when the nomenclature of the Central Committee included almost all significant positions in the USSR at that time. During the war between the USSR and Nazi Germany, a reverse trend was indicated. It was a sharp decline in the posts of nomenclature. This decline was caused by the occupation of Soviet territories and the reduction in the party's control over state structures. Separately, the article analyzes the personnel reform of 1946–1948, undertaken by the Secretary of the VKP(b) A.A. Kuznetsov. This article offers the reasons for the failure of this reform.
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The main objective of this paper is to analyze the Communist Party and Komsomol policy concerning informal youth associations in Soviet Ukraine. The author paid considerable attention to the factors that caused the emergence of informal associations’ phenomenon. It is shown that if up to the first half of the 1980s state structures preferred repressive methods of influence on informal youth associations, then from the mid-1980s onwards the policy of party-state leadership changed using the principle of cooperation according to a differentiated approach to associations. This led to a decrease in destructive activities of certain associations and overcoming tensions between the informal youth and public structures. However, in general, the authorities failed to establish constructive cooperation with informal youth associations. Informal organizations became politicized, opposition informal associations formed and consolidated in the second half of 1988. Their authority among the youth was growing amid the decay of official youth structures.
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Review of: Tadeusz Ruzikowski - Jarosław Tuliszka, Służba Bezpieczeństwa województwa koszalińskiego 1945–1975. Powstanie, organizacja, kadry, podstawowe kierunki działalności, Toruń, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2015, 671 s.
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Review of: Bartosz Kapuściak - Lech Kowalski, Krótsze ramię Moskwy. Historia kontrwywiadu wojskowego PRL, Warszawa, Fronda, 2017, 989 s.
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Historyczne związki Polski z Kenią na pierwszy rzut oka nie wydają się – oględnie rzecz ujmując – zbyt bliskie. Na uwagę zasługuje jednak, że do tego państwa trafiła grupa weteranów armii gen. Władysława Andersa – albo jeszcze w czasie II wojny światowej (nie wszyscy podążyli szlakiem Monte Cassino), albo tuż po jej zakończeniu. Prócz tego epizodu trudno odkryć inne punkty styczne w historii obu krajów. Czy zatem debata wokół stanu wojennego zorganizowana 13 grudnia 2017 r. przez ambasadę RP w Nairobi, poprzedzająca pokaz filmu Władysława Pasikowskiego Jack Strong, była trafionym pomysłem? Okazuje się, że tak; choć do tego „tak” wypadałoby dopisać niewielkie „ale”.
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The subject of analysis is the Polish-Italian film cooperation in 1971–1980. The article aims at a synthetic presentation of its course in the context of political and historical conditions of interstate cultural relations. The analysis covers the literature on the subject, specialist press, and archival documents to reflect the various forms of film cooperation.
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The text reviews Andrzej Zaćmiński’s latest book devoted to the elections to the Sejm of the Polish People’s Republic of the first term held on 26 October 1952 and the election campaign that preceded them. The review’s author generally has a high opinion of the monograph. However, he puts forward some polemical remarks concerning assessing the credibility of the official voting results, the description of the role played by the communist-controlled National Front and the assessment of the involvement of various persons and entities in the election campaign.
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Wspomniana w tytule konferencja nawiązywała do rocznicy protestów robotniczych z czerwca 1976 r. Jej organizatorem był Oddział Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej w Krakowie, a koordynatorami przedsięwzięcia – dr hab. Cecylia Kuta i dr Michał Wenklar. Obrady odbywały się w Centrum Edukacyjnym IPN „Przystanek Historia” w Krakowie przy ul. Juliana Dunajewskiego 8 i były transmitowane on-line na kanale YouTube – IPNtv. Celem konferencji było zwrócenie uwagi na te inicjatywy opozycyjne z lat 1957–1980, które działały w Małopolsce, a dotąd nie zostały wystarczająco opisane.
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The objective of the present article is to systematize the knowledge about the political conditions that in 1989 were decisive for the restoration of the Senate with quite limited powers. The reasoning consists of an introduction, two main parts listed in chronological order, and a conclusion. The article presents the concepts of reactivation of the second chamber of parliament, which usually appeared in the years of Polish sociopolitical crises, and then goes on to present the political and constitutional effect of negotiations on the Senate at the "Polish round table". The main result of the research carried out is the fact that the 1989 Senate decision, part of the consensus enabling the "Polish round table" agreement to be reached, resulted in fully democratic elections to the Second House, in which the political opposition won 99 out of 100 senatorial seats. The success of "Solidarity" did not have any real impact on the practice of governance, because (apart from the election of the president) the Senate had no major influence on the then existing system of power. However, the unprecedented victory of the opposition in this election undoubtedly gave an impulse to take steps to establish the cabinet of Tadeusz Mazowiecki - the first non-communist prime minister, who initiated the political process of establishing democracy and a free market economy.
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The article aims to provide an account of an academic scientific institute as an independent functioning unit of the Soviet scientific system from the first half of the 1960s until the end of the Soviet era. This was a time of gradual decline of scientific achievements of the USSR after resounding successes in the 1950s. During these years, the growth rate of the number of scientists sharply decreased, and the understanding of their role in the institutions of the USSR Academy of Sciences changed. Using a wide range of archival documents, some used for the first time, the functions of each category of research institute employees, their qualifications, boundaries of authority, and ways to strengthen their position are described as factors that affect the effectiveness of research activities of the institute. Estimates of contemporaries - members of the academic community, given to certain social groups of research institute collectives - are provided. The academic research institute created favorable conditions for free scientific work by organizing a system of positions. Researchers could use the assistance of highly qualified support staff, were spared from mechanical labor and responsibility for technical processes, and had to deal only with science. The formal status of researchers at the Academy during the 1960s - 1980s steadily strengthened until the end of the Soviet era, in which they had the right to influence the election of the director of the institute at the general meeting of the collective, which has also contributed to democratization in the late 1980s. The inability to intervene in individual research processes made it difficult to get rid of vain employees and thus reduced the effectiveness of Soviet scientific institutions.
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