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Le texte retrace quelques moments de l’amitié littéraire entre Romulus Cioflec (1882-1955) et George Topîrceanu (1886-1937), notamment autour de la revue Viața românească de Iași. Il évoque également la correspondance d’Otilia Cazimir (1894-1967) avec Romulus Cioflec après la mort de George Topîrceanu. Les documents littéraires proviennent des archives du Musée National de la Littérature Roumaine, Bucarest (dossier «Romulus Cioflec»).
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The topic of this study is Dimitrie Gusti, a major personality of the Romanian public and academic sphere from the first half of the twentieth century. As far as his agenda, approach and results are concerned, Gusti is on a par with Titu Maiorescu, Constantin Stere, Nicolae Iorga, Eugen Lovinescu etc. The school of sociology he founded in Bucharest, his endeavours towards the monographic research of the Romanian village using teams of students, editing the Encyclo- paedia of Romania etc. reveal a socially involved academic, an inspiring personality and a cultural organizer eager to transform the Romanian commu- nity, a true “mentor of the nation.”
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Using archival sources, the author of this paper analyses the liquidation process of the Lonjsko Polje Railways joint-stock company and the nationalisation of the railways owned by it after the end of World War I from the aspect of institutional history. The mentioned company was founded on 15 June 1896, and was based in Budapest. The railways owned by the company, Dugo Selo–Novska and Banova Jaruga–Pakrac, were opened for traffic on 29 November 1897. They linked the rich Moslavina with Zagreb, and also served to help relieve the congested and longer Zagreb–Sisak–Novska line. In the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the railways of the Lonjsko Polje Railways company were under the jurisdiction of the Management of the Royal Hungarian State Railways in Zagreb. After the end of World War I and the collapse of the Monarchy, the seat of the joint-stock company was transferred from Budapest to Zagreb. After the creation of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, they came under the jurisdiction of the newly established General Railways Directorate of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in Zagreb, and then, after the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was established, under that of the State Railways Directorate in Zagreb. The Lonjsko Polje Railways were sequestered, and the Management Board of the vicinal railways in Zagreb took temporary control of the company in 1920. The sequester was removed, under certain conditions, by the Sequestration Department of the Ministry of Justice on 25 April 1923. After these conditions were met, the company’s assets were returned on 1 October 1923. Following an agreement on 7 February 1931, the state repurchased the railways of the mentioned company, thereby removing the reason for its existence. The Lonjsko Polje Railways joint-stock company entered the liquidation process on 6 June 1932, which ended on 12 April 1933. In 1936, the Lonjsko Polje vicinal railway became state property, but the proprietary relations regarding the Lonjsko Polje Railways were completely resolved only in 1951. From the traffic and commercial standpoint of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia state railways, the Dugo Selo–Novska railway had an exceptional importance because, as in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, it was primarily used to relieve the congested Novska–Sisak–Zagreb railway. Both railways were located on the Zagreb–Belgrade route, which was the most important railway route in the country. A double track was built on a part of the Belgrade–Novska railway, while two single-track, but parallel railways led from Novska to Zagreb (Novska–Dugo Selo–Zagreb and Novska–Sisak–Zagreb). In this way, a double railway covering the entire distance from Belgrade to Zagreb was built. Although the Novska–Dugo Selo–Zagreb railway was shorter than the Novska–Sisak–Zagreb railway, its main disadvantage was that it was built as a local railway and was therefore not intended for higher loads or a large amount of traffic. After the railway was reconstructed, it was categorised as a railway of primary importance.
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The present study examines the complications that the confessional situation of King Ferdinand I (namely the fact that, as a Catholic, he was excommunicated for almost two decades by the Holy See due to the flagrant violation of certain rules of conduct, and the reconciliation granted to him by the pontifical court at the end of the World War I presupposed the observance of strict conditions) generated in relation to the design and conduct of the royal coronation in Alba Iulia, on 15 October 1922. The plans of the various political decision-makers regarding the coronation ceremony, or the intentions of the Orthodox Church (an institution that had aspired to mark the event from a religious point of view) were meticulously negotiated at the top of the Catholic Church, a scenario of the coronation ceremony having thus been staged (mise en scène) in accordance with the requirements formulated by the pontifical diplomacy. This is therefore the aim of the present study, namely to untangle, for the first time in historiography, the complicated threads of an important public spectacle – the coronation of Romanian sovereigns in Alba Iulia – in whose preparation political intrigue, religious passions and diplomatic pressure were consumed.
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Antisemitism was a constant presence in interwar Romania, but took different forms during 1919–1933 and 1934–1939, respectively. The first period was marked by the granting of civil rights under the Constitution of 1923, but also by their questioning through the Mârzescu Law (1924) and various other legal bills, as well as by recurring anti-Jewish unrest provoked by the students, stimulated by the far right organizations and their ideologues. The second period was marked by the return to an anti-Jewish legislation, and, ultimately, by a large scale withdrawal of citizenship. This article provides a chronological overview of the anti-Semitic manifestations of these two periods, and of the political reaction of the Jews, particularly through electoral challenges. For as long as the Jewish population could have representatives in the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, “Jewish politics” translated into an exemplary defense of its rights, in constant relation to the engagements undertaken by Romania at the Paris Peace Conference.
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In his autobiographical, slightly fictionalized writing A Drunken November Night 1918 (Pijana novembarska noć 1918, written in 1942, first published in 1952), Miroslav Krleža seeks to reconstruct a sensational scandal to whose outbreak he had made a significant contribution: In November 1918, in the interregnum from the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy at the end of October to the founding of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the beginning of December, the young author considered himself compelled at a tea party held in Zagreb in honor of the Serbian officers to protest loudly against the speech of the former high Austrian-Hungarian officer Slavko Kvaternik. The public scandal in the immediate post-imperial era retrospectively confirmed Krleža’s conviction of the misery of the contemporary Croatian elite, a state whose reasons, in his opinion, lay not only in political opportunism and moral corruption, but also in an unreflective utopianism and an associated political naiveté. His hope that after the dissolution of the compromised k.u.k. regime the South Slavic peoples could advance to national, political and social emancipation is soon replaced by the sober insight that the large Habsburg Empire has been replaced by a small-scale post-imperial entity, likewise built on pronounced relations of dominance.
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If language is a word that describes a toolkit of communication, then architecture and associated design may be considered their own languages, which communicate the purposes, permissions, and boundaries of the socio-political contexts from which they arose. Such languages of architecture and design will have their own “grammatical” tools and discourse styles, with consequent differences of meaning between them. This paper considers the differences in architectural and design discourse styles expressed by two totalitarian states at the 1937 Paris International Exposition. Such expositions were traditionally places where liberal democratic ideals of free trade and discourse were extolled. The Soviet Union and Nazi Germany confronted such ideals through ideology in that forum. However, while each of them communicated a totalitarian language of purposes, permissions, and boundaries, there were essential differences in the styles of discourse represented by the architecture and design of their respective pavilions. Indeed, they were polar opposites of each other and the liberal ideals they contested.
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The article contains the author’s reflections on some of the moments of World War II and how the leadership of the Great Alliance cooperated while pursuing their political interest.
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The hundred-th anniversary of the founding of the Romanian Communist Party in 1921 is the perfect moment to analyze the history of this political movement and its meaning for the Romanian society during the XXth century. Founded as a section of the IIIrd Communist International, the RCP failed to represent any social change in a country full of inequalities because of its anti-national programm to cancel the territorial results of the Great Union of December 1st, 1918.
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The Gospodarska Sloga Cooperative (Economic Unity Cooperative) was founded in 1935, but it is not known who initiated it. I found a letter from the economist Ivan Kovačić from Međimurje dating from the end of 1921 addressed to Stjepan Radić, in which he encourages the creation of a cooperative institution for the village, whose goals would be identical to the goals of Gospodarska Sloga. It is probable that this letter, preserved in Stjepan Radić’s legacy by Dr. Vladko Maček, came into the hands of Rudolf Bićanić, who designed the structure of Gospodarska Sloga as a public initial engagement, fearing that the organization would suffer the fate of several organizations created during Stjepan Radić’s lifetime and which all perished after his death. Gospodarska Sloga was an organization that competed with the work of the state monopoly organization for the purchase and export of grain and meat abroad, but provided services exclusively to Croatian farmers. In any case, it is interesting to publish a complete letter from Ivan Kovačić, who was educated in Hungary and who did not speak Croatian well and did not know Croatian history, but as a native inhabitant of Međimurje he wanted to encourage Radić to create a central economic organization which would assist the Croatian farmer and increase the quality of life. He also wished to be personally involved in Radić’s party and related affairs. Such an organization was founded under the name of Gospodarska Sloga in 1935, but the idea of its foundation can probably be found in the letter of the economist Ivan Kovačić from 1921, and the realization of the idea in the work of Dr. Rudolf Bićanić dating from 1935.
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The text analyses the content of essays on Naples and its inhabitants from the mid-1920s, written by the influential German Marxist philosopher and economist Alfred Sohn-Rethel, who was very close to the Frankfurt School. The key to reading these texts, published under the title “Napoli: The Philosophy of the Broken” (Napoli: la filosofia del rotto), lies in the idea that, for the Neapolitans, technology begins to work only when it is “broken” and “subordinated” to complete control of its owners; this thesis is connected with Claude Lévi-Strauss’s anthropological theory of bricolage. This text also highlights the concept of porosity, which at that time also had epistemological importance in the context of interpretations of the Italian south. Finally, the content of the author’s essays is compared with policies and results of the introduction of the Taylorist “scientific organization” of labor in the 1920s into the Italian economy and beyond.
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In this article the author presents a few considerations about a public monument dedicated to the heroism of the Romanian Army during the First World War. The infantry monument was made by the sculptor Ion Jalea and by the architect N. Georgescu and it was inaugurated in 1936. Due to it’s disappearance during the Second World War, through this article the author supports the restoration of the monument.
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Vasile Pârvan a été un savant d’une étonnante capacité à organiser la vie intellectuelle, à la fois dans son pays et à l’étranger. Véritable promoteur des collaborations internationales dans son domaine de spécialité, celui-ci a soutenu le développement de ce type de relations dans le domaine plus général, des toutes les disciplines socio-humaines. En qualité de secrétaire général de l’Académie Roumaine, Pârvan a été le président de la Commission Nationale de Coopération Intellectuelle dès la fondation de celle-ci, en novembre 1923 et jusqu’au début du mars 1927, quand il démissionna pour raisons de santé. Les mêmes raisons l’ont déterminé à refuser la participation à la première réunion des représentants des musées européens de Genève, en janvier 1927, et demander à son ami, George Oprescu, de le remplacer. Participant au V-ème Congrès international des sciences historiques en 1923, il aurait désiré être présent au prochain aussi – programmé en 1928, à Oslo – mais „le temps n’a plus eu de la patience”. J’ai découvert une note inédite qui nous dévoile les plans pour ses futures recherches. Choisi en 1926 comme membre du Comité International des Sciences Historiques, à l’entendue de sa mort prématurée, Pârvan est devenu le sujet d’une émotionnante évocation de la part du président de ce Comité, le Norvégien Halvdan Koht (évocation que nous présentons en annexe). Enfin, on mit en discussion deux situations moins ordinaires, provoquées par la personnalité du savant: celle de son admirateur Alexandru Sahia, journaliste et écrivant procommuniste et celle du philosophe de Iassy, Valeriu Gherghel, qui croit à l’existence d’un „cas Pârvan” dans la culture roumaine.
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The authors have provided a copy of the party programme of the lawyer and, as he was referred to at the time, royal notary Zdravko Kovačević in Slatina, a distinguished member of the Democratic Party in the Slavonian-Syrmian area. The text provides reflections on the crucial inner political issue of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the discontent of the Croats with the new conditions, with special emphasis on the ideology of Yugoslav unitarism. They are (due to the poor state of preservation of party political and other archival records) interwoven with Kovačević’s valuable (but mostly disregarded in historiography) personal experience during the first years of his political activities in the new state. The document also provides basic information about Kovačević as well as a brief analysis of the text, his motives and the reactions to it.
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The centenary of the enactment of the March Constitution in Poland prompts questions about the constituent parts of the achievements of Polish constitutionalism of that period. The authors have found the issue of the sources of law worthy of attention, and among the latter, especially those acts that are situated between the classically conceived competences of the authorities, i.e., acts with the force of statute issued by the organs of executive authority. These acts, formally absent from the system of sources of law of the March Constitution until the enactment of the August amendment of 1926, appeared in the practice of the Second Republic at the time of the budgetary crisis in 1924, in the form of acts issued “by the President of the Republic on the basis of resolutions of the Council of Ministers”. These “special kinds of autonomous regulations” [Z. Cybichowski] provoked intensive discussions regarding both the admissibility of such delegation of legislative power, as well as the legal essence and constitutionality of aforementioned regulations. The authors would like to take a closer look at the institution of legal acts with the force of statutes as sources functioning in the era of democratic constitutional solutions establishing a parliamentary-cabinet system [i.e., in the years 1921–1926 and after 1989], without neglecting the historical and comparative context in which the examined institution evolved.
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L’étude met en relief la preoccupation de l’organisation départementale Neamţ du Parti Communiste Roumain dans la période 1921—1944 pour la naintien et l'extensions permanente de ses relations avec les masses populaires des ouvriers dans des conditions particulièrement difficiles.
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L’importance et l'originalité de l'écrivain J. L. Borges dans la littérature mondiale sont unanimes reconnues Le thème de l'espace circulaire qui se représente comme deux projections dans les domains de l’espece et de la causalité est le thème du labyrinthe et celle de la création...
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On completion of the state unit on 1st December 1918, Romanians found themselves in front of a major challenge to strengthen the unified Romania: the legislative unification. The establishment of a unitary legal framework was absolutely necessary for the normal conduct of public life in a sovereign state.
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The activity of Juozas Gabrys and his colleagues at the League of Nations in Geneva from 1927 until 1939 is the main subject of this article. The questions about this group of people are analyzed through several perspectives, such as journalism, business, and politics. The territorial and ethnical problems which were addressed by Lithuania at the League of Nations and the decisions of Lithuanian diplomats and politicians were overviewed in the press publications of Gabrys in various Lithuanian newspapers. In these texts he mostly focuses on two main topics in international interwar Lithuanian politics -the question of Vilnius its regarding mutual relations with Poland and the question of Memel and its region, which was intensely disputed by Lithuanian and German influences. Simultaneously, Gabrys had the intentions to develop business relations between Lithuania and Switzerland. He and his family worked in the fields of real estate and money exchange. Also, he established the Lithuanian Information Bureau in Geneva, which received irregular donations from the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, yet most of the publications were funded by Gabrys himself. The answer to the question of Gabrys’s real influence on Lithuanian foreign policy could be given only partially. As for now, the possibility to measure this influence is limited only to the press and information field, as Gabrys’s work in those fields, although forgotten and underestimated nowadays, was observed and evaluated by his contemporaries. Due to his publications, Lithuanians could form an opinion about the League of Nations and its decisions as well as the situation on the level of European policy.
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